ROBERTS GOVERNOR--DIFFICULTIES WITH ENGLISH TRADERS--POSITION OF
LIBERIA IN RESPECT TO ENGLAND--CASE OF THE “JOHN SEYES”--OFFICIAL
CORRESPONDENCE OF EVERETT AND UPSHUR--TROUBLE ON THE
COAST--REFLECTIONS.
Transactions growing out of the circumstances above mentioned,
became of very grave importance. The rights of different nations to
trade on that coast had been contested in war, and settled in peace,
for centuries. The long Napoleonic wars had thrown possessions and
commerce, all along the coast, into the hands of England; and in
restoring forts and factories to different nations, the intention
seems to have been, to let every thing, with the exception of the
slave-trade, revert to its old fashion. At existing factories, parties
were allowed to conduct their trade in their own way, and to exercise
whatever competing influence they could gain with the native powers to
forward their purposes. Comparatively few of the old establishments
were preserved. Everywhere else the coast had become free to all
traders; it being understood that no one was entitled to use measures
of force to the injury of others.
If a private company of merchants in France, for instance, had taken
possession of a part of the coast, driven off other traders, or seized
and confiscated their goods, because they refused to pay such duties
as the company chose to levy, the matter undoubtedly would have led
to national complaint, and to correspondence between governments. If
France disavowed all concern in these transactions, reparation would
have been sought for by force. Governor Buchanan’s zeal therefore
sometimes outran his discretion, in the outcry he made against the
English Government, for resisting his interferences with their
subjects, when these men were acting on practices of very venerable
antiquity, or making arrangements with the natives identical with those
which he, as the Agent of the American Colonization Society, was making.
Edina, in the Bassa country, for instance, had been the resort of
vessels of all nations. Private factories, for trading in ivory, palm
oil, &c., were there in 1826: such places were assumed to be open
ground, on which the same might occur again, or were common property.
Such had been the case on almost every point occupied by the Liberian
Government: hence the levying of duties and the establishment of
monopolies were resisted by English traders.
England was bound to defend the property of her subjects, or to
compensate them for the loss of it, if this occurred through the
neglect of the government. And it no doubt appeared very strange to
Great Britain, that an association of Americans should claim a right to
profit by duties levied on her vessels, when there was no government
responsible for their acts.
From the feeling to which these transactions had given rise, it
was inferred that something in the shape of reprisals was intended
by the seizure of the “John Seyes,” a colonial schooner. But this
ground was abandoned, by admitting the vessel to trial before the
vice-admiralty court, at Sierra Leone, on suspicion of being engaged in
the slave-trade. Of this there does not appear to have been evidence
justifying even a shadow of suspicion. As the vessel and cargo were,
by these proceedings, really lost to their proprietor, the whole case
offers only the most revolting features of injustice and oppression.
There was then no American squadron on the coast of Africa, to look
after such interests.
This case, and many others, were in reality very hard and perplexing.
The Liberian was virtually of no country. His government, in the eyes
of national law, was no government. This was an evil and threatening
state of things. The colonial authorities could not do right without
hazard. For it was right to extend their jurisdiction, and regulate
trade, and substitute fixed duties for the old irregular systems of
presents or bribes to the chiefs. But they had not political law on
their side. They had the advantage, however, of a good era in the
world’s history.
Mr. Everett, the American Minister to England, on this subject had
said, in his note to Lord Aberdeen, 30th of December, 1843: “The
undersigned greatly fears, that if the right of the settlement to act
as an independent political community, and as such to enforce the laws
necessary to its existence and prosperity, be denied by Her Majesty’s
government; and if the naval force of Great Britain be employed in
protecting individual traders in violation of these laws, the effort
will be to aim a fatal blow at its very existence.”
The British government seemed to consider that a political community
could not act as independent, which neither was in fact, nor professed
to be, independent; and also supposed that it could hardly answer to
its people for acknowledging a right not claimed on a foundation of
fact. But the Lords of the Admiralty gave orders to the Commodore of
the squadron on the coast, for the cruisers off Liberia “to avoid
involving themselves in contentions with the local authorities of
the Liberian settlements upon points of uncertain legality;” and
added, “great caution is recommended to be observed in the degree of
protection granted to British residents, lest, in maintaining the
supposed rights of these residents, the equal or superior rights of
others should be violated.”
Mr. Upshur, Secretary of State, in his correspondence, announced
that the American government regarded Liberia “as occupying a
peculiar position, and as possessing peculiar claims to the friendly
consideration of all Christian powers.” There was found afterwards
little difficulty in treating the matter, when put in this light.
In the mean time, circumstances looked very disheartening, when the
government was committed to the hands of Joseph J. Roberts; for upon
the decision of this question with England depended the stability and
progress of the colonies. If they could not control their own shores,
intercept evil, repulse wrong, and foster good; if they could not
expel the contrabandist, secure the native chiefs from being bribed to
slaving and all kinds of evil, there was an end to their progress.
Looking to the interior concerns, however, there was much that was
promising. Civilization, with its peace, intelligence and high aims,
was rooted in Africa. The living energy of republicanism was there.
Christianity, in various influential forms, was among the people.
Education was advancing, and institutions for public good coming into
operation. Governor Buchanan had, among his last efforts, addressed an
audience in the Lyceum at Monrovia.
Schools were supporting themselves among the colonists, although, when
established for the benefit of the natives, they were maintained by
missionary associations in the United States. Native hereditary enmity
and faction were yielding perceptibly, in all directions, to the gentle
efficacy of Christian example. All this constituted a great result.
The physical, material and political resources, or agencies, were
small. A few men, in a distant land, had taken up the subject
of African colonization amidst the sectional strifes, political
controversies and gigantic enterprises of a mighty nation, and held
fast to it. A few, of pre-eminent generosity, surrendered their slaves,
or wealth, or personal endeavors, to forward it. No one could stand on
Cape Mesurado, and see the intermingled churches and houses; the broad
expanses of interior waters, bordered by residences, and see a people
elevated far, very far, to say the least, above those of their color in
other parts of the world, without the consciousness that a great work
was begun. To meet everywhere the dark-browed men of Africa, solely the
governors of it all, indicated a great fact in the history of the negro
race.
Other movements among men were falling into a correspondence with
these proceedings. A great awakening in regard to Africa was pervading
Europe. The Niger expedition had entered “the valley and shadow of
death,” which extends its fatal circle round the white man as he
penetrates among the wide lagoons, the luxuriant verdure, and sunny
slopes of Africa. The world regarded it as a calamity, when the fatal
consequence of this attempt came to light. Men were willing to continue
the sacrifice of life and treasure, if any prospect of success should
be seen. All entrances, north, south, east and west, were anxiously
scrutinized to see if a safe access could be found leading into the
land of mystery.
The trade with the west coast was becoming the object of keen
competition. England had for years had her full share, and was grasping
for more; France was straining every nerve, by purchase and otherwise,
as of old, to establish herself commercially there; while the United
States were sending their adventurous traders to pick up what the
change in Africa would develop. Something like an earnest cordial
determination was evinced to abolish the slave-trade, and substitute
for it the pursuits of true and beneficial commerce.