GENERAL VIEWS IN THE ESTABLISHMENT OF COLONIES--PENAL COLONIES--VIEWS
OF THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES IN REFERENCE TO AFRICAN
COLONIES--STATE OF SLAVERY AT THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR--NEGROES WHO
JOINED THE ENGLISH--DISPOSAL OF THEM BY GREAT BRITAIN--EARLY
MOVEMENTS WITH RESPECT TO AFRICAN COLONIES--PLAN MATURED BY DR.
FINLEY--FORMATION OF THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY.
The views of men in founding colonies, have varied in different ages
of the world. Although, however, some special inducement may have been
pre-eminent at different times, yet a multiplicity of motives have
generally combined in leading to such undertakings. Hannibal found the
municipal cities, or Roman colonies of Italy, the obstacles to his
conquest of the republic. It was with provident anticipation of such
an effect that they were founded. Lima in Peru, and other places in
Brazil and elsewhere, had their origin in similar aims. Differences
in political views have led to the foundation of many colonies; and,
superadded to these, religious considerations have had their influence
in the settlement of some of the early North American colonies.
In the small republics of Greece, the seditious, or the
criminal--sometimes whole classes of men, whose residence was
unsuitable to the general interests--were cast adrift to go where they
chose, probably making a general jail delivery for the time being.
Modern efforts of the kind are, upon the whole, more systematic. A
colony sent for settlement or for subsistence, is purely so. A military
colony is purely military, or, more generally, is nothing else than a
garrison. A colony of criminals is restricted to the criminals. In this
case a new element characterizes the modern system, for the object is
not merely to remove the criminal, but to reform him. England has done
much in this way. It is a great result, that in Australia there are now
powerful communities, rich with the highest elements of civilization;
constituted to a great extent of those who otherwise, as the children
of criminals, would have been born to wretchedness and depravity, to
cells and stripes and brandings and gibbets, as their inheritance.
But such experiments are not capable of indefinite repetition; space is
wanting for them in the world. Nations are now called by the imperious
force of circumstances, or more properly speaking, by the decree of
Providence, to the nobler task of preventing rather than punishing;
of raising society from the pollution of vice rather than curing or
expelling it. This higher effort, which is natural to the spirit
of Christianity, should have accompanied it everywhere. A nation is
responsible for its inhabitants, and ought to master whatever tends to
crime among them. Those whom it sends abroad should be its citizens,
not its reprobates. It owes to the world, that the average amount of
virtue in it accompany its transferred communities, so that the world
does not suffer by the transference. This must be the case when a
race unsuitably placed is, on account of that unsuitableness only,
transported to a location more suitable.
A case which is exceptional in regard to common instances, will be when
the higher and better motives to colonization take precedence of all
others. Such an instance is that of returning the negro race to their
own land. It is exceptional in this respect, that the transfer of that
race to its more suitable locality is mainly an effort of philanthropic
benevolence. Its motives, however, excel in degree, not in kind. The
same inducements which at all times influenced colonizing measures,
have had their place, with more or less force, in these schemes. In
deriving support for them it has been necessary to appeal to every
motive, and seek assistance by every inducement.
The increase of national prosperity, the promotion of national
commerce, the relief of national difficulties, the preservation of
national quiet, have all been urged on the different orders of men
appealed to. It has been shown how all these circumstances would
influence individual interests, while the higher Christian and
philanthropic aims to be fulfilled by these efforts have not been
overlooked. All this is perfectly right; and if right in us, it is also
right in others. It would have been satisfactory if in the two parties,
America and England, in respect to their measures towards African
establishments, there had been more nobleness in their discussions,
less national jealousies in all parties, less of sneering censure of
national ambition, selfishness or grasping policy, while both parties
were in fact making appeals to the very same principles in human
nature, which foster national ambition, or selfishness, or grasping
policy.
Although African colonization originated with, and has been sustained
wholly by individuals, in the United States, England has regarded it in
the same light with which this country has looked upon her acquisition
of foreign territory.
There is, however, a high superiority in these schemes of African
colonization, although it be but in degree. The best and holiest
principles were put prominently forward, and men of corresponding
character called forth to direct them. They sought sympathy and aid
from the English African Association, and from the Bible and Missionary
Societies of this land. They were truly efforts of Christianity,
throwing its solid intelligence and earnest affections into action for
the conquest of a continent, by returning the Africans to their home,
and making this conquest a work of faith and labor of love.
The slavery imported and grafted on this country by foreign political
supremacy, when the country was helpless, has been subjected to a trial
never undergone by such an institution in any other part of the world.
An enemy held dominion where slavery existed, and while the masters
were called upon to fight for their own political independence, there
was opportunity for the slave to revolt or escape if such had been his
wish. Those who are not acquainted with the ties uniting the slave
to his master’s household, and the interest he feels in his master’s
welfare, would expect that when a hostile army was present to rescue
and to defend them, the whole slave population would rise with eager
fury to avenge their subjection, or with eager hope to escape from it.
But the historical truth is, that very few indeed of the colored men
of the United States, whether slaves or free, joined the English or
Tory party in the Revolutionary War. Thus the character impressed on
the institution frustrated the recorded expectation of those who forced
this evil upon a reluctant people--that the position and the influence
of the negro in society would forever check republican spirit and keep
the country in dependence.
The small number of colored persons who did join the English produced
no slight difficulty. That small number ought perhaps to have been
easily amalgamated somehow or other with the vast amount of the English
population. That this did not happen, and did not seem possible,
is perfectly evident. Either color, or character, or position, or
something else, which it is for the English people to explain,
prevented this. Many of them were found in the lanes and dens of vice
in London, without the prospect of their ever amalgamating with the
Londoners, and therefore only combining incumbrance, nuisance, and
danger by their presence there.
This condition of things, as is well known, excited the attention and
sympathy of Granville Sharpe, and led to the foundation of the colony
of Sierra Leone, as a refuge for them.
Great Britain found herself hampered on a subsequent occasion with the
charge of a few hundreds of the Maroons, or independent free negroes
of Jamaica. It was known that it would not answer to intermingle them
with the slave population of that island. The public good was found
imperiously to require that they should be removed elsewhere. They
afterwards constituted the most trustworthy portion of the population
of Sierra Leone.
Similar difficulties have pressed with a manifold weight on society in
this country. Jefferson, with other distinguished statesmen, endeavored
to remedy them. Marshall, Clay, Randolph, and others shared in his
anxieties. A suitable location was sought after for the settlement of
the free negroes in the lands of the West. The Portuguese government
was afterwards sounded for the acquisition of some place in South
America. But these schemes were comparatively valueless, for they
wanted the main requisite,--that Africa itself should share in the
undertaking.
When Christian benevolence looked abroad upon the face of the world to
examine its condition and its wants, Africa was seen, dark, gloomy,
and vast and hopeless, with Egyptian darkness upon it,--“darkness that
might be felt,”--while Europe guarded and fought for it as a human
cattle-fold, to be plundered with an extent and atrocity of rapine such
as the world elsewhere had never beheld. Africa, therefore, became the
object of deep interest to the Christian philanthropy of this country,
and all things concurred to bring out some great enterprise for its
benefit and that of the African race in America.
In 1773 slavery was not only common in New England, but the slave-trade
was extensively carried on in Rhode Island and other northern states.
Dr. Hopkins became convinced of the injustice of the traffic, and in
conjunction with Dr. Stiles, afterwards President of Yale College,
made an appeal to the public in behalf of some colored men whom he was
preparing for an African mission. These men were nearly qualified for
proceeding to Africa when the Revolutionary War frustrated the scheme,
which, in its character, was rather missionary than colonial.
Paul Cuffy, a colored man born in New Bedford, Massachusetts, who
had risen to the possession of considerable wealth, and commanded a
vessel of his own, induced about forty colored people to embark in his
vessel for Sierra Leone, where they had every facility for a settlement
afforded them.
Dr. Thornton, of Washington, in 1783, suggested the practical course
of establishing a colony in Africa, and obtained in some of the New
England States the consent of a number of colored persons to accompany
him to that coast. This project failed for want of funds. No better
success attended an application of Mr. Jefferson, as secretary of
state, directed to the Sierra Leone company.
The State of Virginia, in legislative session, 1800-1805, and 1816,
discussed the subject of colonization, and contributed greatly to
prepare the public mind for subsequent action on the subject.
The Rev. Dr. Finley, of New Jersey, matured a plan for the purpose, and
proceeded to Washington, where, after consultation with a few friends,
a meeting was called on the 25th of December, 1816. Henry Clay
presided; Andrew Jackson, William H. Crawford, Dr. Finley, and others,
were elected vice-presidents. The American Colonization Society was
formed with the resolution to be free, and Christian, and national.
There was peace in the world. Society was awakening to a remorseful
consideration of the iniquities which had been practised on the African
race in their own land, and of the condition of its population in this.
The gradual emancipation of slaves, as favored by Jefferson and others
in the early days of the republic, was discussed. But the objects
sought in the formation of the Colonization Society, were the removal
and benefit of the free colored population, together with such slaves
as might have freedom extended to them with the view of settlement in
Africa. And thus the work of forming an African nation in Africa, with
republican feelings, impressions and privileges, and with Christian
truth and Christian civilization, was commenced.