The Daily Telegraph
WAR BOOKS
THE RUSSIAN ADVANCE
The Daily Telegraph
WAR BOOKS
Cloth 1/- net each
Post free 1/3 each
HOW THE WAR BEGAN
By W. L. COURTNEY, LL.D., and J. M. KENNEDY
THE FLEETS AT WAR
By ARCHIBALD HURD
THE CAMPAIGN OF SEDAN
By GEORGE HOOPER
THE CAMPAIGN ROUND LIEGE
By J. M. KENNEDY
IN THE FIRING LINE
Battle Stories told by British Soldiers at the Front.
By A. ST. JOHN ADCOCK
GREAT BATTLES OF THE WORLD
By STEPHEN CRANE
Author of “The Red Badge of Courage.”
BRITISH REGIMENTS AT THE FRONT
The glorious story of their Battle Honours.
THE RED CROSS IN WAR
By M. F. BILLINGTON
FORTY YEARS AFTER
The Story of the Franco-German War. By H. C. BAILEY.
With an Introduction by W. L. COURTNEY, LL.D.
A SCRAP OF PAPER
The Inner History of German Diplomacy.
By E. J. DILLON
HOW THE NATIONS WAGED WAR
A companion volume to “How the War Began,” telling how the world faced
Armageddon and how the British Army answered the call to arms.
By J. M. KENNEDY
AIR-CRAFT IN WAR
By ERIC STUART BRUCE
HACKING THROUGH BELGIUM
By EDMUND DANE
FAMOUS FIGHTS OF INDIAN NATIVE
REGIMENTS
By REGINALD HODDER
THE RETREAT TO PARIS
By ROGER INGPEN
THE RUSSIAN ADVANCE
By MARR MURRAY
THE SUBMARINE IN WAR
By C. W. DOMVILLE-FIFE
MOTOR TRANSPORTS IN WAR
By HORACE WYATT
THE SLAV NATIONS
THE RUSSIAN ADVANCE
BY
MARR MURRAY
HODDER AND STOUGHTON
LONDON NEW YORK TORONTO
MCMXIV
CONTENTS.
INTRODUCTION 7
I. THE NATION AND THE WAR 19
II. MOBILISATION 37
III. THE POLISH PROCLAMATION 72
IV. THE PRELIMINARY PHASE 82
V. THE ADVANCE INTO EASTERN PRUSSIA 103
VI. THE ADVANCE INTO GALICIA 137
VII. THE SIGNIFICANCE OF LEMBERG 174
VIII. CONCLUSION 186
[Illustration:
COPYRIGHT. SPECIALLY PREPARED FOR The Daily Telegraph BY "GEOGRAPHIA"
LTD 55 FLEET STREET LONDON EC
ALEXANDER GROSS F R G S
]
INTRODUCTION
War between Russia and Austria has been inevitable since the latter
first cast her eyes eastwards and decided that Salonika was to be the
object of her expansion. To reach a port on the east the Teuton must
crush the Slav. Fundamentally, it is a battle of races. Hitherto the
Teuton has managed to avoid actual conflict; by means of carefully
designed coups at opportune moments, or, to put it more bluntly, by
the methods of a common thief, he has made very good progress during
the last few years without risking his own skin. But on the present
occasion circumstances were not so favourable as they appeared to be;
and instead of catching Slavdom at a disadvantage, he caught it ready
to fight for its existence--a serious miscalculation which bids fair to
have the most far-reaching results.
With the exception of the Greeks, Turks and the sparse Teutonic
population, the inhabitants of the whole of eastern and south-eastern
Europe are of Slavonic origin. They number roughly 125 millions, and
they possess the best of all rights to their territories--that of
settlement at the time when the Aryan peoples migrated from Asia to
Europe. The Russians, Rumanians, Bulgars, Montenegrins and portions
of the Serbs, Croats and Poles are either self-governing or under the
rule of other Slavonic peoples. The remaining Slavs are under Teuton
domination. In East Prussia the Kaiser rules Poles, Kassubes and Serbs,
while Austria has several millions of Polish, Czech, Ruthenian,
Serbian, Croatian, Slovenik and Slovak subjects.
The Slav is the world’s most fervent nationalist. An intense and
unconquerable vitality is the outstanding characteristic of every
Slavonic people. Like the Jews they maintain their national traits
distinct and unchanged in spite of centuries of foreign domination.
Their conquerors have never been able to absorb them. Unlike the Jews,
however, this vitality is not passive but active. They have never
been subdued. When not actively hostile they are sullenly awaiting
the opportunity to throw off the yoke. For nearly five hundred years
Serbia was a Turkish province, held in the most ruthless subjection.
But during all that time Serbia never forgot that once she had been
an empire, nor faltered in her determination to be an empire again.
In 1817 the chance came and Serbia rose like a nation defending its
liberties rather than a rebellious people with a dozen generations of
bondsmen for forebears. The modern experiments of Germany and Austria
have not proved any more successful than the mediæval methods of the
Turks. Neither country has had a moment’s peace from its Slavonic
subjects. They have never dared play any part but the bully’s.
The growth of the organised Pan-Slavist movement has added enormously
to their difficulties, and Austria in particular has had many anxious
moments in the eastern portions of her Mosaic empire. The movement is
the definite expression of Slav aspirations. It aims at unity, if not
actual union, amongst all the Slav peoples. Russia is the natural head
of the movement, and the ultimate aim is a collection of free Slavonic
nations under the suzerainty or protection of the Tzar. In the
meantime the immediate object is to free the Slavs who are under the
rule of foreign races.
Reference has already been made to Serbia’s aspirations to be once more
the empire she was in the days before the Turks overran south-eastern
Europe. When in 1817 she at length threw off the Turkish yoke her
object was but half fulfilled. A further portion was won back as a
result of the recent Balkan War. But there still remain some millions
of Serbs under Hapsburg rule. In 1908 Austria, taking advantage of
Russian weakness, seized the provinces of Bosnia and Herzegovina, both
of which are peopled by Serbs. For a time war seemed inevitable. But
the Powers stepped in and Serbia, unable to rely on strong Russian
help, was forced to acquiesce. She had formally to renounce all claims
to be a more natural ruler for Serbs than mongrel Austria, to moderate
the activities of the Pan-Slavist societies all of which were more
or less bitterly opposed to Austria, and to profess to be perfectly
satisfied with the arrangement and full of neighbourly love.
It was not to be expected that such an agreement, forced on a small
nation by the Great Powers, would prove anything but a farce. Serbia
very naturally resented the indignities which she had suffered. The
nationalist societies, instead of being suppressed, became more bitter
and bolder in their activities. The chief of them, the Narodna Obrava,
has an immense membership, drawn from all classes. It is to be found in
every town and village. The press, the army and the government service
are its most enthusiastic adherents.
One evening, early in June, five members of the Narodna Obrava met in a
house near the royal palace at Belgrade and hatched the plot which was
destined to prove the spark that kindled the European conflagration.
All the world knows how well their plans were conceived, how faithfully
carried into execution. On June 28th the Archduke Francis Ferdinand,
the heir to the Austrian throne was, with his wife, murdered in the
streets of Serajevo, the chief town in Bosnia.
There is no need here to dwell on subsequent events. After a delay of
some three weeks, Austria was bullied by Germany into presenting her
famous Note to Serbia. Every line of that Note was a studied insult
designed to make Russian intervention and war inevitable. Serbia was
exhausted in every way after her two wars with Turkey and Bulgaria,
Russia was in the midst of a scheme of military reorganisation which
still required a couple of years for completion. War was the last
desire of either country. Acting on Russia’s advice, Serbia made an
almost abject reply to Austria. But Germany was not to be denied. She
was determined to unsheath the sword. Every proposal for peace was
dismissed for the most trivial reasons, every precautionary measure was
exaggerated into a hostile act. At last, on Friday, August 1st, when
the German military preparations were practically complete, Baron von
Pourtales, the German Ambassador, called on M. Sazonov, the Foreign
Minister and formally demanded that the Russian partial mobilisation
should cease within twelve hours. At seven o’clock the following day
war was declared and Russia took up her task of defending Slavdom
from the Teuton menace, and incidentally saved western Europe from
its direst peril since the days when Napoleon thought to crush its
liberties.
The eastern campaign has been more or less overshadowed by the western,
especially during the early days of the war. It was natural that it
should be so. The western campaign was the more sensational. The Kaiser
hurled his finest forces westwards; every day brought its vital news;
doubts, joys, fears crowded one on the other; there were no tedious
preliminaries, no hesitation, but smashing stroke and counterstroke.
The storm in the east was comparatively slow in gathering and it lacked
the spectacular element.
The result was that Russia was both neglected and misunderstood. In
spite of the public welcome accorded to journalists by the Grand Duke
Nicholas, the official lust for secrecy is as fierce in the east
as in the west. Only the sparsest details have been allowed to be
published. Defeats have been ignored or dismissed as “local checks.”
Every victory has been acclaimed a triumph and every step forward has
been supposed to echo menacingly in the streets of Berlin and in the
Kaiser’s headquarters.
It has been practically impossible to obtain a clear view of the
eastern campaign, and consequently it is not to be wondered at that
there has sprung up a general disposition to regard Russia as something
of a disappointment. Ignorance of the conditions under which she is
fighting caused impossible triumphs to be expected of her.
The best corrective for this distorted vision is to study the eastern
war from the Russian point of view. It is that point of view that I
have endeavoured to set forth in these pages. No claim is made to any
secret knowledge; in view of the extraordinary strict censorship in
Russia, such a claim would be absurd. But it is possible to record and
explain the events as they are known and understood by representative
opinion in Russia. Moreover, sufficient of the earlier stages of the
campaign have emerged from the fog of war to enable the period within
these pages to be analysed in the light of subsequent events. In the
circumstances, it can be confidently claimed that the views generally
held by men of moderate opinion in Russia provide a reliable if
somewhat sketchy history of the campaign. Some details may be meagre,
others faulty; that is only to be expected when for descriptions of the
actual fighting it is necessary to rely to a very large extent upon the
stories of the wounded. But the general outlines and deductions are
undoubtedly correct, and the study of them will enable the man in the
west to understand and appreciate the many difficulties connected with
the war in the east.
CHAPTER I
THE NATION AND THE WAR
The war that the nation fights is already half won. Tzars, Kaisers,
Kings and Governments may spend millions on perfecting their fighting
machines, they may hurl those machines at one another, but unless they
have behind them the united will of their subjects, their efforts
are bereft of more than half their force. The victorious army is the
one which enjoys the whole-hearted support of a people prepared to
face any sacrifice for the sake of its cause. The moral factor is as
important as the material or the ethical. History is full of instances
of wars being won against heavy odds by the sheer enthusiasm of a
people determined to win at all costs. For a modern example it is only
necessary to glance at the Austro-Serbian campaign.
The Kaiser knew very well how essential it is for a nation to present a
united front to the foe. Ever of a religious disposition, he realised
how true was the text that a house divided against itself falls to
the ground. And so he chose his moment carefully. Britain was on the
verge of civil war over the Irish crisis; France was torn asunder
with political passions; both would obviously prove easy victims. And
Russia? Unfortunately for the Imperial plans Russia was in a contented
state. But the defect could soon be remedied! Russia has a reputation
for strikes and revolutions, two of the most valuable allies an
invading army can have. And so it happened that July saw the renewal of
labour troubles in Petrograd, Moscow and other large towns.
The first sign that trouble was brewing came from the famous Putilov
works, the Russian armament factory. For some time past Germany has
been evincing a very keen interest in the factory, and not so long
ago an insolent attempt was made to get the control of the works into
the hands of German Jew financiers. Of course the attempt failed and
Germany had to content herself with filling the place with her spies.
There is little doubt that the German Secret Service was primarily
responsible for the strikes of 1914. For no particular reason
beyond vague references to the “rights of labour” and “the glorious
revolution,” some thousands of Putilov workmen went on strike. Thanks
to a vigorous campaign throughout the country by real and imitation
labour agitators, their example was extensively followed. Workers in
mills, factories and railways answered the call. Hundreds of thousands
were on strike although there was still no formulated demands on the
part of their leaders. The strikers were fed on the stock phrases and
generalities of the demagogue’s programme. Soon rioting took place. The
military had to be called out, and on several occasions at Petrograd
the Cossacks came into serious conflict with the strikers.
Then suddenly the war clouds gathered. Russia appeared to have been
caught at the most inopportune moment possible. The war danger arose
at the very time when the strike movement seemed to be at its height.
There is no doubt that Russia’s advice to Serbia in regard to the
latter’s reply to Austria’s Note was to a large extent dictated by the
unfortunate internal condition of the country.
But the nation rose to the occasion in a manner which even Russia’s
warmest friend would hardly have dared to predict. The national danger
forged a united people. The rioting and other disturbances ceased.
The military remained in their barracks; there was no work for them
in the streets. Then, as the international situation grew graver the
strikers realised how insignificant, yet how dangerous, were their own
squabbles, and they began to troop back to work of their own accord.
Throughout that period of agonising suspense the Russian statesmen
received no more inspiring news than this. It was the only ray of light
that pierced the gathering gloom.
The people, realising that war was inevitable days before the
Governments gave up hope of peace, acclaimed it with enthusiasm.
Next to the Jews, the Germans, or _Nemetz_, as they are called, are
the most hated foreigners in Russia. They are found in nearly every
town and village, and their national habit of growing prosperous at
the expense of their hosts has earned for them an honest hatred. The
average Russian was only too pleased at the prospect of getting a
chance of paying off a few old scores. In addition to personal dislike,
the racial aspect of the war was also a very strong consideration with
the Russian democracy. Pan-Slavism is a very real doctrine amongst the
_mujhiks_, who have an unlimited faith in the heaven-sent destinies of
their race. There is hardly a soldier in all Russia’s immense army that
does not regard the freeing of all sorts and conditions of Slavs as his
most sacred duty.
And there was the religious question to add to the nation’s enthusiasm.
Russia is the most religious nation in Europe. Every home, no matter
how humble, has its ikon. The festivals of the Church are real holy
days, and not mere secular holidays. The Church itself is indeed the
mother of the people. The simple, unquestioning faith of the _mujhiks_
is without a parallel in Europe, except perhaps in the remote districts
of Ireland. Religion is a reality with them; it enters into every
action of their daily life. In the towns, of course, much of this faith
has been lost, and there is a parade of unbelief which is apt to lead
the casual observer to wrong conclusions. The real Russia is not to be
found in the towns, but in the villages and hamlets and amongst the
peasants. With them the war is a religious war. It is a battle between
the Orthodox Church, which is the peculiar property of the Slavs, and
the Western, which seeks to impose its tenets on the “true believers.”
It is from these simple peasants with their racial hatreds and
rock-like faith that Russia draws nine-tenths of her soldiers. As
fighting men they can be compared only with Cromwell’s Ironsides.
In the rural districts the popular enthusiasm for the war found an
outlet in religion; in the towns it sought a more secular form of
expression. Petrograd was the scene of unprecedented outbursts of
popular jubilation. Crowds paraded the streets singing the National
Anthem and cheering portraits of the Tzar. The French and particularly
the British Embassies were besieged by cheering throngs. Every public
appearance of the Tzar was the sign for vociferous outbursts of
loyalty such as are rarely witnessed in Russia. Even the Empress,
whose shattered nerves have kept her virtually a prisoner for years,
had to come forward and bow her acknowledgments to the crowds. And,
to crown all, the police, gendarmes and military were noticeably
absent from the streets. The crowds were orderly, in spite of their
patriotic fervour. Petrograd was as free and unrestrained as London.
It was difficult to realise that only a few days before the spectre of
revolution had stalked through the city.
One incident alone marred the demonstrations. On August 4th, news
reached Petrograd of the scandalous treatment undergone by the Russian
diplomatic staff at the hands of the Berlin mob. Enraged beyond control
a huge crowd descended on the Nevski Prospect and after demolishing
a German café and several German-owned shops, made a resolute attack
on the Embassy. The police were overpowered, the gates forced and the
work of destruction began. The flagstaff was torn down, the Prussian
Eagle and several pieces of statuary were unceremoniously thrown into
the Moika Canal; furniture, pictures, linen, books, everything that
was inflammable was heaped on the ground and soon a huge bonfire was
raging. Amidst a roar of cheering a large portrait of the Kaiser
was hurled into the flames. The orgy continued until the police and
military appeared in force. But the most significant feature of the
affair was the discovery in the cellars of large stores of firearms and
revolutionary propaganda--concrete evidence that the suspicions that
Germany was fostering internal troubles in Russia to serve her own ends
were only too well founded.
The most impressive of all the many scenes emphasising the facts that
not only the Russian nation but all Slavdom is united against the
Teuton menace, and that a new Russia is being built up as a result of
the common cause and danger, occurred on Saturday, August 8th, when
the Tzar received the two Houses of the Duma at the Winter Palace.
Early in the proceedings, striking evidence was given of the new order
of things. Party quarrels, personal jealousies and political enmities
were forgotten. The leader of every party came forward and announced
that he and his followers would support the Government by every means
in their power. Even M. Purishkivich, the implacable leader of the
Anti-Semite movement, abandoned his principles and praised his Jewish
fellow-subjects.
The Tzar’s speech was simple and direct, but it was significant because
of the stress it laid upon the racial and religious aspects of the war:
“In these great days of alarms and anxiety through which Russia is
passing, I greet you. Germany, following Austria, has declared war
on Russia. The enormous enthusiasm and the patriotic sentiments of
love and faith to the Throne, an enthusiasm which has swept like a
hurricane through our country, is a guarantee for me, as for you,
I hope, that great Russia will bring to a happy conclusion the war
which the Almighty has sent.
“It is also in this unanimous enthusiasm of love and eagerness
to make every sacrifice, even life, that I am able to regard the
future with calm and firmness. It is not only the dignity and
honour of our country that we are defending, but we are fighting
for our brother Slavs, co-religionists, and blood brethren. In this
moment I see also with joy that the union of the Slavs with Russia
progresses strongly and indissolubly.
“I am persuaded that all and each of you will be in your place to
assist me to support the test, and that all, beginning with myself,
will do their duty. Great is the God of the Russian Fatherland.”
The effect of that ancient Russian saying was electrical. The whole
assembly burst into a storm of cheering; this was followed by “God save
the Tzar,” sung with a fervour which obviously affected his Majesty.
Finally that most beautiful of all Russian anthems, “Lord, save the
People,” was sung. Tears streamed down the cheeks of the deputies, as,
with voices choking with emotion and faith, they sang the simple words
of the anthem.
Such a scene of patriotic fervour and national determination had not
been witnessed in Russia since the Napoleonic war of 1812.
The practical enthusiasm of the nation was no less marked than the
sentimental. The wealthy classes contributed liberally to the various
relief funds, and made many sacrifices to help the country in its time
of danger. In spite of the inconvenience and dislocation of trade
caused by the military preparations, complaints were never heard. The
whole nation seemed to have combined in a common determination to see
the war through to a successful conclusion.
The gathering of the harvest provided an instance of this practical
enthusiasm. Russia being the world’s largest producer of wheat, barley,
rye, and oats the matter was a very urgent one. Moreover, Russia is
self-supporting, and the failure of the crops would mean the ruin and
starvation of thousands during the winter months. Most of the men had
been called to the colours, and there was a serious danger of large
portions of the crops, especially in the more remote districts, being
allowed to rot for lack of labour. The problem was attacked with a
practical spirit unusual in the Russian with his Asiatic fatalism.
The _zemstvos_, the military, and the local authorities co-operated
in dealing with this problem. Women, boys, and old men were set to
work. Tramps and prisoners were forcibly transformed into temporary
harvesters. By means of a central bureau in each district it was
possible to keep in touch with every farm, no matter how remote, and
to ensure that no crops suffered through lack of labour. As a result
of these measures the whole harvest was successfully gathered, and
the nation was able to face the coming winter with the satisfactory
knowledge that, in any event, its food supply was assured.
Perhaps the most remarkable effects of the war on the nation was the
complete change which came over its attitude towards the Jews. Partly
by reason of ancient religious intolerance and partly because of the
fact that the Jews, thanks to the thriftless and unbusinesslike methods
of the Russians, have managed to accumulate much of the national
wealth, the _Judiev_ hitherto have been regarded with fierce animosity
and subjected to pitiless persecution. The story of the pogroms is one
of the most hideous chapters in the history of any people. It was fully
expected in many quarters that the national enthusiasm engendered by
the war should find an outlet in a repetition of these horrors. Vienna
indeed was so confident that it officially informed the world that
Vilna was the scene of a terrible outbreak of anti-semitism. The report
was a lie. The Jews were no longer the best hated race in Russia; that
distinction had been wrested from them by the “_Nemetz_.” Everywhere a
new tolerance and a new respect for the Jews was apparent, especially
when news came of their heroic deeds at the front. Their enthusiasm
for the war and devotion to the Tzar rivalled that of the Russians
themselves. A quarter of a million of men--the largest Jewish army ever
assembled since the fall of Jerusalem--were with the Tzar’s forces.
Throughout the country the Jews set a splendid example in contributing
to the relief funds and in removing distress caused by the war. Hence
the Jew has become almost popular. Even when, as a mark of Imperial
appreciation of their loyalty, ukases were issued relieving them of
many of the disadvantages under which they suffered, and practically
admitting them to the full citizenship of the Russian Empire, hardly a
protesting voice was heard.
Indeed, in many respects, the war has been for Russia a blessing in
disguise. It has completed the work of the past few years. On all sides
reforms have been effected and a new Russia has emerged. The old ideals
and the old standards have passed. But the change has been unconscious,
and the Russians, with their chronic fatalism, have not realised they
have been taking part in events which have practically transformed
the old autocratic regime into one which is almost democratic. Some
external shock was needed to rouse the nation to a sense of its new
glories. The war provided that shock, and Russia and the world have
realised that a new era has dawned in the dominions of the Tzar.