regard to this institution of slavery springs from office-seeking,--from
the mere ambition of politicians? Is that the truth? How many times have
we had danger from this question? Go back to the day of the Missouri
Compromise. Go back to the nullification question, at the bottom of
which lay this same slavery question. Go back to the time of the
annexation of Texas. Go back to the troubles that led to the Compromise
of 1850. You will find that every time, with the single exception of the
nullification question, they sprung from an endeavour to spread this
institution. There never was a party in the history of this country, and
there probably never will be, of sufficient strength to disturb the
general peace of the country. Parties themselves may be divided and
quarrel on minor questions, yet it extends not beyond the parties
themselves. But does not this question make a disturbance outside of
political circles? Does it not enter into the churches and rend them
asunder? What divided the great Methodist Church into two parts, North
and South? What has raised this constant disturbance in every
Presbyterian General Assembly that meets? What disturbed the Unitarian
Church in this very city two years ago? What has jarred and shaken the
great American Tract Society recently,--not yet splitting it, but sure
to divide it in the end? Is it not this same mighty, deep-seated power,
that somehow operates on the minds of men, exciting and stirring them up
in every avenue of society, in politics, in religion, in literature, in
morals, in all the manifold relations of life? Is this the work of
politicians? Is that irresistible power which for fifty years has shaken
the government and agitated the people, to be stilled and subdued by
pretending that it is an exceedingly simple thing, and we ought not to
talk about it? If you will get everybody else to stop talking about it,
I assure you that I will quit before they have half done so. But where
is the philosophy or statesmanship which assumes that you can quiet that
disturbing element in our society, which has disturbed us for more than
half a century, which has been the only serious danger that has
threatened our institutions? I say where is the philosophy or the
statesmanship, based on the assumption that we are to quit talking about
it, and that the public mind is all at once to cease being agitated by
it? Yet this is the policy here in the North that Douglas is
advocating,--that we are to care nothing about it! I ask you if it is
not a false philosophy? Is it not a false statesmanship that undertakes
to build up a system of policy upon the basis of caring nothing about
the very thing that everybody does care the most about,--a thing which
all experience has shown we care a very great deal about?
... The Judge alludes very often in the course of his remarks to the
exclusive right which the States have to decide the whole thing for
themselves. I agree with him very readily.... Our controversy with him
is in regard to the new Territories. We agree that when States come in
as States they have the right and power to do as they please.... We
profess constantly that we have no more inclination than belief in the
power of the government to disturb it; yet we are driven constantly to
defend ourselves from the assumption that we are warring upon the rights
of the States. What I insist upon is, that the new Territories shall be
kept free from it while in the territorial condition ...
... These are false issues, upon which Judge Douglas has tried to force
the controversy....
The real issue in this controversy--the one dressing upon every mind--is
the sentiment on the part of one class that looks upon the institution
of slavery as a wrong, and of another class that does not look upon it
as a wrong. The sentiment that contemplates the institution of slavery
in this country as a wrong is the sentiment of the Republican party. It
is the sentiment around which all their actions, all their arguments,
circle; from which all their propositions radiate. They look upon it as
being a moral, social, and political wrong; and while they contemplate
it as such, they nevertheless have due regard for its actual existence
among us, and the difficulties of getting rid of it in any satisfactory
way, and to all the constitutional obligations thrown about it. Yet,
having a due regard for these, they desire a policy in regard to it that
looks to its not creating any more danger. They insist that it, as far
as may be, be treated as a wrong; and one of the methods of treating it
as a wrong is to make provision that it shall grow no larger. They also
desire a policy that looks to a peaceful end of slavery some time, as
being a wrong. These are the views they entertain in regard to it, as I
understand them; and all their sentiments, all their arguments and
propositions are brought within this range, I have said, and I here
repeat it, that if there be a man amongst us who does not think that the
institution of slavery is wrong in any one of the aspects of which I
have spoken, he is misplaced, and ought not to be with us. And if there
be a man amongst us who is so impatient of it as a wrong as to disregard
its actual presence among us, and the difficulty of getting rid of it
suddenly in a satisfactory way, and to disregard the constitutional
obligations thrown about it, that man is misplaced if he is on our
platform. We disclaim sympathy with him in practical action. He is not
placed properly with us.
On this subject of treating it as a wrong and limiting its spread, let
me say a word. Has anything ever threatened the existence of this Union
save and except this very institution of slavery? What is it that we
hold most dear amongst us? Our own liberty and prosperity. What has ever
threatened our liberty and prosperity save and except this institution
of slavery? If this is true, how do you propose to improve the condition
of things by enlarging slavery,--by spreading it out and making it
bigger? You may have a wen or a cancer upon your person, and not be able
to cut it out lest you bleed to death; but surely it is no way to cure
it, to engraft it and spread it over your whole body. That is no proper
way of treating what you regard as a wrong. You see this peaceful way of
dealing with it as a wrong,--restricting the spread of it, and not
allowing it to go into new countries where it has not already existed.
That is the peaceful way--the old-fashioned way--the way in which the
fathers themselves set us the example.
On the other hand, I have said there is a sentiment which treats it as
not being wrong. That is the Democratic sentiment of this day. I do not
mean to say that every man who stands within that range positively
asserts that it is right. That class will include all who positively
assert that it is right, and all who, like Judge Douglas, treat it as
indifferent, and do not say it is either right or wrong. These two
classes of men fall within the general class of those who do not look
upon it as a wrong. And if there be among you anybody who supposes that
he, as a Democrat, can consider himself "as much opposed to slavery as
anybody," I would like to reason with him. You never treat it _as_ a
wrong. What other thing that you consider a wrong do you deal with as
you deal with that? Perhaps you say it is wrong, but your leader never
does, and you quarrel with anybody who says it is wrong. Although you
pretend to say so yourself, you can find no fit place to deal with it as
a wrong. You must not say anything about it in the free States, because
it is not here. You must not say anything about it in the slave States,
because it is there. You must not say anything about it in the pulpit,
because that is religion, and has nothing to do with it. You must not
say anything about it in politics, because that will disturb the
security of "my place." There is no place to talk about it as being a
wrong, although you say yourself it is a wrong. But, finally, you will
screw yourself up to the belief that if the people of the slave States
should adopt a system of gradual emancipation on the slavery question,
you would be in favour of it. You would be in favour of it! You say that
is getting it in the right place, and you would be glad to see it
succeed. But you are deceiving yourself. You all know that Frank Blair
and Gratz Brown, down there in St. Louis, undertook to introduce that
system in Missouri. They fought as valiantly as they could for the
system of gradual emancipation, which you pretend you would be glad to
see succeed. Now I will bring you to the test. After a hard fight they
were beaten; and when the news came over here, you threw up your hats
and hurrahed for Democracy! More than that; take all the argument made
in favour of the system you have proposed, and it carefully excludes the
idea that there is anything wrong in the institution of slavery. The
arguments to sustain that policy carefully exclude it. Even here to-day,
you heard Judge Douglas quarrel with me, because I uttered a wish that
it might sometime come to an end. Although Henry Clay could say he
wished every slave in the United States was in the country of his
ancestors, I am denounced by those who pretend to respect Henry Clay,
for uttering a wish that it might sometime, in some peaceful way, come
to an end.
The Democratic policy in regard to that institution will not tolerate
the merest breath, the slightest hint, of the least degree of wrong
about it. Try it by some of Judge Douglas's arguments. He says he "don't
care whether it is voted up or voted down in the Territories." I do not
care myself in dealing with that expression whether it is intended to be
expressive of his individual sentiments on the subject or only of the
national policy he desires to have established.
But no man can logically say it who does see a wrong in it; because no
man can logically say he don't care whether a wrong is voted up or voted
down.... Any man can say that who does not see anything wrong in
slavery.... But if it is a wrong, he cannot say that people have a right
to do wrong. He says that, upon the score of equality, slaves should be
allowed to go into a new Territory like other property. This is strictly
logical if there is no difference between it and other property.... But
if you insist that one is wrong and the other right, there is no use to
institute a comparison between right and wrong.... The Democratic policy
everywhere carefully excludes the idea that there is anything wrong in
it.
That is the real issue. That is the issue that will continue in this
country when these poor tongues of Judge Douglas and myself shall be
silent. It is the eternal struggle between these two principles--right
and wrong--throughout the world. They are the two principles that have
stood face to face from the beginning of time, and will ever continue to
struggle.
The one is the common right of humanity, and the other the divine right
of kings. It is the same principle in whatever shape it develops itself.
It is the same spirit that says, "You toil and work and earn bread, and
I'll eat it." No matter in what shape it comes, whether from the mouth
of a king, who seeks to bestride the people of his own nation and live
by the fruit of their labour, or from one race of men as an apology for
enslaving another race,--it is the same tyrannical principle....
Whenever the issue can be distinctly made, and all extraneous matter
thrown out, so that men can fairly see the real difference between the
parties, this controversy will soon be settled, and it will be done
peaceably, too. There will be no war, no violence. It will be placed
again where the wisest and best men of the world placed it.
_From a Speech at Columbus, Ohio, on the Slave Trade, Popular
Sovereignty, etc. September 16, 1859_
... The Republican party, as I understand its principles and policy,
believes that there is great danger of the institution of slavery being
spread out and extended, until it is ultimately made alike lawful in all
the States of this Union; so believing, to prevent that incidental and
ultimate consummation is the original and chief purpose of the
Republican organization.
I say "chief purpose" of the Republican organization; for it is
certainly true that if the national House shall fall into the hands of
the Republicans, they will have to attend to all the matters of national
house-keeping as well as this. The chief and real purpose of the
Republican party is eminently conservative. It proposes nothing save and
except to restore this Government to its original tone in regard to this
element of slavery, and there to maintain it, looking for no further
change in reference to it than that which the original framers of the
Government themselves expected and looked forward to.
The chief danger to this purpose of the Republican party is not just now
the revival of the African slave-trade, or the passage of a
Congressional slave-code ... but the most imminent danger that now
threatens that purpose is that insidious Douglas popular sovereignty.
This is the miner and sapper. While it does not propose to revive the
African slave-trade, nor to pass a slave-code, nor to make a second Dred
Scott decision, it is preparing us for the onslaught and charge of these
ultimate enemies when they shall be ready to come on, and the word of
command for them to advance shall be given. I say this _Douglas_ popular
sovereignty--for there is a broad distinction, as I now understand it,
between that article and a genuine popular sovereignty.
I believe there is a genuine popular sovereignty. I think a definition
of genuine popular sovereignty in the abstract would be about this: that
each man shall do precisely as he pleases with himself, and with all
those things which exclusively concern him. Applied to governments, this
principle would be, that a general government shall do all those things
which pertain to it; and all the local governments shall do precisely as
they please in respect to those matters which exclusively concern them.
I understand that this government of the United States under which we
live, is based upon this principle; and I am misunderstood if it is
supposed that I have any war to make upon that principle.
Now, what is Judge Douglas's popular sovereignty? It is, as a principle,
no other than that if one man chooses to make a slave of another man,
neither that other man nor anybody else has a right to object. Applied
in government, as he seeks to apply it, it is this: If, in a new
Territory into which a few people are beginning to enter for the purpose
of making their homes, they choose to either exclude slavery from their
limits or to establish it there, however one or the other may affect the
persons to be enslaved, or the infinitely greater number of persons who
are afterward to inhabit that Territory, or the other members of the
families of communities of which they are but an incipient member, or
the general head of the family of States as parent of all,--however
their action may affect one or the other of these, there is no power or
right to interfere. That is Douglas popular sovereignty applied.
... I cannot but express my gratitude that this true view of this
element of discord among us, as I believe it is, is attracting more and
more attention. I do not believe that Governor Seward uttered that
sentiment because I had done so before, but because he reflected upon
this subject, and saw the truth of it. Nor do I believe, because
Governor Seward or I uttered it, that Mr. Hickman of Pennsylvania, in
different language, since that time, has declared his belief in the
utter antagonism which exists between the principles of liberty and
slavery. You see we are multiplying. Now, while I am speaking of
Hickman, let me say, I know but little about him. I have never seen him,
and know scarcely anything about the man; but I will say this much about
him: of all the anti-Lecompton Democracy that have been brought to my
notice, he alone has the true, genuine ring of the metal.
... Judge Douglas ... proceeds to assume, without proving it, that
slavery is one of those little, unimportant, trivial matters which are
of just about as much consequence as the question would be to me,
whether my neighbour should raise horned cattle or plant tobacco; that
there is no moral question about it, but that it is altogether a matter
of dollars and cents; that when a new Territory is opened for
settlement, the first man who goes into it may plant there a thing
which, like the Canada thistle or some other of those pests of the soil,
cannot be dug out by the millions of men who will come thereafter; that
it is one of those little things that is so trivial in its nature that
it has no effect upon anybody save the few men who first plant upon the
soil; that it is not a thing which in any way affects the family of
communities composing these States, nor any way endangers the general
government. Judge Douglas ignores altogether the very well-known fact
that we have never had a serious menace to our political existence
except it sprang from this thing, which he chooses to regard as only
upon a par with onions and potatoes.
... Did you ever, five years ago, hear of anybody in the world saying
that the negro had no share in the Declaration of National Independence;
that it did not mean negroes at all; and when "all men" were spoken of,
negroes were not included?
... Then I suppose that all now express the belief that the Declaration
of Independence never did mean negroes. I call upon one of them to say
that he said it five years ago. If you think that now, and did not think
it then, the next thing that strikes me is to remark that there has been
a _change_ wrought in you, and a very significant change it is, being no
less than changing the negro, in your estimation, from the rank of a man
to that of a brute....
Is not this change wrought in your minds a very important change? Public
opinion in this country is everything. In a nation like ours this
popular sovereignty and squatter sovereignty have already wrought a
change in the public mind to the extent I have stated....
... Now, if you are opposed to slavery honestly, I ask you to note that
fact (the popular-sovereignty of Judge Douglas), and the like of which
is to follow, to be plastered on, layer after layer, until very soon you
are prepared to deal with the negro everywhere as with the brute. If
public sentiment has not been debauched already to this point, a new
turn of the screw in that direction is all that is wanting; and this is
constantly being done by the teachers of this insidious popular
sovereignty. You need but one or two turns further, until your minds,
now ripening under these teachings, will be ready for all these things,
and you will receive and support or submit to the slave-trade, revived
with all its horrors,--a slave-code enforced in our Territories,--and a
new Dred Scott decision to bring slavery up into the very heart of the
free North.
... I ask attention to the fact that in a pre-eminent degree these
popular sovereigns are at this work: blowing out the moral lights around
us; teaching that the negro is no longer a man, but a brute; that the
Declaration has nothing to do with him; that he ranks with the crocodile
and the reptile; that man with body and soul is a matter of dollars and
cents. I suggest to this portion of the Ohio Republicans, or Democrats,
if there be any present, the serious consideration of this fact, that
there is now going on among you a steady process of debauching public
opinion on this subject. With this, my friends, I bid you adieu.
_From a Speech at Cincinnati, Ohio, on the Intentions of "Black
Republicans," the Relation of Labour and Capital, etc. September 17,
1859_
... I say, then, in the first place to the Kentuckians that I am what
they call, as I understand it, a "Black Republican." I think slavery is
wrong, morally and politically. I desire that it should be no further
spread in these United States, and I should not object if it should
gradually terminate in the whole Union. While I say this for myself, I
say to you, Kentuckians, that I understand you differ radically with me
upon this proposition; that you believe slavery is a good thing; that
slavery is right; that it ought to be extended and perpetuated in this
Union. Now, there being this broad difference between us, I do not
pretend, in addressing myself to you, Kentuckians, to attempt
proselyting you. That would be a vain effort. I do not enter upon it. I
only propose to try to show you that you ought to nominate for the next
presidency, at Charleston, my distinguished friend, Judge Douglas. In
all that, there is no real difference between you and him; I understand
he is as sincerely for you, and more wisely for you than you are for
yourselves. I will try to demonstrate that proposition.
In Kentucky perhaps--in many of the slave States certainly--you are
trying to establish the rightfulness of slavery by reference to the
Bible. You are trying to show that slavery existed in the Bible times by
Divine ordinance. Now, Douglas is wiser than you, for your own benefit,
upon that subject. Douglas knows that whenever you establish that
slavery was right by the Bible, it will occur that that slavery was the
slavery of the white man,--of men without reference to colour,--and he
knows very well that you may entertain that idea in Kentucky as much as
you please, but you will never win any Northern support upon it. He
makes a wiser argument for you. He makes the argument that the slavery
of the black man--the slavery of the man who has a skin of a different
colour from your own--is right. He thereby brings to your support
Northern voters, who could not for a moment be brought by your own
argument of the Bible right of slavery.
... At Memphis he [Judge Douglas] declared that in all contests between
the negro and the white man, he was for the white man, but that in all
questions between the negro and the crocodile, he was for the negro. He
did not make that declaration accidentally ... he made it a great many
times.
The first inference seems to be that if you do not enslave the negro,
you are wronging the white man in some way or other; and that whoever is
opposed to the negro being enslaved is in some way or other against the
white man. Is not that a falsehood? If there was a necessary conflict
between the white man and the negro, I should be for the white man as
much as Judge Douglas; but I say there is no such necessary conflict. I
say there is room enough for us all to be free, and that it not only
does not wrong the white man that the negro should be free, but it
positively wrongs the mass of the white men that the negro should be
enslaved,--that the mass of white men are really injured by the effects
of slave labour in the vicinity of the fields of their own labour....
There is one other thing that I will say to you in this relation. It is
but my opinion; I give it to you without a fee. It is my opinion that it
is for you to take him or be defeated; and that if you do take him you
may be beaten. You will surely be beaten if you do not take him. We, the
Republicans and others forming the opposition of the country, intend "to
stand by our guns," to be patient and firm, and in the long run to beat
you, whether you take him or not. We know that before we fairly beat
you, we have to beat you both together. We know that "you are all of a
feather," and that we have to beat you all together, and we expect to do
it. We don't intend to be very impatient about it. We mean to be as
deliberate and calm about it as it is possible to be, but as firm and
resolved as it is possible for men to be. When we do as we say, beat
you, you perhaps want to know what we will do with you.
I will tell you, so far as I am authorized to speak for the opposition,
what we mean to do with you. We mean to treat you, as near as we
possibly can, as Washington, Jefferson, and Madison treated you. We mean
to leave you alone, and in no way to interfere with your institution; to
abide by all and every compromise of the Constitution, and, in a word,
coming back to the original proposition, to treat you, so far as
degenerate men (if we have degenerated) may, according to the example of
those noble fathers--Washington, Jefferson, and Madison. We mean to
remember that you are as good as we; that there is no difference between
us other than the difference of circumstances. We mean to recognize and
bear in mind always, that you have as good hearts in your bosoms as
other people, or as we claim to have, and to treat you accordingly. We
mean to marry your girls when we have a chance--the white ones, I mean,
and I have the honour to inform you that I once did have a chance in
that way.