WITH THE MANYUEMA AT IPOTO.
The ivory hunters at Ipoto--Their mode of proceeding--The Manyuema
headmen and their raids--Remedy for preventing wholesale
devastations--Crusade preached by Cardinal Lavigerie--Our Zanzibar
chiefs--Anxiety respecting Captain Nelson and his followers--Our
men sell their weapons for food--Theft of Rifles--Their return
demanded--Uledi turns up with news of the missing chiefs--Contract
drawn up with the Manyuema headmen for the relief of Captain
Nelson--Jephson's report on his journey--Reports of Captain Nelson
and Surgeon Parke--The process of blood brotherhood between myself
and Ismaili--We leave Ipoto.
This community of ivory hunters established at Ipoto had arrived, five
months previous to our coming, from the banks of the Lualaba, from a
point situated between the exits of the Lowwa and the Leopold into the
great river. The journey had occupied them seven-and-a-half months, and
they had seen neither grass nor open country, nor even heard of them
during their wanderings. They had halted a month at Kinnena on the Lindi,
and had built a station-house for their Chief Kilonga-Longa, who, when he
had joined them with the main body, sent on about 200 guns and 200 slave
carriers to strike further in a north-easterly direction, to discover
some other prosperous settlement far in advance of him, whence they could
sally out in bands to destroy, burn and enslave natives in exchange for
ivory. Through continual fighting, and the carelessness which the
unbalanced mind is so apt to fall into after one or more happy successes,
they had decreased in number within seven-and-a-half months into a force
of about ninety guns. On reaching the Lenda River they had heard of the
settlements of Ugarrowwa, and sheered off the limits of his raiding
circle to obtain a centre of their own, and, crossing the Lenda, they
succeeded in reaching the south bank of the Ituri, about south of their
present settlement at Ipoto.
As the natives would not assist them over the river to the north bank,
they cut down a big tree and with axe and fire hollowed it into a
sizeable canoe which conveyed them across to the north bank to Ipoto.
Since that date they had launched out on one of the most sanguinary and
destructive careers to which even Tippu-Tib's or Tagamoyo's career offer
but poor comparison. Towards the Lenda and Ihuru Rivers, they had
levelled into black ashes every settlement, their rage for destruction
had even been vented on the plantain groves, every canoe on the rivers
had been split into pieces, every island had been searched, and into the
darkest recesses, whither a slight track could be traced, they had
penetrated with only one dominating passion, which was to kill as many of
the men and capture as many of the women and children as craft and
cruelty would enable them. However far northward or eastward these people
had reached, one said nine days' march, another fifteen days; or wherever
they had gone they had done precisely as we had seen between the Lenda
River and Ipoto, and reduced the forest land into a howling wilderness,
and throughout all the immense area had left scarcely a hut standing.
What these destroyers had left of groves and plantations of plantain and
bananas, manioc, and corn-fields, the elephant, chimpanzee, and monkeys
had trampled and crushed into decaying and putrid muck, and in their
places had sprung up, with the swiftness of mushrooms, whole hosts of
large-leafed plants native to the soil, briars, calamus and bush, which
the natives had in times past suppressed with their knives, axes and
hoes. With each season the bush grew more robust and taller, and a few
seasons only were wanted to cover all traces of former habitation and
labour.
From Ipoto to the Lenda the distance by our track is 105 miles. Assume
that this is the distance eastward to which their ravages have extended,
and northward and southward, and we have something like 44,000 square
miles. We know what Ugarrowwa has done from the preceding pages, what he
was still doing with all the vigour of his mind, and we know what the
Arabs in the Stanley Falls are doing on the Lumami and what sort of
devil's work Mumi Muhala, and Bwana Mohamed are perpetrating around Lake
Ozo, the source of the Lulu, and, once we know where their centres are
located, we may with a pair of compasses draw great circles round each,
and park off areas of 40,000 and 50,000 square miles into which
half-a-dozen resolute men, aided by their hundreds of bandits, have
divided about three-fourths of the Great Upper Congo Forest for the sole
purpose of murder, and becoming heirs to a few hundred tusks of ivory.
At the date of our arrival at Ipoto, there were the Manyuema headmen,
physically fine stalwart fellows, named Ismailia, Khamisi, and
Sangarameni, who were responsible to Kilonga-Longa, their chief, for the
followers and operations entrusted to their charge. At alternate periods
each set out from Ipoto to his own special sub-district. Thus, to
Ismailia, all roads from Ipoto to Ibwiri and east to the Ituri were given
as his special charge. Khamisi's area was along the line of the Ihuru,
then east to Ibwiri, to Sangarameni all the land east and west between
the Ibina and Ihuru affluents of the Ituri. Altogether there were 150
fighting men, but only about 90 were armed with guns. Kilonga-Longa was
still at Kinnena, and was not expected for three months yet.
The fighting men under the three leaders consisted of Bakusu, Balegga,
and Basongora, youths who were trained by the Manyuema as raiders in the
forest region, in the same manner as in 1876, Manyuema youths had been
trained by Arabs and Waswahili of the east coast. We see in this
extraordinary increase in number of raiders in the Upper Congo basin the
fruits of the Arab policy of killing off the adult aborigines and
preserving the children. The girls are distributed among the Arab,
Swahili and Manyuema harems, the boys are trained to carry arms and are
exercised in the use of them. When they are grown tall and strong enough
they are rewarded with wives from the female servants of the harem, and
then are admitted partners in these bloody ventures. So many parts of the
profits are due to the great proprietor, such as Tippu-Tib, or Said bin
Abed, a less number becomes the due of the headmen, and the remainder
becomes the property of the bandits. At other times large ivories, over
35 lbs. each, become the property of the proprietor, all over 20 lbs. to
35 lbs. belong to the headmen, scraps, pieces and young ivory are
permitted to be kept by the lucky finders. Hence every member of the
caravan is inspired to do his best. The caravan is well armed and well
manned by the proprietor, who stays at home on the Congo or Lualaba river
indulging in rice and pilaf and the excesses of his harem, the headmen,
inspired by greed and cupidity, become ferocious and stern, the bandits
fling themselves upon a settlement without mercy to obtain the largest
share of loot, of children, flocks, poultry, and ivory.
All this would be clearly beyond their power if they possessed no
gunpowder. Not a mile beyond their settlements would the Arabs and their
followers dare venture. It is more than likely that if gunpowder was
prohibited entry into Africa there would be a general and quick migration
to the sea of all Arabs from inner Africa, as the native Chiefs would be
immeasurably stronger than any combination of Arabs armed with spears.
What possible chance could Tippu-Tib, Abed bin Salim, Ugarrowwa and
Kilonga-Longa have against the Basongora and Bakusu? How could the Arabs
of Ujiji resist the Wajiji and Warundi, or how could those of Unyamyembé
live among the bowmen and spearmen of Unyamwezi?
There is only one remedy for these wholesale devastations of African
aborigines, and that is the solemn combination of England, Germany,
France, Portugal, South and East Africa, and Congo State against the
introduction of gunpowder into any part of the Continent except for the
use of their own agents, soldiers, employés, or seizing upon every tusk
of ivory brought out, as there is not a single piece nowadays which has
been gained lawfully. Every tusk, piece and scrap in the possession of an
Arab trader has been steeped and dyed in blood. Every pound weight has
cost the life of a man, woman or child, for every five pounds a hut has
been burned, for every two tusks a whole village has been destroyed,
every twenty tusks have been obtained at the price of a district with all
its people, villages and plantations. It is simply incredible that,
because ivory is required for ornaments or billiard games, the rich heart
of Africa should be laid waste at this late year of the nineteenth
century, signalized as it has been by so much advance, that populations,
tribes and nations should be utterly destroyed. Whom after all does this
bloody seizure of ivory enrich? Only a few dozens of half-castes, Arab
and Negro, who, if due justice were dealt to them, should be made to
sweat out the remainder of their piratical lives in the severest penal
servitude.
On arriving in civilization after these terrible discoveries, I was told
of a crusade that had been preached by Cardinal Lavigerie, and of a
rising desire in Europe to effect by force of arms in the old crusader
style and to attack the Arabs and their followers in their strongholds in
Central Africa. It is just such a scheme as might have been expected from
men who applauded Gordon when he set out with a white wand and six
followers to rescue all the garrisons of the Soudan, a task which 14,000
of his countrymen, under one of the most skilful English generals, would
have found impossible at that date. We pride ourselves upon being
practical and sensible men, and yet every now and then let some
enthusiast--whether Gladstone, Gordon, Lavigerie or another--speak, and a
wave of Quixotism spreads over many lands. The last thing I heard in
connection with this mad project is that a band of 100 Swedes, who have
subscribed £25 each, are about to sail to some part of the East Coast of
Africa, and proceed to Tanganika to commence ostensibly the extirpation
of the Arab slave-trader, but in reality to commit suicide.
However, these matters are not the object of this chapter. We are about
to have a more intimate acquaintance with the morals of the Manyuema, and
to understand them better than we ever expected we should.
They had not heard a word or a whisper of our Headmen whom we had
despatched as couriers to obtain relief for Nelson's party, and, as it
was scarcely possible that a starving caravan would accomplish the
distance between Nelson's Camp and Ipoto before six active and
intelligent men, we began to fear that among the lost men we should have
to number our Zanzibari chiefs. Their track was clear as far as the
crossing-place of the 14th and 15th December. It was most probable that
the witless men would continue up the river until they were overpowered
by the savages of some unknown village. Our minds were never free from
anxiety respecting Capt. Nelson and his followers. Thirteen days had
already elapsed since our parting. During this period their position was
not worse than ours had been. The forest was around them as it was around
us. They were not loaded down as we were. The most active men could
search about for food, or they could employ their canoes to ferry
themselves over to the scene of the forage of the 3rd December, one day's
journey by land, or an hour by water. Berries and fungi abounded on the
crest of the hills above their camp as in other parts. Yet we were
anxious, and one of my first duties was to try and engage a relief party
to take food to Nelson's camp. I was promised that it should be arranged
next day.
For ourselves we received three goats and twelve baskets of Indian corn,
which, when distributed, gave six ears of corn per man. It furnished us
with two good meals, and many must have felt revived and refreshed, as I
did.
On the first day's halt at Ipoto we suffered considerable lassitude.
Nature either furnishes a stomach and no food, or else furnishes a feast
and robs us of all appetite. On the day before, and on this, we had fed
sumptuously on rice and pilaf and goat stew, but now we began to suffer
from many illnesses. The masticators had forgotten their office, and the
digestive organs disdained the dainties, and affected to be deranged.
Seriously, it was the natural result of over-eating; corn mush, grits,
parched corn, beans and meat are solids requiring gastric juice, which,
after being famished for so many days, was not in sufficient supply for
the eager demand made for it.
The Manyuema had about 300 or 400 acres under corn, five acres under
rice, and as many under beans. Sugar-cane was also grown largely. They
possessed about 100 goats--all stolen from the natives. In their
store-huts they had immense supplies of Indian corn drawn from some
village near the Ihuru, and as yet unshucked. Their banana plantations
were well stocked with fruit. Indeed the condition of every one in the
settlement was prime.
It is but right to acknowledge that we were received on the first day
with ostentatious kindness, but on the third day something of a
strangeness sprang up between us. Their cordiality probably rose from a
belief that our loads contained some desirable articles, but
unfortunately the first-class beads that would have sufficed for the
purchase of all their stock of corn were lost by the capsizing of a canoe
near Panga Falls, and the gold braided Arab burnooses were stolen below
Ugarrowwa, by deserters. Disappointed at not receiving the expected
quantity of fine cloth or fine beads, they proceeded systematically to
tempt our men to sell everything they possessed, shirts, caps, daoles,
waist cloths, knives, belts, to which, being their personal property, we
could make no objection. But the lucky owners of such articles having
been seen by others less fortunate, hugely enjoying varieties of
succulent food, were the means of inspiring the latter to envy and
finally to theft. The unthrifty and reckless men sold their ammunition,
accoutrements, bill hooks, ramrods, and finally their Remington Rifles.
Thus, after escaping the terrible dangers of starvation and such
injuries as the many savage tribes could inflict on us, we were in near
peril of becoming slaves to the Arab slaves.
Despite entreaties for corn, we could obtain no more than two ears per
man per day. I promised to pay triple price for everything received, on
the arrival of the rear column, but with these people a present
possession is better than a prospective one. They professed to doubt that
we had cloth, and to believe that we had travelled all this distance to
fight them. We represented on the other hand that all we needed were six
ears of corn per day during nine days' rest. Three rifles disappeared.
The Headmen denied all knowledge of them. We were compelled to reflect
that, if it were true, they suspected we entertained sinister intentions
towards them, that surely the safest and craftiest policy would be to
purchase our arms secretly, and disarm us altogether, when they could
enforce what terms they pleased on us.
On the 21st six more rifles were sold. At this rate the Expedition would
be wrecked in a short time, for a body of men without arms in the heart
of the great forest, with a host of men to the eastward and a large body
to the westward depending upon them, were lost beyond hope of salvation.
Both advance and retreat were equally cut off, and no resource would be
left but absolute submission to the chief who chose to assert himself to
be our master or Death. Therefore I proposed for my part to struggle
strongly against such a fate, and either to provoke it instantly, or ward
it off by prompt action.
A muster was made, the five men without arms were sentenced to
twenty-five lashes each and to be tied up. After a considerable fume and
fuss had been exhibited, a man stepped up, as one was about to undergo
punishment and begged permission to speak.
"This man is innocent, sir." "I have his rifle in my hut, I seized it
last night from Juma (one of the cooks), son of Forkali, as he brought it
to a Manyuema to sell. It may be Juma stole it from this man. I know that
all these men have pleaded that their rifles have been stolen by others,
while they slept. It may be true as in this case." Meantime Juma had
flown, but was found later on hiding in the corn fields. He confessed
that he had stolen two, and had taken them to the informer to be disposed
of for corn, or a goat, but it was solely at the instigation of the
informer. It may have been true, for scarcely one of them but was quite
capable of such a course, but the story was lame, and unreasonable in
this case and was rejected. Another now came up and recognized Juma as
the thief who had abstracted his rifle--and having proved his statement
and confession having been made--the prisoner was sentenced to immediate
execution, which was accordingly carried out by hanging.
It now being proved beyond a doubt that the Manyuema were purchasing our
rifles at the rate of a few ears of corn per gun, I sent for the head
men, and make a formal demand for their instant restitution, otherwise
they would be responsible for the consequences. They were inclined to be
wrathy at first. They drove the Zanzibaris from the village out into the
clearing, and there was every prospect of a fight, or as was very
probable, that the Expedition was about to be wrecked. Our men, being so
utterly demoralized, and utterly broken in spirit from what they had
undergone, were not to be relied on, and as they were ready to sell
themselves for corn--there was little chance of our winning a victory in
case of a struggle. It requires fulness of stomach to be brave. At the
same time death was sure to conclude us in any event, for to remain
quiescent under such circumstances tended to produce an ultimate appeal
to arms. With those eleven rifles, 3000 rounds of ammunition had been
sold. No option presented itself to me than to be firm in my demand for
the rifles; it was reiterated, under a threat that I would proceed to
take other means--and as a proof of it they had but to look at the body
hanging from a tree, for if we proceeded to such extremities as putting
to death one of our own men, they certainly ought to know that we should
feel ourselves perfectly prepared to take vengeance on those who had
really caused his death by keeping open doors to receive stolen
property.
After an hour's storming in their village they brought five rifles to me,
and to my astonishment pointed the sellers of them. Had it not been
impolitic in the first place to drive things to the extreme, I should
have declined receiving one of them back before all had been returned,
and could I have been assured of the aid of fifty men I should have
declared for a fight; but just at this juncture Uledi, the faithful
coxswain of the _Advance_, strode into camp, bringing news that the boat
was safe at the landing-place of Ipoto and of his discovery of the six
missing chiefs in a starving and bewildered state four miles from the
settlement. This produced a revulsion of feelings. Gratitude for the
discovery of my lost men, the sight of Uledi--the knowledge that after
all, despite the perverseness of human nature, I had some faithful
fellows, left me for the time speechless.
Then the tale was told to Uledi, and he undertook the business of
eradicating the hostile feelings of the Manyuema, and pleaded with me to
let bygones be bygones on the score that the dark days were ended, and
happy days he was sure were in store for us.
"For surely, dear master," he said, "after the longest night comes day,
and why not sunshine after darkness with us? I think of how many long
nights and dark days we pulled through in the old times when we pierced
Africa together, and now let your heart be at peace. Please God we shall
forget our troubles before long."
The culprits were ordered to be bound until morning. Uledi, with his bold
frank way, sailed straight into the affections of the Manyuema headmen.
Presents of corn were brought to me, apologies were made and accepted.
The corn was distributed among the people, and we ended this troublesome
day, which had brought us all to the verge of dissolution, in much
greater content than could have been hoped from its ominous
commencement.
Our long wandering chiefs who were sent as heralds of our approach to
Ipoto arrived on Sunday the 23rd. They surely had made but a fruitless
quest, and they found us old residents of the place they had been
despatched to seek. Haggard, wan and feeble from seventeen days feeding
on what the uninhabited wilderness afforded, they were also greatly
abashed at their failure. They had reached the Ibina River which flows
from the S.E., and struck it two days above the confluence with the
Ituri; they had then followed the tributary down to the junction, had
found a canoe and rowed across to the right bank, where they had nearly
perished from hunger. Fortunately Uledi had discovered them in time, had
informed them of the direction of Ipoto, and they had crawled as they
best could to our camp.
Before night, Sangarameni, the third head man, appeared from a raid with
fifteen fine ivories. He said he had penetrated a twenty days' journey,
and from a high hill had viewed an open country all grass land.
Out of a supply I obtained on this day I was able to give two ears of
corn per man, and to store a couple of baskets for Nelson's party. But
events were not progressing smoothly, I could obtain no favourable answer
to my entreaty for a relief party. One of our men had been speared to
death by the Manyuema on a charge of stealing corn from the fields. One
had been hanged, twenty had been flogged for stealing ammunition, another
had received 200 cuts from the Manyuema for attempting to steal. If only
the men could have reasoned sensibly during these days, how quickly
matters could have been settled otherwise!
I had spoken and warned them with all earnestness to "endure, and cheer
up," and that there were two ways of settling all this, but that I was
afraid of them only, for they preferred the refuse of the Manyuema to our
wages and work. The Manyuema were proving to them what they might expect
of them; and with us the worst days were over; all we had to do was to
march beyond the utmost reach of the Manyuema raids, when we should all
become as robust as they. Bah! I might as well have addressed my appeals
to the trees of the forest as unto wretches so sodden with despair.
The Manyuema had promised me three several times by this day to send
eighty men as a relief party to Nelson's camp, but the arrival of
Sangarameni, and misunderstandings, and other trifles, had disturbed the
arrangements.
On the 24th firing was heard on the other side of the river, and, under
the plea that it indicated the arrival of Kilonga-Longa, the relief
caravan was again prevented from setting out.
The next day, those who had fired, arrived in camp, and proved to be the
Manyuema knaves whom we had seen on the 2nd of October. Out of fifteen
men they had lost one man from an arrow wound. They had wandered for
twenty-four days to find the track, but having no other loads than
provisions these had lasted with economy for fifteen days, but for the
last nine days they had subsisted on mushrooms and wild fruit.
On this evening I succeeded in drawing a contract, and getting the three
headmen to agree to the following:--
"To send thirty men to the relief of Captain Nelson, with 400 ears of
corn for his party.
"To provide Captain Nelson and Surgeon Parke, and all sick men unable to
work in the fields, with provisions, until our return from Lake Albert.
"The service of a guide from Ipoto to Ibwiri, for which they were to be
paid one bale and a half of cloth on the arrival of the rear column."
It was drawn up in Arabic by Rashid, and in English by myself, and
witnessed by three men.
For some fancy articles of personal property I succeeded in purchasing
for Mr. Jephson and Capt. Nelson 250 ears of Indian corn, and for 250
pistol cartridges I bought another quantity, and for an ivory-framed
mirror from a dressing-case purchased two baskets full; for three bottles
of ottar of roses obtained three fowls, so that I had 1000 ears of corn
for the relieving and relieved parties.
On the 26th Mr. Mounteney Jephson, forty Zanzibaris, and thirty Manyuema
slaves started on their journey to Nelson's camp. I cannot do better than
introduce Mr. Jephson's report on his journey.
"Arab Settlement at Ipoto,
"_November 4th, 1887_.
"Dear Sir,
"I left at midday on October 26th, and arrived at the river and
crossed over with 30 Manyuema and 40 Zanzibaris under my charge the
same afternoon and camped on landing. The next morning we started
off early and reached the camp, where we had crossed the river,
when we were wandering about in a starving condition in search of
the Arabs, by midday the signs and arrow heads we had marked on the
trees to show the chiefs we had crossed were still fresh. I reached
another of our camps that night. The next day we did nearly three
of our former marches. The camp where Feruzi Ali had got his death
wound, and where we had spent three such miserable days of hunger
and anxiety, looked very dismal as we passed through it. During the
day we passed the skeletons of three of our men who had fallen down
and died from sheer starvation, they were grim reminders of the
misery through which we had so lately gone.
"On the morning of the 29th I started off as soon as it was
daylight, determining to reach Nelson that day and decide the
question as to his being yet alive. Accompanied by one man only, I
soon found myself far ahead of my followers. As I neared Nelson's
camp a feverish anxiety to know his fate possessed me, and I pushed
on through streams and creeks, by banks and bogs, over which our
starving people had slowly toiled with the boat sections. All were
passed by quickly to-day, and again the skeletons in the road
testified to the trials through which we had passed. As I came down
the hill into Nelson's camp, not a sound was heard but the groans
of two dying men in a hut close by, the whole place had a deserted
and woe-begone look. I came quietly round the tent and found Nelson
sitting there; we clasped hands, and then, poor fellow! he turned
away and sobbed, and muttered something about being very weak.
"Nelson was greatly changed in appearance, being worn and haggard
looking, with deep lines about his eyes and mouth. He told me his
anxiety had been intense, as day after day passed and no relief
came; he had at last made up his mind that something had happened
to us, and that we had been compelled to abandon him. He had lived
chiefly upon fruits and fungus which his two boys had brought in
from day to day. Of the fifty-two men you left with him, only five
remained, of whom two were in a dying state. All the rest had
either deserted him or were dead.
"He has himself given you an account of his losses from death and
desertion. I gave him the food you sent him, which I had carefully
watched on the way, and he had one of the chickens and some
porridge cooked at once, it was the first nourishing food he had
tasted for many days. After I had been there a couple of hours my
people came in and all crowded round the tent to offer him their
congratulations.
"You remember Nelson's feet had been very bad for some days before
we left him, he had hardly left the tent the whole time he had been
here. At one time he had had ten ulcers on one foot, but he had now
recovered from them in a great measure and said he thought he would
be able to march slowly. On the 30th we began the return march. I
gave out most of the loads to the Manyuema and Zanzibaris, but was
obliged to leave thirteen boxes of ammunition and seven other
loads, these I buried, and Parke will be able to fetch them later
on.
"Nelson did the marches better than I expected, though he was much
knocked up at the end of each day. On the return march we crossed
the river lower down and made our way up the right bank and struck
your old road a day's march from the Arab camp. Here again we
passed more skeletons, at one place there were three within 200
yards of each other.
"On the fifth day, that is November 3rd, we reached the Arab camp,
and Nelson's relief was accomplished. He has already picked up
wonderfully in spite of the marching, but he cannot get sleep at
night and is still in a nervous and highly strung state; the rest
in the Arab camp will, I trust, set him up again. It is certain
that in his state of health he could not have followed us in our
wanderings in search of food, he must have fallen by the way.
"I am &c., &c.
"(Signed) A. J. Mounteney Jephson."
The following are the reports of Captain Nelson and Surgeon Parke.
"Arab Village, Ipoto,
"_6th November, 1887_,
"Dear Sir,
"Mr. Jephson arrived at my camp on the 29th October with the men
for the loads and with the food you sent for me. Many thanks for
the food, it was badly needed. He will tell you what state he found
me in and of the few men still alive.
"You left me on the 6th October last; on the morning of the 9th I
got up a canoe and sent Umari and thirteen of the best men I could
find (they were all very bad) over the river to look for food. On
the 8th Assani (No. 1 Company) came to me and said that he had
returned from the column sick. Same day Uledi's brother came into
camp, told me he had lost the road while looking for bananas, near
the camp, where we met the Manyuema. On the 10th I found that Juma,
one of Stairs' chiefs, had cleared in the night with ten men, and
stolen a canoe and gone down river. On the 11th I counted the men
and could only find seventeen (I had fifty-two the first day); the
rest had gone away either after the column or down river. On the
14th one man died. Umari returned with very few bananas, about
enough for two days; however, they were very welcome, as I had
nothing but herbs and fungi to eat up to this time. On the 15th
another man died, and I found that Saadi (No. 1.) with some other
men had come into camp in the night and stolen the canoe (Umari had
re-crossed the river in) and gone down river. On the 17th Umari
went away with twenty-one men to look for food; 19th, man died;
22nd, two men died; 23rd, man died; 29th, two men died; Jephson
arrived; 30th, one man died; we left camp on way here. Umari had
not returned; he, however, if alive, will come on here, I feel
sure, but how many men with him I cannot tell, perhaps five or six
may reach here with him. With the exception of the few bananas I
got from Umari I lived entirely on herbs, fungi, and a few mabengu.
I had ten ulcers on my left leg and foot and so was unable to look
for food myself and was kept alive entirely by my two boys and
little Baruk, one of my company, and Abdalla, a man Stairs left
with me. I was very weak when Jephson arrived. Now, however, I feel
a little better. We arrived at the village on the 3rd November, the
chief Ismail brought me the day I came a very small quantity of
coarse meal and two small dried fish, about enough for one meal.
"Yesterday, no food having come for two days, we sent for it, and
after a good deal of trouble Ismail sent us a little meal. At
present I am living on my clothes; we get hardly anything from the
Chief. To-day Dr. Parke and I went to the Chief, with Hamis Pari as
interpreter, and talked to him about food. He told us that _no
arrangement had been made by you_ for _my_ food, and that he was
feeding the Doctor and me entirely from his own generosity, and he
refused to feed our boys, three in number (fewer we cannot possibly
do with), as you never told him to do so.
"I have the honour to be,
&c., &c."
"R. H. Nelson."
"Arab Camp, Ipoto,
"_November 6th, 1887_.
"My dear Mr. Stanley,
"Captain Nelson and Mr. Jephson arrived here on the 3rd inst. a few
of the Zanzibaris and Manyuema men getting in with their loads the
previous day. Of all those men left at Nelson's camp, only five
have arrived here, the remaining live ones were away on a foraging
tour with Umari, when the relief party arrived. It is very likely
that some of them may find their way here; if so, I shall get
Ismaili to allow them to work for their food. Nelson staggered into
camp greatly changed in appearance, a complete wreck after the
march, his features shrunken and pinched, and a frame reduced to
half its former size. I have done the best I could for him
medically, but good nourishing food is what he requires to restore
him to his health; and I regret to say that my experience here and
the conversation which we had to-day with Ismaili goes to show that
we shall have to exist on scanty fare. Since you left, I have had
some flour and corn from the chiefs, but this was generally after
sending for it several times. By a lucky accident I got a goat,
most of which I distributed amongst the sick men here, for I am
informed by Ismaili, through H. Pari, that only those who work in
the field get food, and there are some here who certainly cannot do
so; therefore they are trusting to the generosity of the other men,
who get five heads of corn each day they work. Both Nelson and
myself have much trouble in getting food from Ismaili for
ourselves, and he has refused to feed our boys, who are absolutely
necessary to draw water, cook, &c., &c., although I have reduced
mine to one.
"Nelson and myself went and saw him to day (Hamis Pari,
interpreter), and Ismaili stated that you had told the chiefs that
a big Mzungu was to come (Nelson), and he would make his own
arrangements about food, and that I was here living on his
(Ismaili's) generosity, as no arrangements had been made for me. I
reminded him of the conversation you had with him in your tent the
evening you called me down and gave me your gold watch, and I said
that you had told me that you had made a written arrangement with
the chiefs that both Nelson and myself should be _provisioned_. We
both told him that we did not want goats and fowls, but simply what
he can give us. Not having seen any agreement, I could not argue
further, but asked to see the document, so that we might convince
him; this he said he could not do, as Hamis, the Chief, had it, and
he was away, and would not return for two months. He however sent
us up some corn shortly afterwards. This is a very unhappy state of
affairs for us who shall have to remain here for so long a time.
Nelson has sold much of his clothes, and out of my scanty supply
(my bag having been lost on the march), I have been obliged to
make a further sale so as to provide ourselves with sufficient
food.
[Illustration: THE RELIEF OF NELSON AND SURVIVORS AT STARVATION CAMP.]
"We shall get along here as best we can, and sacrifice much to keep
on friendly terms with the Arabs, as it is of such essential
importance. I sincerely hope you will have every success in
attaining the object of the Expedition, and that we shall all have
an opportunity of meeting soon and congratulating Emin Pasha on his
relief.
"With best wishes, &c.,
(Signed) "T. H. Parke.
"A.M.D.
"Arab Village, Ipoto,
"_10th November, 1887_.
"Dear Sir,
"I am sorry to have to tell you that several attempts have been
made to rob the hut, and last night unfortunately they managed to
get a box of ammunition out of Parke's tent while we were having
dinner; also one attempt to burn the hut, which happily I
frustrated, owing to my not being able to sleep well. We have
spoken to the Chief Ismail about the thieving: he says it is done
by Zanzibaris and not by his people; but if there were no sale for
the cartridges they would not be stolen. It is of course most
unfortunate. Since Jephson left, the enormous quantity of forty
small heads of Indian corn has been given to us by Ismail; this is
of course quite absurd; as we cannot live on it, we get herbs, with
which we supplement our scanty fare.
"Uledi returned this afternoon and goes on to-morrow, and by him I
send this letter.
"With kindest regards to you, Sir, Stairs and Jephson.
"I have the honour to be, &c., &c.,
(Signed) "R. H. Nelson.
P.S.--Just as I finished this letter the Chief sent us a little
meal, which evidently was done so that Uledi who was waiting for
the letter could tell you that we were getting plenty (!!) of
food.
"H. M. Stanley, Esq.,
"Commanding E. P. R. Expedition."
On the evening of the 26th Ismaili entered my hut, and declared that he
had become so attached to me that he would dearly love to go through the
process of blood-brotherhood with me. As I was about to entrust Captain
Nelson and Surgeon Parke and about thirty sick men to the charge of
himself and brother chiefs, I readily consented, though it was somewhat
_infra dig_. to make brotherhood with a slave, but as he was powerful in
that bloody gang of bandits, I pocketed my dignity and underwent the
ceremony. I then selected a five-guinea rug, silk handkerchiefs, a couple
of yards of crimson broadcloth, and a few other costly trifles. Finally I
made another written agreement for guides to accompany me to the distance
of fifteen camps, which he said was the limit of his territory, and good
treatment of my officers, and handed to him a gold watch and chain, value
£49 in London, as pledge of this agreement, in presence of Surgeon
Parke.
The next day after leaving Surgeon Parke to attend to his friend Nelson
and twenty-nine men, we left Ipoto with our reduced force to strive once
more with the hunger of the wilderness.