EUROPEAN COLONIES--PORTUGUESE--REMAINING INFLUENCE OF THE
PORTUGUESE--SLAVE FACTORIES--ENGLISH COLONIES--TREATIES WITH
THE NATIVE CHIEFS--INFLUENCE OF SIERRA LEONE--DESTRUCTION OF
BARRACOONS--INFLUENCE OF ENGLAND--CHIEFS ON THE COAST--ASHANTEE--KING
OF DAHOMEY.
The Portuguese commercial discoverers having succeeded those of France,
and founded trading establishments on the coast of Africa, were
driven from the sea-shore by the rivalry and power of the Dutch and
the English, about the year 1604. They retired into the interior, and
commingled with the negroes. From their intermarriages arose a race of
mulattoes, who have long exercised considerable influence. As early as
1667, this influence had become detrimental to commerce and discovery.
They closed against others the entrances to the great region of more
elevated lands, and carried on trade, without rivals, from Benin to
Senegambia, over two thousand miles. They had generally little chapels
near their houses, and spared no pains to make proselytes.
How much might these men have done for the good of Africa and the
progress of the world! Following their lines of commerce, and cresting
the high lands, which feed, with rains and rivulets, the Gambia and
the Niger, as well as the streams by which they dwell, they might
have saved two centuries of doubt and hazardous attempts, and much
sacrifice of good and talented men. They might earlier have let in
Christian civilization to repel the Moslem and redeem the negro.
Portuguese influence is gone, and has left the world little reason to
regret its extinction. On the rising and almost impervious forest-lands
which are at the distance of from twenty to fifty miles back from the
coast, these Portuguese mulattoes are still found, watching for their
monopoly, with the same jealous exclusiveness as of old. These forests
thus inhabited, form, at present, a serious obstacle to the extension
of the influence of Liberia. An enterprising people, however, occupying
the great tracts of cleared lands along the coast, which constitute
the actual territories of the republic, will, with the progress of
the settlements, and the increase of their power, soon be enabled,
notwithstanding the short navigable distance of the rivers, to open
communication with the far interior.
The Portuguese founded cities and missions. A more extensive authority
was gained by them over great and populous regions, both on the eastern
and western shores, than has been attained by any other people. The
title of “Lord of Guinea” was fairly claimed for the King of Portugal,
by the establishment of this sovereign’s supremacy over various native
kingdoms. But Portugal wanted the light and strength of a nation--a
righteous and intelligent policy.
The establishments on the east coast now scarcely keep their ground,
ever shrinking before the barbarian and the Arab. St. Paul de Loando,
on the southwest coast, is shrivelled down from its former greatness.
Both regions have rich capabilities; both might have extended a useful
influence, until they met and embraced in the centre, uniting these
vast regions with the great movements of human progress; but they clung
to the slave-trade, and its curse has clung to them.
They misunderstood human nature, and overlooked its high destiny. Of
the Spaniards and Portuguese concerned in slaving, Captain Dunlop, of
the British Navy, long attached to the English squadron on the African
coast, says: “They speak of the African as a brute, who is only fit to
be made a slave of, and say that it is quite chimerical and absurd in
us to attempt to put down the trade, or to defend men who were only
born to be slaves.”
Other nations only founded slave factories. Every thing peculiar to
this influence was bad. Compared with the ounces of gold and tusks
of ivory which drew the cupidity of early navigators, there arose
everywhere a traffic, far more rapid, but it was that of cruelty,
bringing with it vice. Brandy and arms, drunkenness and war, followed
as the remuneration of rapine and slaving. The gross vices of Europe
added to the mischief. Legitimate trade, which might have flourished
for centuries, withered; and the rank which the white man held among
the natives, made him a source of wide corruption. Little good could
come out of the state of society in Europe during the last century, for
little good was in it. This state of things has improved.
The three nations whose interference seems likely to have a conspicuous
effect upon the interests of Africa in the future, are _France_,
_England_, and the _United States_.
France will have all the Mediterranean shore, and the caravan trade
across the deserts. But this will diminish in activity and value, as
the trade of the other shores extends, and as the way across from them
to the interior becomes easier. No great influence can, therefore, be
in this way exercised over the prosperity of the African people.
England holds the south; but the natives around the Cape of Good
Hope are greatly isolated from the interior by deserts and climates
hostile to European life. Democracy has a footing there, inasmuch as
Dutch colonists have retired from under English jurisdiction, and
formed a government for themselves, which has been acknowledged by
England. After suffering, and trial, and privation shall have taught
independence of thought and patriotism, a respectable confederacy of
states may be formed in these regions.
Every effort that is just and suitable, is made to extend English
influence along the shores of negro lands. The expenditure in
endeavoring to extirpate the slave-trade is very great; and great
devotedness and heroism have been seen in attempts to explore the
interior. Both objects are drawing towards completion; but the
permanently beneficial influence of England rests on the establishment
of Sierra Leone and the extended coasting trade, arising from the
semi-monthly line of English steamers which touch there.
England has established twenty-four treaties with native kings,
chiefs, or powers, for the suppression of the slave-trade; seventeen
of these are with chiefs whose territories have fallen under the
influence of the Republic of Liberia and Cape Palmas. The influence
of these governments has now replaced that of England, by sweeping
the slave-trade from their territory of about six hundred miles. The
great proportion of recaptured slaves, chiefly men and boys, who
have been thrown into the population of Sierra Leone, has loaded it
heavily. Of these, altogether not less than sixty thousand have, at
different times, been introduced; yet, with the original colonists--the
Novascotians, Canadians and the Maroons from Jamaica--the whole do not
now extend beyond forty-five thousand; still, Sierra Leone has long
been a focus of good emanations. It embraces a territory small compared
with Liberia. The government is repressive of native energy, on account
of the constant superintendence of white men, and the subordination of
the colony to a distant and negligent government.
One momentous effect of its influence, however, has come permanently
forward, tending to carry rapid improvement widely over the western
regions of Africa. These recaptured slaves, and their descendants, many
of them, are returning to their native lands, elevated in character
by the instruction they have received. Three thousand of them are now
settled among their brethren of the Yoruba tribe, near the mouth of
the Niger, and there, superintended by two or three missionaries, are
sending abroad, by their influence and example, the light of Divine
truth.
Sierra Leone and the naval squadrons have rendered great service to
Liberia. It is perfectly obvious that the colony could not have existed
if left to itself under the old system of pirating and slave-trading.
Those who did not spare European forts, would have had no scruple
at plundering and extinguishing such opponents of their traffic. It
must in justice be admitted, that a fair surrender of what might, in
reality, be considered as conquered territory, has been made by England
to Liberia. The instances of such transactions show a greatly advanced
state of morality in the public dealings of nations, and in this, even,
the African has begun to partake.
Sierra Leone was founded on the 9th of May, 1787, by a party of four
hundred negroes, discharged from the army and navy. They were joined by
twelve hundred from Nova Scotia in 1792.
In 1849, the country around the river Sherboro, intervening between
Sierra Leone and Monrovia, had been carrying on a war for about seven
years, and at length commenced plundering the canoes of the Sierra
Leone people. The acting governor soon brought them to terms. This
vexed the slavers at the Gallinas, who had long been an annoyance to
the Liberian authorities. It was the slavers’ policy to keep up the
excitement and strife, that they might in the mean time drive a brisk
trade unmolested.
The English cruisers at length blockaded the Gallinas. They ascertained
that, notwithstanding the blockade, abundance of goods were received
by the enemy. The mystery was at length solved by discovering that the
slave-traders, through small creeks and lagoons, had received what they
wanted from Sierra Leone. The case was referred to the governor to have
this prevented, and by the governor it was referred to the lawyers.
They shook their wigs solemnly over the complaint, and decided that
nothing within the compass of the law suited the case, and therefore
nobody could interfere.
Captain Dunlop, in command of the cruisers, a good naval diplomatist,
ready in the cause of justice and humanity to make precedents where
none could be found, informed the Sherboro chiefs, that a treaty
existed between them and his government for the suppression of the
slave-trade; and suggested to them the virtue and the profit of seizing
the goods brought from Sierra Leone. The chiefs had the smallest
possible objections which honest men could have, to appropriate the
slavers’ goods to themselves. On the principle of employing a thief in
office for the moral benefit of his companions, this matter was easily
settled. The goods were seized in their transit. It was also stipulated
with these chiefs, that they should stop all trade and intercourse
between their own people and the slave barracoons. Having now no chance
of sending off slaves, and no means of getting any thing from Sierra
Leone or elsewhere, the slavers, established at the Gallinas--regarded
for the present as no man’s land--were obliged to come to terms.
Captain Dunlop landed to receive their surrender. But to spare his own
men in the sickliest season of the year, he applied to a chief for
one hundred and fifty hands; these he obtained, and soon after three
hundred more joined him, and remained for the five or six weeks, while
the affair was being settled. These men behaved as well as disciplined
troops, or rather better, for although among an enemy’s property, there
was no drunkenness or plunder.
An idea of the extent of the slave-establishment may be had from the
fact that sixty foreigners were made prisoners. They hailed from
everywhere, and were sent to Sierra Leone to find passage to Brazil,
Cuba and other places.
The chiefs who had been in partnership with them, found themselves
none the worse for this summary breaking up of the firm. They cleared
off their national debt. In the way of trade they had come under
obligations to this establishment to the extent of seven thousand
slaves, and they found themselves at liberty honestly to “repudiate,”
or rather their obligation was discharged, as slaves were no longer a
lawful tender. The chiefs, however, were required to set at liberty
all slaves collected but not delivered. These amounted to about a
thousand. A preparation was here made for the extension of Liberia, and
afterwards, as will be seen, that government came into possession of
this territory, and thus secured a still greater extent of coast from
the intrusion of the slaver.
English influence is extending by means of factories and agents
all along the coast, from Cape Palmas to the Gaboon (about twelve
hundred miles), for commercial purposes and for the suppression of the
slave-trade. These establishments are supported by the government.
Commissioners proceed from them to enter into negotiations on the
subject of the slave-trade with the powerful chiefs of the interior,
and curious results sometimes occur from the prestige thus gained.
One of the great Ashantee chiefs came over to the English, during
the war in which Sir Charles McCarthy was killed, and retained his
independence on the borders of the two powers. Governor McLean, at Cape
Coast Castle, learnt that this chief had offered human sacrifices as
one of his “customs.” A summons, in a legal form, was dispatched to him
by a native soldier, citing him to appear for trial for this offence.
Agreeably to the summons, he marched to the court in great state,
surrounded by his chiefs and attendants. He was tried, convicted, and
heavily fined. He was then dismissed, with an order to remit the money.
This he immediately did, although there was no force, except moral
supremacy, to constrain him to obey. There has been no slaving at Cape
Coast Castle since the trade was abolished forty years ago.
There are only forty British officers’ and soldiers in all the line of
forts, with one hundred of the West India regiment, and about fifty
native militia-men. The annual expense of the establishments is about
twenty thousand dollars; although, as the government has lately
purchased, for fifty thousand dollars, the Danish forts, the expense
will be materially increased.
The interior is improving. Captain Winniet visited Ashantee in October,
1849. He found on the route large thriving additional villages, as far
as English protection extended. He was received at Kumassi with the
usual display of African music, musketry, and marching. He was led for
a mile and a half through a lane at heads and shoulders, clustered
thick on both sides. There were here and there diverging branches of a
like character, as thick with heads and shoulders; and at the end of
each, a chief sitting in his chair of state. To and by each chief, a
hand was waved as a salutation, until the monarch himself was reached.
He rose, came forward, and, with heavy lumps of gold dangling at his
wrists, exhibited his agility in dancing. When this act of state
ceremony had been properly _done up_, he offered his hand to shake, and
thus completed the etiquette of a reception at court. The houses, with
piazzas projecting to shelter them from the sun--public-rooms in front,
and dwelling-rooms behind, nicely plastered and colored--were greatly
admired.
The pleading about the slave-trade was the main business and the main
difficulty; but the nature of such negotiations appears, in its most
impressive aspect, in the case of Dahomey.
This chief professes great devotedness to England. In consequence of
some difficulty, he gave notice to European foreigners, “that he was
not much accustomed to cut off white heads, but if any interfered with
an agent of the English government, he would cut off their heads as
readily as those of his black people.” By murderous incursions against
his neighbors, he seized about nine thousand victims annually. He sold
about three thousand of these directly on his own account, gave the
rest chiefly away to his troops, who sold them: a duty of five dollars
being paid on each slave exported, afforded him altogether a revenue of
about three hundred thousand dollars.
This was a serious matter to argue against. He stated the case
strongly: “The form of my government cannot be suddenly changed without
causing such a revolution as would deprive me of my throne, and
precipitate the kingdom into anarchy.... I am very desirous to acquire
the friendship of England. I and my army are ready, at all times, to
fight the queen’s enemies, and do any thing the English government may
ask of me, except to give up the slave-trade. No other trade is known
to my people. Palm-oil, it is true, is engaging the attention of some
of them, but it is a slow method of making money, and brings only a
very small amount of duties into my coffers. The planting of cotton
and coffee has been suggested, but that is slower still. The trees
have to grow, and I shall probably be in my grave before I reap any
benefit from them; and what am I to do in the mean time? Who will pay
my troops in the mean time? Who will buy arms and clothes for them? Who
will buy dresses for my wives? Who will give me supplies of cowries,
rum, gunpowder and cloth, for my annual ‘customs?’ I hold my power by
the observance of the time-honored customs of my forefathers. I should
forfeit it, and entail on myself a life full of shame, and a death full
of misery, by neglecting them. The slave-trade has been the ruling
principle of my people. It is the source of their glory and wealth.
Their songs celebrate their victories, and the mother lulls the child
to sleep with notes of triumph over an enemy reduced to slavery. Can I,
by signing such a treaty, change the sentiments of a whole people? It
cannot be!”
The case was a puzzling one for this intelligent, open-hearted, and
ambitious barbarian. He had trained an army of savage heroes, and as
savage heroines, thirsting for distinction and for plunder. This army
cowers at his feet as long as he satiates its appetite for excitement,
rapine and blood. But woe to him if it turn in disappointed fury upon
him! Such is military despotism; perilous to restrain, and perilous to
let loose. Blessed is that people which is clear of it!
There is this strange incident in the affair, that the English power,
which sent an ambassador to plead the case with him in this peaceful
mode, was at the same time covering the sea with cruisers, and lining
the shore with factories, and combining every native influence to
extinguish the sole source from which flowed the security and splendor
of his rule. He knew this, and could offer no moral objection to it,
although complaining of the extent to which it reduced his authority,
and crippled his resources.
The urgency to which the King of Dahomey was subjected, ended, in
1852, in his yielding. England had proposed to pay him some annual sum
for a time, as a partial compensation for the loss of his revenue:
it may therefore be presumed that he is a stipendiary of the British
government; and as the practices given up by him can scarcely, in
any circumstances, be suddenly revived, his interest will retain
him faithful to the engagement. It is a strange, bold, and perilous
undertaking, that he should direct his disciplined army, his hero and
his heroine battalions, to the arts of peace! But to these he and they
must henceforward look as the source of their wealth, security, and
greatness.
Queen Victoria, it is said, has lately sent the King of Dahomey two
thousand ornamental caps for the Amazon soldiers.