CHAPTER LXXI.

1768-1771.

Botetourt, Governor--Resolutions against the encroachments of

Parliament--Assembly dissolved--Non-importation Agreement--The

Moderates--Assembly called--Botetourt's Address--Association--

Death of Botetourt--His Character--William Nelson, President--

Great Fresh--American Episcopate--Assembly opposes it--

Controversy--Methodists.

IN November, 1768, Norborne Berkeley, Baron de Botetourt, arrived in

Virginia as governor-in-chief. The season was delightful, with its

tinted foliage, serene sky, and bracing air. Botetourt, just relieved

from the confinement of a sea-voyage, was charmed with his new place of

abode; the palace appeared commodious; the grounds well planted and

watered. While his new residence was fitting up for him he daily enjoyed

the hospitalities of the people. He found that while they would never

willingly submit to be taxed by the mother country, yet they were

ardently desirous of giving assistance, as formerly, upon requisition.

In the mean time the duties complained of were collected without any

resistance whatever. Botetourt, solicitous to gratify the Virginians,

pledged "his life and fortune" to extend the boundary of the State on

the west to the Tennessee River, on the parallel of thirty-six and a

half degrees. This boundary, Andrew Lewis and Thomas Walker wrote, would

give some room to extend the settlements for ten or twelve years.[556:A]

On the 11th day of May, 1769, when the assembly was convened, the

governor rode from the palace to the capitol in a state-coach drawn by

six milk-white horses, a present from George the Third, and the insignia

of royalty were displayed with unusual pomp. The pageant, supposed to be

intended to dazzle, served rather to offend. On that day and the

following he entertained fifty-two guests at dinner.

When, in Massachusetts, the custom-house officers had demanded[557:A]

from the courts writs of assistance for enforcing the revenue act, the

eloquent James Otis had resisted the application in a speech which gave

a mighty impulse to the popular sentiment. The same question was now

argued before Botetourt and the council, forming the general court, and

he concurred in declaring them illegal. During this session, Mr.

Jefferson made an unsuccessful effort for the enactment of a law

authorizing owners to manumit their slaves.

In February, parliament, refusing to consider a redress of American

grievances, had advised his majesty to take vigorous measures against

Massachusetts, and to make inquisition there for treason, and, if

sufficient ground should appear, to transport the accused to England for

trial before a special commission; and George the Third, a king of

exemplary character, but obstinate temper, heartily concurred in those

views. Upon receiving intelligence of this fact, the burgesses of

Virginia again[557:B] passed resolutions unanimously, vindicating the

rights of the colonies, claiming the sole right to levy taxes, and

asserting the right of bringing about a concert of the colonies in

defence against the encroachments of parliament; exposing the injustice

and tyranny of applying to America an obsolete act of the reign of Henry

the Eighth, warning the king of the dangers that would ensue if any

American should be transported to England for trial, and finally

ordering the resolutions to be communicated to the legislatures of the

other colonies, and requesting their concurrence. Even the merchants of

peaceable Pennsylvania approved these resolutions; Delaware adopted them

word for word; and the colonies south of Virginia eventually imitated

her example. An address was also prepared to be laid before the king.

Botetourt took alarm at what he termed, in his correspondence with the

government, "the abominable measure," and having convoked the assembly,

addressed them thus: "Mr. Speaker and Gentlemen of the house of

burgesses,--I have heard of your resolves, and augur ill of their

effects. You have made it my duty to dissolve you, and you are dissolved

accordingly."

The burgesses immediately repaired in a body to the Raleigh, and

unanimously adopted a non-importation agreement, drawn by George Mason,

and presented by George Washington. The resolutions included one not to

import, or purchase any imported slaves, after the first day of

November, until the objectionable acts of parliament should be repealed.

Mr. Mason, not yet a member of the assembly, was not present at this

meeting. The moderate party in the assembly, while they had opposed

measures which appeared to them injudicious and premature, nevertheless

avowed themselves as firmly riveted to the main principle in dispute.

Their views, they averred, had been made public in the several memorials

to government; and from the position so assumed they were resolved never

to recede. They had not, indeed, expected that parliament would ever

explicitly acknowledge itself in the wrong; but it had been their hope

that the dispute would have been left to rest upon reciprocal

protestations, and finally have died away. The late measures of the

British government had extinguished such delusive hopes. That government

claimed the right of subjecting America to every act of parliament as

being part of the British dominions; and at the same time that Americans

should be liable to punishment under an act of Henry the Eighth, made to

punish offences committed _out of_ the realm. The deportation of

Americans for trial, depriving them of the right of trial by a jury of

the vicinage, appeared to be fraught with worse mischiefs than the stamp

act, in as much as life is more precious than property.[558:A]

On the 9th of May, 1769, the king had, in his speech to parliament,

re-echoed their determination to enforce the laws in every part of his

dominions. Nevertheless, on the thirteenth the Earl of Hillsborough,

secretary of state for the colonies, wrote to Botetourt, assuring him

that it was not the intention of ministers to propose any further taxes,

and that they intended to propose a repeal of the duties on glass,

paper, and paints, not on the question of right, but upon the ground

that those duties had been imposed contrary to the true principles of

commerce. Botetourt, calling the assembly together, communicated these

assurances, adding: "It is my firm opinion that the plan I have stated

to you will certainly take place, and that it will never be departed

from; and so determined am I to abide by it, that I will be content to

be declared infamous, if I do not to the last hour of my life, at all

times, in all places, and upon all occasions, exert every power with

which I am, or ever shall be, legally invested, in order to obtain and

maintain for the continent of America, that satisfaction which I have

been authorized to promise this day by the confidential servant of our

gracious sovereign, who, to my certain knowledge, rates his honor so

high that he would rather part with his crown than preserve it by

deceit." The council, in reply, advised the repeal of the existing

parliamentary taxes; the burgesses expressed their gratitude for

"information sanctified by the royal word," and considered the king's

influence as pledged "toward protecting the happiness of all his

people." Botetourt, pleased with the address, wished them "freedom and

happiness till time should be no more." William Lee regarded this as

mere bombastic rant. During this year appeared a pamphlet, asserting the

rights of the colonies, entitled "The Monitor's Letters," by Arthur Lee.

Lord North succeeded the Duke of Grafton as prime minister, in January,

1770, and in the ensuing March all the duties on the American imports

were repealed, except that on tea. Lord North, at the same time,

however, avowed the absolute determination of the government not to

yield the right of taxing the colonies.

The first association appears not to have been adhered to, and the

English merchants declared that the exports to Virginia of the

prohibited articles were never greater.

On the 22d day of June, 1770, a second association was entered into at

Williamsburg, by the burgesses and the merchants of the colony

appointing committees, to be chosen by the associators of each county,

to enforce the non-importation agreement; resolving to promote industry

and frugality; enumerating the articles not to be imported or purchased

after a certain day, specially mentioning slaves and wine; engaging not

to advance the price of goods, wares, and merchandise; binding

themselves not to import or purchase any article which should be taxed

by parliament for the purpose of raising a revenue in America.

The estimable Botetourt died in October, 1770, in his fifty-third year,

and after an administration of two years. Promoted to the peerage in

1764, he had succeeded Sir Jeffrey Amherst as governor-in-chief in 1768,

and was the first of that title since Lord Culpepper, who had

condescended to come over to the colony. On his arrival it was his

purpose to reduce the Virginians to submission, either by persuasion or

by force; but when he became better acquainted with the people he

changed his views, and entreated the ministry to repeal the offensive

acts. Such a promise was, indeed, held out to him; but finding himself

deceived, he demanded his recall, and died shortly afterwards of a

bilious fever, exacerbated by chagrin and disappointment. He was a

patron of learning and the arts, giving out of his own purse silver and

gold medals as prizes to the students of William and Mary College. His

death was deeply lamented by the colony, and the assembly erected a

statue in honor of him, which is still standing, somewhat mutilated, in

front of the college. At his death the administration devolved upon

William Nelson, president of the council.

In May, 1771, a great fresh occurred in Virginia, the James in three

days rising twenty feet higher than ever was known before. The low

grounds were inundated, standing crops destroyed, corn, fences,

chattels, merchandise, cattle, and houses carried off, and ships forced

from their moorings. Many of the inhabitants, masters and slaves, in

endeavoring to rescue property, or to escape from danger, were drowned.

Houses were seen drifting down the current, and people clinging to them,

uttering fruitless cries for succor. Fertile fields were covered with a

thick deposit of sand; islands were torn to pieces, bars accumulated,

the channel diverted, and the face of nature altered. At Turkey Island,

on the James River, there is a monument bearing the following

inscription: "The foundations of this pillar were laid in the calamitous

year 1771, when all the great rivers of this country were swept by

inundations never before experienced, which changed the face of nature

and left traces of their violence that will remain for ages." One

hundred and fifty persons were drowned by this rise in the rivers.

The assembly met in July, 1771. About this time the question of an

American episcopate was agitated; and in some of the Northern colonies

the measure was warmly contended for in the public papers. New York and

New Jersey desired to secure the co-operation of Virginia in petitioning

the king on this subject, and deputed the Rev. Dr. Cooper, President of

King's College, New York, and the Rev. Mr. McKean, deputies to visit the

South in this behalf; and at their urgent solicitation, Commissary

Horrocks, himself aspiring to the mitre, as was supposed, called a

convocation of the clergy to take the matter into consideration. Only a

few attended; but after some vacillation they determined to join in the

petition to the crown, the Rev. John Camm taking the lead in this

proceeding. Four of the clergy in attendance, Henley and Gwatkin,

professors in the College of William and Mary, and Hewitt and Bland,

entered a protest against the scheme of introducing a bishop, as

endangering the very existence of the British empire in America. The

assembly having expressed its disapprobation of the project, and it

being urged but by few, and resisted by some of the clergy, it fell to

the ground; and the thanks of the house were presented, through Richard

Henry Lee and Richard Bland, to the protesting clergymen for their "wise

and well-timed opposition." Churchmen naturally sided with the English

government, and the bench of bishops were arrayed in opposition to the

rights of the colonies. The protest of the four ministers gave rise to a

controversy between them and the United Episcopal Conventions of New

York and New Jersey; and a war of pamphlets and newspapers ensued in the

Northern and Middle States; and the stamp act itself, according to some

writers, did not evoke more bitter denunciations, nor more violent

threats, than the project of an episcopate: New England was in a flame

against it. It was believed, that if bishops should be sent over they

would unite with the governors in opposition to the rights of America.

The laity of the Episcopal Church in America were, excepting a small

minority, opposed to the measure. Neither the people of Virginia, nor

any of the American colonies, were at any time willing to receive a

bishop appointed by the English government. Among the advocates of the

scheme the Rev. Jonathan Boucher took a prominent part, and he sustained

it ably from the pulpit. He held that the refusal of Virginia to consent

to the appointment of a bishop, was "to unchurch the church;" and his

views on this subject were re-echoed by Lowth, Bishop of Oxford, in an

anniversary sermon delivered before the Society for the Propagation of

the Gospel in Foreign Parts. On this point of ecclesiastical government

the members of the establishment in Virginia appear to have been looked

upon as themselves dissenters. In one sense they were so; but their

repugnance was to prelacy, not to the episcopate; a prelatical bishop

was in their minds associated with ideas of expense beyond their means,

and of opposition to the principles of civil liberty. Boucher, in a

sermon that he preached in this year at St. Mary's Church, in Caroline

County, of which he was then rector, says of the dissenters in Virginia:

"I might almost as well pretend to count the gnats that buzz around us

in a summer's evening."

The scheme of sending over a bishop had been entertained more than a

hundred years before; and Dean Swift at one time entertained hopes of

being made Bishop of Virginia, with power, as is said, to ordain priests

and deacons for all the colonies, and to parcel them out into deaneries,

parishes, chapels, etc., and to recommend and present thereto. The

favorite sermons of many of the Virginia clergy were Sterne's.[562:A]

During this year died the Rev. James Horrocks, President of the College

and Commissary. He had been at the head of William and Mary since the

death of Rev. William Yates, in 1764. Mr. Horrocks was succeeded in both

places by the Rev. John Camm.

John Murray, Earl of Dunmore, was transferred[562:B] from the government

of New York to that of Virginia. The town of Fincastle, the title of one

of his sons, in Botetourt County, was now incorporated. The Honorable

William Nelson, president, died in this year. About this time the

Methodists appeared in Virginia; they still avowed that attachment to

the Church of England which Wesley and Whitefield both, in the early

years of their career, had uniformly professed. Although they allowed

laymen to preach, the communion was received by them at the hands of the

clergy only; and they even affirmed that "whosoever left the church left

the Methodists." They, therefore, now were visited with a share of the

odium which fell upon the established church.

FOOTNOTES:

[556:A] Bancroft, vi. 228.

[557:A] 1769.

[557:B] May 16th.

[558:A] Letter of R. C. Nicholas to Arthur Lee, _S. Lit. Messenger_,

1858, p. 184.

[562:A] Old Churches, i. 25.

[562:B] 1772.

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