CHAPTER XXI.

RENEWAL OF PIRACY AND THE SLAVE-TRADE AT THE CLOSE OF THE EUROPEAN

WAR--BRITISH SQUADRON--TREATIES WITH THE NATIVES--ORIGIN OF

BARRACOONS--USE OF THE AMERICAN FLAG IN THE SLAVE-TRADE--OFFICIAL

CORRESPONDENCE ON THE SUBJECT--CONDITION OF SLAVES ON BOARD OF THE

SLAVE-VESSELS--CASE OF THE VELOZ PASSAGEIRA--FRENCH SQUADRON.

It was the cessation of the last great European war, which assembled

the matured villany of the world on the African coast to re-establish

the slave-trade. This traffic had been suspended during the latter

years of the contest, as England and the United States had abolished

it, and the former was strong enough at sea to prevent other European

powers from engaging in it. In fact, she had swept almost the whole

European marine from the ocean. The treaties formed at the peace, left

Europe to the strife between anarchy and despotism; and gave up the

coast of Africa to the slave-trade and piracy.

Every evil and every fear which have harassed the world since that

time, seem to be the retributions of an indignant Providence. Let

it not be imagined that these dealings of justice with men are at an

end. What could atone for giving up the coasts of a whole continent

to be ravaged by the slave-ships of France, Spain, and Portugal?

What compensation for this vicious and deadly scourge has Africa yet

received? The cruising, suffering, sickness, deaths and expenses of

nearly half a century have not remedied the crime of signing these

treaties. The ambassador, minister, or whoever he was, that signed

them, bears a load of guilt, such as few mortal men have assumed.

England set about remedying this in a more commendable spirit, as soon

as the years of free and unrestricted crime, which she had really

granted to these nations, were run out. During about twenty years

subsequently, when treaties with these powers had granted mutual right

of search and capture, three hundred vessels were seized, having

slaves on board. But during the latter part of this period, more than

one hundred thousand half-dead negroes were annually landed from

slave-vessels in Cuba and Brazil.

In 1839 the corrective was more stringently applied. Permission had

then, or soon after, been wrung from different slave-trading powers,

to capture vessels outward-bound for Africa, when fitted for the

slave-trade, as well as after they had taken in their cargoes. The

treaties provided that vessels equipped for the traffic might be

captured, so as to prevent the crime. A slaver was thus to be taken,

because she was a slaver; just as it is better to shoot the wolf before

he has killed the sheep than afterwards. If a vessel, therefore, was

found on the African coast with slave-irons, water in sufficient

quantity for a slave-cargo, with a slave-deck laid for packing

slaves--somewhat as the carcases of sheep and pigs in a railway train,

with the exception of the fresh air--she was seized and condemned

before committing the overt act. Under this arrangement, with a

rigorous squadron, double the number of captures were made, during the

next ten years, as compared with the previous twenty.

Seeing, then, that, as before noticed, one thousand and seventy

slave-vessels were captured, and of the slaves who were not dead,

a great proportion were landed at Sierra Leone, and that the whole

population of that colony, although established for nearly sixty years,

does not amount to more than forty-five thousand souls, young and old,

it may be conceived what a fearful waste of life has arisen even from

deliverance.

The efforts of this squadron were conjoined with those of France and

the United States. The former had withdrawn from the treaty stipulating

the right of search, and sent a squadron of her own to prevent French

vessels from engaging in the slave-trade; and the United States, which

never has surrendered, and never will surrender, the inviolability

of her own flag to a foreign power, guaranteed, in 1842, to keep a

squadron on the coast. These, together with other subsidiary means, had

reduced the export of slaves in 1849 to about thirty-seven thousand,

from one hundred and five thousand. And since that period the trade

has lessened, until in Brazil, the greater slave-mart, it has become

almost extinct; although at times it has been earned on briskly with

the island of Cuba.

The subsidiary means alluded to arose out of the presence of the

squadrons, and would have had no effect without them. They consist in

arrangements, on the part of England, with some of the native powers,

to join in checking the evil, and substitute legal trade, and in

the conversion of the old slave-factories and forts into positions

defensive against their former purpose.

These measures have also prepared the way for the establishment of

Christian missions, as well as permitted to legitimate traffic its

full development. Missions and the slave-trade have an inverse ratio

between them as to their progress. When the one dwindles, the other

grows. Although it was no ostensible purpose of the squadron to forward

missions, yet the presence of cruisers has been essential to their

establishment and success.

Trade of all kinds was originally an adjunct to the slave-trade.

Cargoes were to be sold where they could find a purchaser. Gold, ivory,

dye-stuffs and pepper were the articles procured on the coast. All of

these are from exhaustible sources. The great vegetable productions

of the country, constituting heavy cargoes, have but lately come into

the course of commerce. Hunting and roaming about supplied the former

articles of commerce. The heavier articles now in demand require

more industry with the hands, and a settled life. Trade thus becomes

inconsistent with slavery, and hostile to it; and the more so as it

becomes more dependent on the collection of oil, ground-nuts, and

other products of agriculture. Covering the coast now with trading

establishments, excludes the slaver. The efforts of the squadrons were

necessary to carry out this proceeding, for commerce needed to be

protected against the piracies of the slaver afloat and the ravages of

the slaver on shore.

Exposure to capture gave origin to the barracoons. A slaver could

no longer leisurely dispose of her cargo, at different points, in

return for slaves who happened to be there. The crime now required

concealment and rapidity. Wholesale dealers on shore had to collect

victims sufficient for a cargo to be taken on board at a moment’s

notice. This required that the slaver should arrive at the station,

with arrangements previously made with the slave-factor, ready to “take

in;” or that she should bring over a cargo of goods in payment for the

slaves.

In the case of falling in with British cruisers, an American slaver

was inviolate, on presenting her register, or sea-letter, as a proof

of nationality, and could not be searched or detained. But the risk

of falling in with American cruisers, especially if co-operating

with the British, led to the disguise of legal trading; with a cargo

corresponding to the manifest, and all the ship’s papers in form. An

instance of this occurred, as will be seen, in the capture of the

second slaver by the “Perry.”

The American flag, in these ways, became deeply involved in the slave

traffic. How far this acted injuriously to the interests of Africa, is

seen in the complaints of Buchanan and Roberts, and in the reports of

our ministers and consuls, and of those of the English, at Brazil. In

1849, the British consul at Rio, in his public correspondence, says:

“One of the most notorious slave-dealers in this capital, when speaking

of the employment of American vessels in the slave-trade, said, a few

days ago: ‘I am worried by the Americans, who insist upon my hiring

their vessels for slave-trade.’”

Of this there is also abundant and distressing evidence from our own

diplomatic officers. Besides a lengthy correspondence from a preceding

minister near the court of Brazil, the President of the United States

transmitted a report from the Secretary of State, in December, 1850, to

the Senate of the United States, with documents relating to the African

slave-trade. A resolution had previously passed the Senate, calling

upon the Executive for this information.

In these documents it is stated that “the number of American vessels

which, since the 1st of July, 1844, until the 1st of October

last (1849), sailed for the coast of Africa from this city, is

ninety-three.... Of these vessels, all, except five, have been sold and

delivered on the coast of Africa, and have been engaged in bringing

over slaves, and many of them have been captured with slaves on

board.... This pretended sale takes place at the moment when the slaves

are ready to be shipped; the American captain and his crew going on

shore, as the slaves are coming off, while the Portuguese or Italian

_passengers_, who came out from Rio in her, all at once became the

master and crew of the vessel. Those of the American crew who do not

die of coast-fever, get back as they can, many of them being compelled

to come over in slave-vessels, in order to get back at all. There is

evidence in the records of the consulate, of slaves having started

two or three times from the shore, and the master and crew from their

vessel in their boat, carrying with them the flag and ship’s papers;

when, the parties becoming frightened, both retroceded; the slaves were

returned to the shore, and the American master and crew again went

on board the vessel. The stars and stripes were again hoisted over

her, and kept flying until the cause of the alarm (an English cruiser)

departed from the coast, and the embarkation was safely effected.”

On the other hand, we have the following notice from Brazil: “As in

former years, the slave-dealers have derived the greatest assistance

and protection for their criminal purposes, from the use of the

American flag, I am happy to add that these lawless and unprincipled

traders are at present deprived of this valuable protection, by a late

determination of the American naval commander-in-chief on this station,

who has caused three vessels, illegally using the flag of the United

States, and which were destined for African voyages, to be seized on

their leaving this harbor. This proceeding has caused considerable

alarm and embarrassment to the slave-dealers; and, should it be

continued, will be a severe blow to all slave-trading interests.”

Mr. Tod, the American Minister at the court of Brazil, in a letter to

the Secretary of State, says: “As my predecessors had already done,

I have, from time to time, called the attention of our government to

the necessity of enacting a stringent law, having in view the entire

withdrawal of our vessels and citizens from this illegal commerce; and

after so much has been already written upon the subject, it may be

deemed a work of supererogation to discuss it further. The interests

at stake, however, are of so high a character, the integrity of

our flag and the cause of humanity being at once involved in their

consideration, I cannot refrain from bringing the topic afresh to the

notice of my government, in the hope that the President may esteem it

of such importance as to be laid before Congress, and that even at this

late day, legislative action may be secured.”

In this communication, a quotation is made from Mr. Proffit, one of

the preceding ministers, to the Secretary of State, February, 1844,

in which he says: “I regret to say this, but it is a fact not to be

disguised or denied, that the slave-trade is almost entirely carried

on under our flag, in American-built vessels, sold to slave-traders

here, chartered for the coast of Africa, and there sold, or sold

here--delivered on the coast. And, indeed, the scandalous traffic could

not be carried on to any great extent, were it not for the use made

of our flag, and the facilities given for the chartering of American

vessels, to carry to the coast of Africa the outfit for the trade, and

the material for purchasing slaves.”

Mr. Wise, the American Minister, in his dispatch of February 15th,

1845, said to Mr. Calhoun:

“It is not to be denied, and I boldly assert it, that the

administration of the imperial government of Brazil, is forcibly

constrained by its influences, and is deeply inculpated in its guilt.

With that it would, at first sight, seem the United States have nothing

to do; but an intimate and full knowledge of the subject informs

us, that the only mode of carrying on that trade between Africa and

Brazil, at present, involves our laws and our moral responsibilities,

as directly and fully as it does those of this country itself. Our

flag alone gives requisite protection against the right of visit,

search, and seizure; and our citizens, in all the characters of owners,

consignees, of agents, and of masters and crews of our vessels,

are concerned in the business, and partake of the profits of the

African slave-trade, to and from the ports of Brazil, as fully as the

Brazilians themselves, and others in conjunction with whom they carry

it on. In fact, without the aid of our own citizens and our flag, it

could not be carried on with success at all.”

To exhibit the state of the slave-trade prior to the equipment treaty

in 1840, we have the following instances from parliamentary papers, and

other British authority:

“La Jeune Estelle, being chased by a British vessel, inclosed twelve

negroes in casks, and threw them overboard.”

“M. Oiseau, commander of _Le Louis_, a French vessel, in completing

his cargo at Calaba, thrust the slaves into a narrow space _three feet

high_, and closed the hatches. Next morning fifty were found dead.

Oiseau coolly went ashore to purchase others to supply their place.”

The following extract is from a report by Captain Hayes to the

Admiralty, of a representation made to him respecting one of these

vessels in 1832:

“The master having a large cargo of these human beings _chained

together_, with more humanity than his fellows, permitted some of them

to come on deck, _but still chained together_, for the benefit of

the air, when they immediately commenced jumping overboard, hand in

hand, and drowning in couples; and (continued the person relating the

circumstance) without any cause whatever. Now these people were just

brought from a situation between decks, and to which they knew they

must return, where the scalding perspiration was running from one to

the other.... And men dying by their side, with full in their view,

living and dead bodies chained together; and the living, in addition

to all their other torments, laboring under the most famishing thirst

(being in very few instances allowed more than a pint of water a day);

and let it not be forgotten that these unfortunate people had just been

torn from their country, their families, their all! Men dragged from

their wives, women from their husbands and children, girls from their

mothers, and boys from their fathers; and yet in this man’s eye (for

heart and soul he could have none), there was no cause whatever for

jumping overboard and drowning. This, in truth, is a rough picture,

but it is not highly colored. The _men are chained in pairs_, and as a

proof they are intended so to remain to the end of the voyage, _their

fetters are not locked, but riveted by the blacksmith_; and as deaths

are frequently occurring, _living men are often for a length of time

confined to dead bodies_: the living man cannot be released till the

blacksmith has performed the operation of cutting the clinch of the

rivet with his chisel; and I have now an officer on board the Dryad,

who, on examining one of these slave-vessels, found _not only living

men chained to dead bodies, but the latter in a putrid state_.”[4]

In the notorious Spanish slaver, the _Veloz Passageira_, captured with

five hundred and fifty-six slaves, after a severe action, the captain

made the slaves assist to work the guns against their own deliverers.

Five were killed and one desperately wounded.

“This _Veloz Passageira_ had acquired so atrocious a reputation, that

it became an object with our commanders to make a special search for

her. Captain Arabin, of the _North Star_, having information on his

homeward voyage that she would cross his course near the equator,

made preparations to attack her, though the _North Star_ was of much

inferior strength. Dr. Walsh, who was coming home in the British

vessel, relates, that at breakfast, while the conversation was turning

on the chances of meeting with the slaver, a midshipman entered the

cabin, and said, in a hurried manner, that a sail was visible to the

northwest. All rushed on deck, and setting their glasses, distinctly

saw a large ship of three masts, apparently crossing their way. In

about an hour she tacked, as if not liking their appearance, and

stood away before the wind. The English captain gave chase. Escape

seemed impracticable. The breeze freshened, her hull became distinctly

visible, and she was now ascertained to be a slaver. She doubled,

however, in all directions, and seemed to change her course each moment

to avoid her pursuers. Five guns were successively fired, and the

English union-flag hoisted, but without effect; and the wind now dying

away, the _North Star_ began to drop astern. We kept a sharp look-out,

with intense interest, leaning over the netting, and silently handing

the glass to one another, as if a word spoken would impede our way.

Thus closed the night. When morning dawned we saw her, like a speck

on the horizon, standing due north. The breeze increased, and again

the British captain gained on the slaver. Again long shots were sent

after her, but she only crowded more sail to escape. At twelve we were

entirely within gunshot, and one of our long bow guns was again fired

at her. It struck the water along side, and then for the first time she

showed a disposition to stop. While we were preparing a second, she

hove to, and in a short time we were alongside of her, after a most

interesting chase of thirty hours; during which we ran three hundred

miles.”

After all she was not the ship for which Captain Arabin had been

looking out, but she was full of slaves. “Behind her foremast was an

enormous gun, turning on a broad circle of iron, and _enabling her

to act as a pirate if her slaving speculation had failed_. She had

taken in on the coast of Africa five hundred and sixty-two slaves, and

had been out seventeen days, during which she had thrown overboard

fifty-five.

“The slaves were all inclosed under grated hatchways between decks. The

space was so low that they sat between each other’s legs, and stowed

so close together that there was no possibility of their lying down or

at all changing their position, by night or day. As they belonged to,

or were shipped on account of, different individuals, they were all

branded like sheep, with the owners’ marks, of different forms. These

were impressed under their hearts, or on their arms, and as the mate

informed me, with perfect indifference, “burnt with the red-hot iron.”

Over the hatchways stood a ferocious-looking fellow, with a scourge

of many-twisted thongs in his hand, who was the slave-driver of the

ship; and whenever he heard the slightest noise below, he shook it over

them, and seemed eager to exercise it. I was quite pleased to take

this hateful badge out of his hand; and I have kept it ever since as a

horrid memorial of the reality, should I ever be disposed to forget the

scene I witnessed.

“As soon as the poor creatures saw us looking down at them, their

dark and melancholy visages brightened up. They perceived something

of sympathy and kindness in our looks, which they had not been

accustomed to; and feeling instinctively that we were friends, they

immediately began to shout and clap their hands. One or two had picked

up a few Portuguese words, and cried out, Viva! viva! The women were

particularly excited. They all held up their arms, and when we bent

down and shook hands with them, they could not contain their delight:

they endeavored to scramble up on their knees, stretching up to kiss

our hands, and we understood they knew we were coming to liberate them.

Some, however, hung their heads in apparently hopeless dejection;

some were greatly emaciated, and some, particularly children, seemed

dying. But the circumstance which struck us most forcibly was, how it

was possible for such a number of human beings to exist, packed up and

wedged together as tight as they could cram, in low cells, three feet

high, the greater part of which, except that immediately under the

grated hatchways, were shut out from light and air; and this, when the

thermometer, exposed to open sky, was standing in the shade on our deck

at 89°. The space between decks, divided into two compartments, was

three feet three inches high; the size of one was 16 feet by 18, and

of the other 40 by 21; into the first were crammed the women and the

girls, into the second the men and boys. Two hundred and twenty-six

fellow-creatures were thus thrust into one space of 288 square feet,

and three hundred and thirty into another space of 800 square feet,

giving the _whole an average of 23 inches; and to each of the women not

more than 13 inches_. We also found manacles and fetters of different

kinds; but it appeared that they all had been taken off before we

boarded. The heat of these horrid places was so great, and the odor so

offensive, that it was quite impossible to enter them, even had there

been room. They were measured as above when the slaves had left them.

The officers insisted that the poor suffering creatures should be

admitted on deck, to get air and water.... On looking into the places

where they had been crammed, there were found some children next the

sides of the ship, in the places most remote from air and light; they

were lying nearly in a torpid state, after the rest had turned out. The

little creatures seemed indifferent as to life or death; and when they

were carried on deck, many of them could not stand. After enjoying, for

a short time, the unusual luxury of air, some water was brought; it

was then that the extent of their sufferings was exposed in a fearful

manner. They all rushed like maniacs towards it. No entreaties, or

threats, or blows could restrain them; they shrieked, and struggled

and fought with one another, for a drop of this precious liquid, as if

they grew rabid at the sight of it. There is nothing which slaves, in

the mid-passage, suffer from so much as want of water. It is sometimes

usual to take out casks filled with sea-water as ballast, and when

the slaves are received on board, to start the casks and refill them

with fresh. On one occasion, a ship from Bahia neglected to change the

contents of the casks, and on the mid-passage found, to their horror,

that they were filled with nothing but salt-water. _All the slaves on

board perished._”

At the time of this seizure, Brazil was precluded from the slave-trade

north of the equator; but the period had not arrived when, by treaty,

the southern trade was to be extinguished. “The captain of this slaver

was provided with papers, which exhibited an apparent conformity to

the law, and which, false as they may have been, yet could in no way

be absolutely disproved. The accounts of the slaves themselves, who

stated they had _originally_ come from parts of Africa _north_ of the

line--the course which the slaver was steering--her flight from the

English cruiser--were circumstances raising suspicion the most violent;

but the reader will be not a little disappointed to learn, that, with

all this, the case was deemed too doubtful, in point of legal proof,

to bear out a legal detention; and the slaver therefore, after nine

hours of close investigation, was finally set at liberty, and suffered

to proceed.... It was dark when we separated, and the last parting

sounds we heard from the unhallowed ship, were the cries and shrieks of

slaves, suffering under some bodily infliction.”--_Walsh_, vol. ii. pp.

474-484.

The question arises, ought not humanity to have overcome all these

considerations, and led to the deliverance of the victims? If one death

in such circumstances had occurred, ought not a sense of justice to

have led to the detention of the slaver, and the conveyance of the

captain to his own government, to be tried for murder?

The traders of France were nearly in the same position with those

of the United States, and there was the same necessity for guarding

against the abuse of their flag. Before proceeding to the proper

history of the American squadron in its efforts for the great purposes

it had in view, it may be advisable briefly to notice that France, in

1845, had formed with England a treaty under which both parties engaged

to keep a squadron of not less than twenty-six cruisers on the coast.

The number was afterwards, by a separate agreement, reduced on the

part of France to twelve vessels.

The reasons for this, and the few captures made by French vessels,

apply as well to the American cruisers, and account for the nature of

the stipulation in the treaty of Washington, that the United States

should only employ on the African coast a squadron of eighty guns.

These two nations have not, as England has, the right by treaty with

other powers, to interfere with any vessels except their own. Hence the

captures made by English cruisers necessarily outnumbered greatly the

captures made by both the other powers.

The duty of the American and French squadron was in fact restrictive

in respect to their own citizens alone; and while indispensable for

the general success of these operations, they could not exhibit any

thing like the same amount of result in captures, whatever might be

the zeal and activity of the cruisers. Several slavers, however, have

been captured by this squadron; and its presence has restrained the

employment of the French flag in that traffic.

[4] Parliamentary papers, presented 1832, B., pp. 170, 171.

Africa and the American Flag · 第 21 / 34 章