"Margaret saw in each of her friends the secret interior

capability, which might be hereafter developed into some special

beauty or power. By means of this penetrating, this prophetic

insight, she gave each to himself, acted on each to draw out his

best nature; gave him an ideal, out of which he could draw strength

and liberty, hour by hour. Thus her influence was ever ennobling,

and each felt that in her society he was truer, wiser, better, and

yet more free and happy than elsewhere. The 'dry light,' which Lord

Bacon loved, she never knew: her light was life, was love, was warm

with sympathy and a boundless energy of affection and hope. Though

her love flattered and charmed her friends, it did not spoil them,

for they knew her perfect truth; they knew that she loved them, not

for what she imagined, but for what she saw, though she saw it only

in the germ. But as the Greeks beheld a Persephone and Athene in

the passing stranger, and ennobled humanity into ideal beauty,

Margaret saw all her friends thus idealized; she was a balloon of

sufficient power to take us all up with her into the serene depth

of heaven, where she loved to float, far above the low details of

earthly life; earth lay beneath us as a lovely picture--its sounds

came up mellowed into music."

"Margaret was, to persons younger than herself, a Makaria and

Natalia. She was wisdom and intellectual beauty, filling life with

a charm and glory 'known to neither sea nor land.' To those of her

own age, she was sibyl and seer,--a prophetess, revealing the

future, pointing the path, opening their eyes to the great aims

only worthy of pursuit in life. To those older than herself, she

was like the Euphorion in Goethe's drama, child of Faust and

Helen,--a wonderful union of exuberance and judgment, born of

romantic fulness and classic limitation. They saw with surprise her

clear good sense, balancing her flow of sentiment and ardent

courage. They saw her comprehension of both sides of every

question, and gave her their confidence, as to one of equal age,

because of so ripe a judgment."

"An interview with her was a joyous event; worthy men and women who

had conversed with her, could not forget her, but worked bravely on

in the remembrance that this heroic approver had recognized their

aims. She spoke so earnestly, that the depth of the sentiment

prevailed, and not the accidental expression, which might chance to

be common. Thus I learned the other day, that in a copy of Mrs.

Jameson's 'Italian Painters,' against a passage describing Coreggio

as a true servant of God in his art, above sordid ambition, devoted

to truth, 'one of those superior beings of whom there are so few;'

Margaret wrote on the margin: 'And yet all might be such.' The book

lay long on the table of the owner, in Florence, and chanced to be

read there by an artist of much talent. 'These words' said he,

months afterwards, 'struck out a new strength in me. They revived

resolutions long fallen away, and made me set my face like a

flint.'"

"'Yes, my life is strange;' she said, 'thine is strange. We are,

we shall be, in this life, mutilated beings, but there is in my

bosom a faith, that I shall see the reason; a glory, that I can

endure to be so imperfect; and a feeling, ever elastic, that fate

and time shall have the shame and the blame, if I am mutilated. I

will do all I can,--and if one cannot succeed, there is a beauty in

martyrdom.'"

"'Would not genius be common as light if men trusted their higher

selves?'"

"She won the confidence and affection of those who attracted her,

by unbounded sympathy and trust. She probably knew the cherished

secrets of more hearts than any one else, because she freely

imparted her own. With a full share both of intellectual and of

family pride, she preeminently recognized and responded to the

essential brotherhood of all human kind, and needed but to know

that a fellow being required her counsel or assistance, to render

her not merely willing, but eager to impart it. Loving ease,

luxury, and the world's good opinion, she stood ready to renounce

them all, at the call of pity or of duty. I think no one, not

radically averse to the whole system of domestic servitude, would

have treated servants, of whatever class, with such uniform and

thoughtful consideration--a regard which wholly merged their

factitious condition in their antecedent and permanent humanity. I

think few servants ever lived weeks with her, who were not

dignified and lastingly benefited by her influence and her

counsels. They might be at first repelled, by what seemed her too

stately manner and exacting disposition, but they soon learned to

esteem and love her.

"I have known few women, and scarcely another maiden, who had the

heart and the courage to speak with such frank compassion, in mixed

circles, of the most degraded and outcast portion of the sex. The

contemplation of their treatment, especially by the guilty authors

of their ruin, moved her to a calm and mournful indignation, which

she did not attempt to suppress nor control. Others were willing to

pity and deplore; Margaret was more inclined to vindicate and to

redeem.

"'In the chamber of death,' she wrote, 'I prayed in very early

years: "Give me truth; cheat me by no illusion." O, the granting of

this prayer is sometimes terrible to me! I walk over burning

ploughshares, and they sear my feet; yet nothing but truth will do;

no love will serve that is not eternal, and as large as the

universe; no philanthropy, in executing whose behests I myself

become unhealthy; no creative genius which bursts asunder my life,

to leave it a poor black chrysalid behind; and yet this last is too

true of me.'"

Margaret Fuller did justice to the character of Fourier, admired his

enthusiasm, honored his devotion, acknowledged the terrible nature of

the evils he gave the study of a life-time to correct, and paid an

unstinting tribute to the disinterested motives that impelled him; but

with his scheme for refashioning society she had no sympathy. William H.

Channing was an intimate friend, whose sincerity had her deepest

respect, whose enthusiasm won her cordial admiration; she listened to

his brilliant expositions of socialism, but was not persuaded. Practical

difficulties always appeared, and she never could believe that any

rearrangement of circumstances would effect the regeneration of mankind.

She was acquainted from the first with the experiment of Brook Farm;

knew the founders of it; watched with genuine solicitude the

inauguration of the scheme and its fortunes; talked over the principles

and details of it with the leading spirits; visited the community;

examined for herself the working of the plan; gave her talent to the

entertainment and edification of the associates; discerned with clear

eye the distinctions between this experiment and those of European

origin; but still questioned the practical wisdom of the institution,

and declined to join the fraternity, even on the most flattering terms,

for the reason that, interested as she was in the experiment, it was, in

her judgment, too purely an experiment to be personally and practically

sanctioned by one who had no more faith in its fundamental principles

than she.

She was not to be thrown off from her essential position, the primacy

and all sufficiency of the soul. No misery or guilt daunted her, no

impatience at slowness tempted her to resort to artificial methods of

cure. Her visit to Sing Sing, and her intercourse with the abandoned

women there was exceedingly interesting in this view.

"'They listened with earnest attention, and many were moved to

tears. I never felt such sympathy with an audience as when, at the

words "Men and Brethren," that sea of faces, marked with the scars

of every ill, were up-turned, and the shell of brutality burst

apart at the touch of love. I knew that at least heavenly truth

would not be kept out by self complacence and dependence on good

appearances.... These women were among the so-called worst, and all

from the lowest haunts of vice. Yet nothing could have been more

decorous than their conduct, while it was also frank; and they

showed a sensibility and sense of propriety which would not have

disgraced any society.'"

"She did not hesitate to avow that, on meeting some of these

abused, unhappy sisters, she had been surprised to find them

scarcely fallen morally below the ordinary standard of

womanhood,--realizing and loathing their debasement; anxious to

escape it; and only repelled by the sad consciousness that for them

sympathy and society remained only so long as they should persist

in the ways of pollution."

Margaret Fuller's loyalty to principles was proof against bad taste;

which is saying a good deal, for many a reformer is of opinion that

blunders are worse than crimes, and that vulgarity is more offensive

than wickedness. She found the Fourierites in Europe terribly wearisome,

and yet did not forget that they served the great future which neither

they nor she would live to see. At home she could not endure the

Abolitionists--"they were so tedious, often so narrow, always so rabid

and exaggerated in their tone. But, after all, they had a high motive,

something eternal in their desire and life; and if it was not the only

thing worth thinking of, it was really something worth living and dying

for, to free a great nation from such a blot, such a plague." In Europe

she was disgusted at hearing Americans urging the same arguments against

the freedom of the Italians that they urged at home against the

emancipation of the blacks; the same arguments in favor of the

spoliation of Poland that they used at home in favor of the conquest of

Mexico. With her, principles were independent of time and place. She

always believed in liberty as a condition of enlightenment, and in

enlightenment as a condition of progress. This practical faith in the

intellectual and moral nature is the key to all her work. Every chamber

that opened she entered and occupied, fearless of ghosts and goblins.

The chambers that opened not she was content to leave unopened

altogether.

On the table where the writer pens this poor tribute to a most

remarkable woman, are the bulky volumes of her unpublished letters and

diaries, revealing some things too personal for the public eye, but

nothing in the least incongruous with the best things recorded by her

biographers and suggested here; and how much they tell that illustrates

and confirms the moral nobleness and sweetness of her nature. They

contain a psychometric examination from two letters, given after the

manner familiar to those interested in such things, by one of the chief

of these spiritual vaticinators. We shall not transcribe it, for it is

long and indistinct. The indistinctness is the one interesting feature

of the sketch. The sensitive reporter confessed herself put out by the

singular commingling of moods and dispositions, and seemed to be

describing several persons in one. But through them all the same general

impression was clear; the impression of a fascinating, lovable, earnest

and lofty spirit, which, whether sad or gay, intellectual or

sentimental, bore itself like a queenly woman.

When the news of her death reached Boston, one of Boston's eminent men

in letters and public affairs quietly remarked: "it is just as well so."

He was thinking of the agitation she might cause by her brilliant

conversations and her lightning pen, if she brought back from her

Italian heroisms the high spirit of liberty. The times were growing dark

in America. The Slave Power was drawing its lines closer about the

citadel of freedom. The brave voices were few and fewer; the

conservatives were glad when one was hushed by death. The movement she

had encouraged was waning. The high enthusiasm was smouldering in

breasts that anticipated the battle which came ten years later. The

period of poetic aspiration and joy was ended, and the priestess, had

she survived, would have found a deserted shrine.

No accessible portrait of Margaret Fuller exists, that worthily presents

her. Thomas Hicks painted a likeness, of cabinet size, in Rome, which

her friends approved. The daguerreotype was too painfully literal to be

just; the sun having no sentiment or imagination in his eye. She was not

beautiful in youth, nor was she one of those who gain beauty with years.

Her physical attractions were of the kind that time impairs soon, and

though she died at forty, her personal charm was gone. Intellect gave

her what beauty she had, and they saw it who saw her intellect at play.

Her image, therefore, is best preserved in the memory of her friends.

They cannot put it on exhibition.

XII.

THE PREACHER.

Transcendentalism is usually spoken of as a philosophy. It is more

justly regarded as a gospel. As a philosophy it is abstract and

difficult--purely metaphysical in character, resting on no basis of

observed and scientifically-proven fact, but on the so-called data of

consciousness, which cannot be accurately defined, distinctly verified,

or generally recommended. It must be, therefore, inexact and

inconclusive; so far from uniform in its structure, that it may rather

be considered several systems than one. As a gospel, it possesses all

the qualities desirable for effect. It is worth remarking that its chief

disciples have been clergymen. In Germany, Schleiermacher--if we may

count him a Transcendentalist; he was the author of the doctrine, that

the essence of religion consisted in the _sense of dependence_, which

figured largely in the sermons of New England divines--was a clergyman;

Fichte assumed the prophetic tone; the German professors associated

religious teaching with the duties of their chairs. In England,

Coleridge was a preacher by practice, and, part of his life, by

profession; Carlyle was never anything else, his essays and even his

histories being sermons in disguise, and disguise of the most

transparent sort. In New England, Emerson began his career as a

Unitarian minister; so did Walker; so did Ripley; so did W. H. Channing;

so did J. S. Dwight; so did C. P. Cranch. Dr. Channing, a

Transcendentalist without knowing it, was the greatest preacher of his

generation. Brownson was a preacher of all orders in succession; Bartol

preaches still; Clarke preaches still. Of the younger men, Johnson,

Longfellow, Wasson, Higginson, are, or were, Unitarian clergymen. Alcott

is a preacher without a pulpit. The order of mind that was attracted to

the ministry was attracted to the Transcendental ideas.

The explanation is easy; Transcendentalism possessed all the chief

qualifications for a gospel. Its cardinal "facts" were few and

manageable. Its data were secluded in the recesses of consciousness, out

of the reach of scientific investigation, remote from the gaze of vulgar

skepticism; esoteric, having about them the charm of a sacred privacy,

on which common sense and the critical understanding might not intrude.

Its oracles proceeded from a shrine, and were delivered by a priest or

priestess, who came forth from an interior holy of holies to utter them,

and thus were invested with the air of authority which belongs to

exclusive and privileged truths, that revealed themselves to minds of a

contemplative cast. It dealt entirely with "divine things," "eternal

realities;" supersensible forms of thought; problems that lay out of the

reach of observation, such as the essential cause, spiritual laws, the

life after death, the essence of the good, the beautiful, the true; the

ideal possibilities of the soul; its organ was intuition; its method was

introspection: its brightness was inspiration. It possessed the

character of indefiniteness and mystery, full of sentiment and

suggestion, that fascinates the imagination, and lends itself so easily

to acts of contemplation and worship. The German Mystics were in spirit

Transcendentalists. The analogies are close between Boehme and

Schelling; between Eckardt and Fichte; Frederick Schlegel had much in

common with Boehme; Coleridge acknowledged his debt to him and to other

Mystics; even Hegel ran in line with them on some of his high roads.

Minds as opposite as Alcott and Parker met in communion here--Alcott

going to the Mystics for inspiration; Parker resorting to them for rest.

The Mystics were men of feeling; the Transcendentalists were men of

thought: but thought and feeling sought the same object in the same

region. Piety was a feature of Transcendentalism; it loved devout hymns,

music, the glowing language of aspiration, the moods of awe and

humility, emblems, symbols, expressions of inarticulate emotion,

silence, contemplation, breathings after communion with the Infinite.

The poetry of Transcendentalism is religious, with scarcely an

exception; the most beautiful hymns in our sacred collections, the only

deeply impressive hymns, are by transcendental writers.

This was the aspect of Transcendentalism that fascinated Theodore

Parker. His intellect was constructed on the English model. His acute

observation; his passion for external facts; his faith in statistics;

his hunger for information on all external topics of history and

politics; his capacity for retaining details of miscellaneous knowledge;

his logical method of reasoning; his ability to handle masses of raw

mental material, to distribute and classify;--all indicate intellectual

power of the English rather than of the German type. It was his custom

to speak slightingly of the "Bridgewater Treatises" and works of a

similar class, in which the processes of inductive argument are employed

to establish truths of the "Pure Reason;" but he easily fell into the

same habit, and pushed the inductive method as far as it would go. His

discourses on Providence, the Economy of Pain and Misery, Atheism,

Theism, in the volume entitled "Theism, Atheism, and The Popular

Theology," are quite in the style of the "Bridgewater Treatises." Parker

was, in many respects, the opposite of a Mystic; he was a realist of the

most concrete description, entirely at home among sensible things, a

good administrator, a safe investor of moneys, a wise counsellor in

practical affairs. But along with this intellectual quality which he

inherited from his father, was an interior, sentimental, devotional

quality, derived from his mother. The two were never wholly blended;

often they were wide apart, occupying different spheres, and engaged in

different offices; sometimes they were in apparent opposition. Neither

could subdue or overshadow the other; neither could keep the other long

in abeyance. As a rule, the dominion was divided between them: the

practical understanding assumed control of all matters pertaining to

this world; the higher reason claimed supremacy in all matters of

faith. But for the tendency to poetic idealism, which came to him from

his mother, Parker might, from the constitution of his mind, have

belonged to an opposite school. A passage in the letter from Santa Cruz,

entitled "Theodore Parker's Experience as a Minister," is curious, as

showing how the two tendencies of his mind overlapped; he is speaking of

the two methods of developing the contents "of the instinctive

intuitions of the divine, the just, and the immortal,"--the inductive

and the deductive. After a few words respecting the inductive method of

gathering facts from the history of mankind, he speaks thus of the

deductive: "Next, from the primitive facts of consciousness given by the

power of instinctive intuition, I endeavored to deduce the true notion

of God, of justice, and futurity." Then, forgetting that the power of

instinctive intuition must be self-authenticating--cannot, at any rate,

be authenticated by miscellaneous facts in the religious history of

mankind--he continues:

"To learn what I could about the spiritual faculties of man, I not

only studied the sacred books of various nations, the poets and

philosophers who professedly treat thereof, but also such as deal

with sleep-walking, dreams, visions, prophecies, second-sight,

oracles, ecstasies, witchcraft, magic-wonders, the appearance of

devils, ghosts, and the like. Besides, I studied other works which

lie out from the regular highway of theology; the spurious books

attributed to famous Jews and Christians; Pseudepigraphy of the Old

Testament, and the Apocrypha of the New; with the strange fantasies

of the Neoplatonists and Gnostics."

Very important reading all this for one who studied to qualify himself

to instruct his fellow men in the natural history of the world's

religions; but not so valuable as illustrating the "instinctive

intuitions of human nature." Kant, Fichte, Schelling, Hegel, Boehme,

Eckardt, never worked by that method, which may properly be called the

method of Sensationalism applied to Transcendentalism. Parker, on the

religious side, was a pure Transcendentalist without guile, accepting

the transcendental ideas with no shadow of qualification; stating them

with the concrete sharpness of scientific propositions, and applying

them with the exactness of mathematical principles. He took them as he

found them in the writings of the great German thinkers; shaped them as

he, better than any body else, could shape thought in form of words,--as

he shaped the formula of republican government--"government of the

people, by the people, for the people"--from the looser statement of

Daniel Webster,--and laid them down as corner-stones of a new

theological structure. The materials were furnished by Schleiermacher,

Spinoza, Jacobi, Schelling; the architectural skill was his own.

Consciousness he did not undertake to analyze; the "facts of

consciousness" he took on others' verification; their spiritual import

he perceived, developed and applied. Transcendentalism put into his

hands the implements he was in special need of.

It is not easy to determine the precise period at which Parker fully

accepted, with all its consequences, the transcendental philosophy. He

was not a Transcendentalist--not distinctly and avowedly one--at the

time of his ordination, in 1837; he clearly was in 1840, the date of

the Levi Blodgett letter, which contains the most thorough-going

statement of the transcendental idea to be found in any single tractate.

The probability is, that he always was one in sentiment, and became more

and more consciously one in thought, as he found it necessary to shift

his position in order to save his faith. So long as the beliefs he

cherished seemed to be satisfactorily supported on the old grounds, he

was content; but as the old grounds, one after another, gave way, the

beliefs were transferred to the keeping of new principles. Then the

sentiments of his youth hardened into ideas; the delicate creatures that

lived and gleamed beneath the waters of faith's tropical ocean, became

reefs of white stone, that lifted their broad surface above the level of

the sea, and offered immovable support to human habitations.

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