ELECTIONEERING EXPERIENCE.
The late Lord Lyndhurst candidate for the University of Cambridge —
The Philosopher refuses to vote for him — The reason why — Example of
unrivalled virtue — In 1829 Mr. Cavendish was a Candidate for that
University — The Author was Chairman of his London Committee — Motives
for putting men on Committees — Of the pairing Sub-Committee — Motives
for Voting — Means of influencing Voters — Voters brought from Berlin
and from India — Elections after the Reform Bill, 1832 — The Author
again requested to be Chairman of Mr. Cavendish’s Committee — Reserves
three days in case of a Contest for Bridgenorth — It occurs, but is
arranged — Bridgenorth being secure, the Author gets up a Contest for
Shropshire — Patriotic Fund sends 500 _l._ to assist the Contest —
It lasts three days — Reflections on Squibs — Borough of Finsbury —
Adventure in an Omnibus — A judicious Loan — Subsequent invitation to
stand for Stroud — Declined — Reflections on improper influence on
Voters.
When the late Lord Lyndhurst was a candidate for the representation
of the University of Cambridge, I met Mr. ——, a Whig in politics, and
a great friend of Dr. Wollaston. After the usual salutation, he said,
“I hope you will go down to Cambridge and vote for our friend Copley.”
I made no answer, but, looking full in his face, waited for some
explanation. “Oh,” said Mr. ——, “I see what you mean. You think him a
Tory; Copley still is what he always has been—a republican.” I replied
that I was equally unable to vote for him upon that ground, and wished
my friend good morning. {260}
A few evenings after I met the beautiful Lady Copley, who also
canvassed me for my vote for her husband. I had the energy to resist
even this temptation, which I should not have ventured to mention
did not the poll-book enable me to refer to it as a witness of my
unrivalled virtue.
〈CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY ELECTION.〉
Some years after, in 1829, a vacancy again arose in the representation
of the University of Cambridge. Mr. Cavendish having recently waived
the privilege of his rank, which entitled him, after a residence of
two years, to take the degree of Master of Arts, had entered into
competition with the whole of the young men of his own standing, and
had obtained the distinguished position of second wrangler and senior
Smith’s prize man. Under such circumstances, it was quite natural that
all those who felt it important that the accidental aristocracy of
birth should be able to maintain its position by the higher claim of
superior knowledge; as well as all those who took a just pride in their
Alma Mater, should wish to send such a man as their representative to
the House of Commons.
A very large meeting of the electors was held in London, over which the
Earl of Euston presided. It was unanimously resolved to nominate Mr.
Cavendish as a proper person to represent the University of Cambridge
in the House of Commons. A committee was appointed to carry on the
election, of which I was nominated chairman. Similar proceedings
took place at Cambridge. The family of the young but distinguished
candidate were not at first very willing to enter upon the contest. As
it advanced, the committee-room became daily more and more frequented.
Ultimately, in the midst of the London season, and during the sitting
of the House of Commons, this single election excited an intense
interest amongst men of all parties, whilst those who {261} supported
Mr. Cavendish upon higher grounds were not less active than the most
energetic of his political supporters.
〈MOTIVES FOR BEING ON A COMMITTEE.〉
At all elections some few men, perhaps from four or five up to ten
or twelve, do all the difficult and real work of the committee. The
committee itself is, for several reasons, generally very numerous.
All who are supposed to have weight are, of course, put upon it.
Many who wish to appear to have weight get their names upon it.
Some get put upon it thinking to establish a political claim upon the
_party_.
Others because they like to see their names in the newspapers.
Others again, who, if not on _his_ committee, would vote against the
candidate.
There are also idlers and busybodies, who go there to talk or to carry
away something to talk about, which may give them importance in their
own circle.
Young lawyers, of both departments of the profession, are very
numerous, possessing acute perceptions of professional advantage.
A jester and a good story-teller are very useful; but a jolly
and enterprising professor of rhodomontade is on some occasions
invaluable—more especially if he is not an Irishman.
Occasionally a few simply honest men are found upon committees. These
are useful as adjuncts to give a kind of high moral character to the
cause; but the rest of the committee generally think them bores,
and when they differ upon any point from the worldly members, it is
invariably whispered that they are crotchety fellows. {262}
When any peculiarly delicate question arises, it is sometimes important
to eliminate one or more of them temporarily from the real committee
of management. This is accomplished (as in graver matters) by sending
him on an embassy, usually to one of the adepts, with a confidential
mission on a subject represented to him as of great importance. The
adept respectfully asks for his view of the subject, rather opposes
it, but not too strongly; is at last convinced, and ultimately
entirely adopts it. The adept then enters upon the honest simpleton’s
crotchet, trots it out in the most indulgent manner, and at length
sends him back, having done the double service of withdrawing him from
a consultation at which he might have impeded the good cause, and also
of enabling him at any future time to declare truly, if necessary, that
he never was present at any meeting at which even a questionable course
had been proposed.
〈OF THE PAIRING COMMITTEE.〉
One of the most difficult as well as of the most important departments
of some elections is the pairing sub-committee. When I had myself
to arrange it, I generally picked out two of the cleverest and most
quick-witted of the committee. I told them I had perfect confidence
in their judgment and discretion, and therefore constituted them a
sub-committee, with absolute power on all questions of pairing. I also
entirely forbade any appeal to myself. I then advised them to have
attached to them a couple of good and entertaining talkers, to hold in
play the applicants while they retired to ascertain the policy of the
proposed pair.
Upon one occasion, when both my persuasive gentlemen were absent, I
was obliged to officiate myself. I soon discovered that the adverse
vote was very lukewarm in his own cause, and was also very averse to
the prospect of missing a great cricket-match if he went to the poll.
Whilst my {263} pairing committee were making the necessary inquiries,
I was so fortunate as to secure the promise of his vote for my own
candidate at the succeeding election. In the meantime the pairing
committee had kindly taken measures to save him from missing his
cricket-match without, however, wasting a pair.
〈PRIMITIVE PURITY—IT WON’T DO.〉
Yet notwithstanding all my efforts to introduce primitive virtue into
electioneering, I did not always succeed. About a dozen years had
elapsed after one of the elections I had managed, when the subject
was mentioned at a large dinner-table. A supporter of the adverse
political party, referring to the contest, stated as a _merit_ in his
friends that they had succeeded in outwitting their opponents, for on
one occasion they had got a man on their side who had unluckily just
broken his arm, whom they succeeded in pairing off against a sound man
of their adversaries. Remembering my able coadjutors in that contest,
I had little doubt that a good explanation existed; so the next time I
met one of them I mentioned the circumstance. He at once admitted the
fact, and said, “We knew perfectly well that the man’s arm was broken;
but our man, whom we paired off against him, had _no vote_.” He then
added, “We were afraid to tell you of our success.” To which I replied,
“You acted with great discretion.”
University elections are of quite a different class from all others.
The nature of the influences to be brought to bear upon the voters is
of a peculiar kind: the clerical element is large, and they are for the
greater part expectant of something better hereafter.
〈MATERIALS FOR CANVASSING.〉
The first thing to be done in any election contest is to get as exact
a list as possible of the names and addresses of the voters. In a
university contest the chairman should adopt {264} certain letters or
other signs to be used in his own private copy attached to the names of
the clerical voters. These should indicate—
The books such voter may have written.
The nature of his preferment.
The source whence derived.
The nature of his expectations.
The source whence expected.
The age of the impediment.
The state of its health.
The chance of its promotion.
Possessed of a full knowledge of all these circumstances, a paragraph
in a newspaper regretting the alarming state of health of some eminent
divine will frequently decide the oscillation even of a cautious voter.
This dodge is the more easily practised because some eminent divines,
on the approach of an university election, occasionally become ill, and
even take to their bed, in order to avoid the bore of being canvassed,
or of committing themselves until they see “how the land lies.”
The motives which induce men to act upon election committees are
various. The hope of advancement is a powerful motive. It was stated
to me by some of my committee, that every really working member of the
committee which a few years before had managed the election of Copley
for the University of Cambridge had already been rewarded by place or
advancement.
My two most active lieutenants in the two contests for Cambridge, to
which I have referred, were not neglected. One of them shortly after
became a Master in Chancery, and the other had a place in India,
producing £10,000 a year. {265}
The highest compliment, however, that party can pay to those who thus
assist them is entirely to ignore their service, and pass them over
on every occasion. This may be done with impunity to the very few who
have such strong convictions that no amount of neglect or ill-usage
can cause them to desert those principles of the soundness of which
their reason is convinced. This course has also the great advantage of
economizing patronage.
Always ascertain who are the personal enemies of the opposing
candidate. If skilfully managed, you may safely depend upon their
becoming the warmest friends of your own. Their enthusiasm can be
easily stimulated: their zeal in the cause may shame some of your
own lukewarm friends into greater earnestness. Men will always give
themselves tenfold more trouble to crush a man obnoxious to their
hatred than they will take to serve their most favoured ally.
When I have been chairman of an election committee I have found it
advantageous to commence my duties early in the morning, and to remain
until late at night. There is always something to be done for the
advancement of the cause. In the first Cambridge election in which I
took part I invariably remained at my post until midnight; and in the
second, I was seldom absent at that hour.
〈GOT A VOTER FROM BERLIN.〉
One evening, being alone, I employed myself in looking through our
lists to find the names of all voters at that period unaccounted for.
The first name which attracted my attention was that of a liberal with
whom I was personally unacquainted. The next day I set at work one of
my investigating committee. In the course of the following day, he had
traced out the voter, who at that time was at Berlin. As there was
ample time for his return, a friend was employed to write to him, and
he returned and voted for our candidate. {266}
〈NEGLECT NO CHANCE.〉
On another evening, the name of Minchin turned up on the list. I
remembered the man, whom I had met very frequently at the rooms of one
of my most intimate friends; but I had not seen him for nearly twenty
years.
The next day, after many inquiries, I found that he had been lost sight
of for a long time, and it was believed that he had gone out to India.
I immediately sent a note to a friend of mine, Captain Robert Locke,
who commanded an Indiaman, to beg of him to look in upon me at the
committee-room. In two hours he called and informed me that Minchin
was a barrister at Calcutta, and was about to return to England. On
my expressing a wish for further particulars, he kindly went into the
City to procure information, and on his return told me that Minchin
was on his voyage home in the “Herefordshire,” an excellent ship. It
was due on a certain day, about a fortnight thence, and would in all
probability not be three days behind its time.
In the evening, being again alone in the committee-room, I resumed the
Minchin question, and found that he might possibly arrive on the second
of the three days’ polling. I therefore wrote the following letter:—
DEAR MINCHIN,
If twenty years have not altered your political principles, we have
now an opportunity of getting in a Liberal to represent our University.
The three days of polling are —— —— ——
If you arrive in time, pray come immediately to my committee-room in
Cockspur Street.
Yours truly,
C. BABBAGE.
I addressed this letter to Minchin at Portsmouth, and {267} making two
copies of it, directed them to two other seaports. When I put these
letters into the basket, I smiled at my own simplicity in speculating
on the triple improbability—
1. That Minchin should ever get my letter.
2. That his ship, which was expected, should really arrive on the
second or third of the three days of polling.
3. That a young lawyer should not have changed his political
principles in twenty years.
However, I considered that the chance of this election lottery-ticket
winning for us a vote, although very small, was at least worth the
three sheets of letter-paper which it cost our candidate.
〈GOT A VOTER FROM INDIA.〉
Amidst the bustle of the election this subject was entirely forgotten.
The first day of polling arrived, and was concluded, and as usual I
was sitting, at midnight, alone in the large committee-room, when the
door opened, and there entered a man enveloped in a huge box-coat, who
advanced towards me. He held out his hand, and grasping mine, said, “I
have not altered my political principles.” This was Minchin, to whom
the pilot, cruizing about on the look-out for the “Herefordshire,” had
delivered a packet of letters.
The first letter Minchin opened was mine. He immediately went below,
told his wife that he must get into the boat which had just put the
pilot on board, and hasten to Cambridge, whilst she remained with
the children to pursue their voyage to London. Minchin returned in
the pilot-boat to Portsmouth, found a coach just ready to start,
got up on the roof, borrowed a box-coat, and on arriving in London,
drove directly to the committee-room. Finding that it {268} would
be most convenient to Minchin to start immediately for Cambridge, I
sent off a note to the Temple for the most entertaining man[39] upon
the committee; I introduced him to Minchin, and they posted down to
Cambridge, and voted on the second day.
[39] My friend, John Elliott Drinkwater, afterwards Bethune.
Greatly to the credit and to the advantage of the University, Mr.
Cavendish was elected on this occasion.
* * * * *
〈ELECTION AFTER THE REFORM BILL.〉
In May, 1832, after the passing of the Reform Bill, there was a
dissolution of Parliament. At the general election which ensued, Lord
Palmerston and Mr. Cavendish, the two former members, again became
candidates. Two of the most active members of Mr. Cavendish’s former
committee called upon me, one of whom began speaking in somewhat
complimentary phrases of our young candidate. I was listening
attentively to all that could be said in favour of the Cavendish
family, when his companion, suddenly interrupting him, said, “No, ——
that won’t do for Babbage.” He then continued, in terms which I have
no wish to repeat, to speak of our candidate, and concluded by saying,
that they expressed the opinion of all the working members of the
former committee, and came by their desire to request me again to take
the chair during the approaching contest; stating, also, that there was
no other man under whom they would all willingly act. He then entreated
me to be their chairman, not for the sake of the Cavendishes, but for
the sake of the cause.
This appeal was irresistible. I immediately acceded to their request,
but with one reservation, in case my brother-in-law’s seat was
contested, that I should have three days to help him at Bridgenorth.
Under such circumstances the contest commenced. I can {269} truly add,
that amongst the many elections in which I have taken an active working
share, none was ever carried on with greater zeal, nor were greater
efforts ever made to attain success.
I had good reason at its commencement to doubt the success of our
candidate: not from any defect on his part, but entirely on political
grounds. The same reasons induced me to suppose that Lord Palmerston’s
seat was equally in danger. Of course, a tone of perfect confidence
was sustained, and, but for a very inopportune petition signed by a
considerable number of members of the University, I believe that we
might have managed, by a compromise with the other party, to have
secured one seat for our own. As it was, however, both the Liberal
candidates were defeated.
〈BRIDGENORTH BEING SAFE.〉
The contingency I had anticipated did occur. I was sent for, and went
down by the mail to assist Mr. Wolryche Whitmore. On my arrival,
I found that circumstances had entirely changed, and not only my
brother-in-law, but also Mr. Foster, a large iron-master, was to be
returned for Bridgenorth without a contest.
〈A CONTEST FOR SHROPSHIRE STARTED.〉
As soon as I was informed of this arrangement, I took immediate
measures for rejoining my committee in Cockspur Street. On reaching
Bridgenorth, it appeared that four hours would elapse before the mail
to London could arrive. I fortunately found a great number of Mr.
Foster’s most influential supporters assembled at the hotel, comprising
amongst them many of the largest iron-masters and manufacturers in the
county. They were naturally elated at the success of their friend,
which secured to their class a certain amount of influence in the House
of Commons. In the course of conversation, mention was made of the
utter neglect of the manufacturing interests of the district by their
county members. {270} I remarked, that it depended upon themselves to
remedy this evil, and inquired whether they were seriously disposed to
work. One of the party, who had greatly assisted me when I was managing
another contest, and who had ridden over four counties in search of
votes for us, appealed to my own experience of their energy. After some
discussion, I suggested that they should start a rival candidate of
their own for the county.
I then proposed to retire into another room and draw up an address to
the freeholders, and also placards, to be stuck up in every town and
village in the county. I desired them, in the mean time, to divide the
county into districts, of such size that one of our party could in the
course of a day go to every town and large village in his district,
and arrange with one or more tradesmen in our interest to exhibit the
address in their shop-windows. I also desired them to make an estimate
of the number of large and small placards necessary for each town and
village, in order that we might ascertain how many of each need be
printed.
I returned with the addresses to the freeholders. In these the
characters of their late members were lightly sketched, and the public
were informed that a committee in the liberal interest was sitting in
every town in the county, and that at the proper time the name of a fit
candidate would be announced.
My friends cordially concurring in these sentiments, unanimously
adopted the addresses, undertook to publish them in the newspapers,
to arrange their distribution, and organize committees throughout the
county. They were, of course, very anxious to know who was to be their
candidate. I told them at once that it was not to be expected that they
could succeed in their first attempt, but that such a course would
{271} assuredly secure for them in future much more attention to their
interests from their county members. With respect to a candidate, if
they could not themselves find one, these placards and advertisements
would without doubt produce one.
I may here mention that a member of the Cambridge committee in
Cockspur Street had taken rooms at the Crown and Anchor, and, in
conjunction with many other Liberals, instituted the Patriotic Fund,
for the purpose of collecting subscriptions for the support of liberal
candidates at the first elections under the Reform Bill. A very large
sum was soon subscribed.
In the broadsides and placards issued in Shropshire, I had taken care
to allude to this fund in large capitals.
I now got into the mail for London, amidst the hearty congratulations
of my Shropshire friends. During the few minutes’ rest at Northampton,
I had an opportunity of seeing a member of the Liberal committee and
of informing him of our proceedings in Shropshire, and afterwards of
conveying his report of the prospects of the contest in that town to
our friends in London.
Two or three days after every town, and almost every village in
Shropshire, was enlightened by my placards; and in the course of a few
days more, three candidates were in the field.
〈PATRIOTIC FUND AIDS IT WITH £500.〉
On my return to London I communicated with the Patriotic Fund, who sent
down 500 _l._ to support the party in Shropshire. After a short contest
the Liberal party was of course beaten; but the diversion produced the
intended effect.
* * * * *
One portion of electioneering tactics is thought to consist in the
manufacture of squibs. These should never give pain nor allude to
any personal defect or inevitable evil. They {272} ought either to
produce a broad laugh or that involuntary smile which true wit usually
provokes. They are productive of little effect except the amusement of
the supporters engaged in carrying on the contest.
My own share in elections has generally been in more serious
departments. I remember, however, a very harmless squib which I
believed equally amused both parties, and which, I was subsequently
informed, was concocted in Mr. Cavendish’s committee-room.
High mathematical knowledge is by no means a very great qualification
in a candidate for the House of Commons, nor is the absence of it any
disparagement. In the contest to which I refer, the late Mr. Goulburn
was opposed to Mr. Cavendish. The following paragraph appeared in the
‘Morning Post:’—
“The Whigs lay great stress on the academical distinction attained
by Mr. Cavendish. Mr. Goulburn, it is true, was not a candidate for
university honours; but his scientific attainments are by no means
insignificant. He has succeeded in the exact rectification of a
circular arc; and he has likewise discovered the equation of the
lunar caustic, a problem likely to prove of great value in nautical
astronomy.”
It appears that late one evening a cab drove up in hot haste to the
office of the ‘Morning Post,’ delivered the copy as coming from Mr.
Goulburn’s committee, and at the same time ordered fifty _extra_ copies
of the ‘Post’ to be sent next morning to their committee-room.
* * * * *
〈CONTEST FOR FINSBURY.〉
During my own contest for the borough of Finsbury few incidents worth
note occurred. One day, as I was returning in an omnibus from the City,
an opportunity presented itself by which I acquired a few votes. A
gentleman at the extreme end of the omnibus being about to leave it,
asked the {273} conductor to give him change for a sovereign. Those
around expressed their opinion that he would acquire bad silver by the
exchange. On hearing this remonstrance, I thought it a good opportunity
to make a little political capital, which might perhaps be improved by
a slight delay. So I did not volunteer my services until a neighbour
of the capitalist who possessed the sovereign had offered him the loan
of a sixpence. It was quite clear that the borrower would ask for
the address of the lender, and tolerably certain that it would be in
some distant locality. So, in fact, it turned out: Richmond being the
abode of the benevolent one. Other liberal individuals offered their
services, but they only possessed half-sovereigns and half-crowns.
〈A JUDICIOUS LOAN—SIXPENCE.〉
In the mean time I had taken from my well-loaded breast-pocket one
of my own charming addresses to my highly-cultivated and independent
constituents, and having also a bright sixpence in my hand, I
immediately offered the latter as a loan, and the former as my address
for repayment. I remarked at the same time that my committee-room on
Holborn Hill, at which I was about to alight, would be open continually
for the next five weeks. This offer was immediately accepted, and
further extensive demands were instantly made upon my pocket for other
copies of my address.
My immediate neighbour, having read its fascinating contents, applied
to me for more copies, saying that he highly agreed with my sound and
patriotic views, would at once promise me six votes, and added that
he would also immediately commence a canvass in his own district. On
arriving at my committee-room I had already acquired other supporters.
Indeed, I am pretty sure I carried the whole of my fellow-passengers
with me: for I left the omnibus amidst the hearty cheers of my
newly-acquired friends. {274}
〈REPAID WITH COMPOUND INTEREST.〉
About a year or two after this long-forgotten loan, I received a letter
from a gentleman whose name I did not recognize as being one of my too
numerous correspondents. It commenced thus:—“Sir, I am the gentleman to
whom you lent sixpence in the omnibus.” He then went on to state, in
terms too flattering for me to repeat, that he had watched the Finsbury
election with the greatest interest, and much deplored the taste of the
electors in rejecting so, &c. &c., a candidate. My friend then informed
me of an approaching vacancy in the borough of Stroud, in which town he
resided. He proceeded to give me an outline of the state of opinion,
and of the wants of the electors, and concluded by saying he was
certain that my opinions would be very favourably received. He also
assured me, if I decided on offering my services to the constituency,
that he should have great pleasure in giving me every support in his
power. In reply, I cordially thanked him for his generous offer, but
declined the proposed honour. In fact, I was not peculiarly desirous
of wasting my time for the benefit of my country. The constituency
of Finsbury had already expressed their opinion that Mr. Wakley and
Mr. Thomas Duncombe were fitter than myself to represent them in
Parliament, and in that decision I most cordially concurred.
* * * * *
During some of the early contests for the borough of Marylebone, it too
frequently occurred that ladies drove round to their various tradesmen
to canvass for their votes, threatening, in case of refusal, to
withdraw their custom. This unfeminine conduct occasionally drew upon
them unpleasant though well-deserved rebukes.
〈DISGRACEFUL CANVASSING.〉
In one of those contests I took a considerable interest in favour of a
candidate whom I shall call Mr. A. Meeting {275} a very respectable
tradesman—a plumber and painter, whom I had employed in decorating
my own house—I asked him how he intended to vote. He replied that he
wished to vote for Mr. A., but that one of his customers had been to
his shop and asked him to vote for Mr. Z., threatening, in case he
declined, never to employ him again.
I inquired whether his customer’s house was larger than mine, to which
he replied that mine was twice the size of the other. I then asked
whether his customer was a younger man than myself, to this he replied,
“He is a much older man.”
I then asked him what he would do if I adopted the same line of
conduct, and insisted on his voting for my friend Mr. A. This query
was unanswerable. Of course I did not attempt to make him violate his
extorted promise.
Such conduct is disgraceful, and if of frequent occurrence would have
a tendency to introduce the vote by ballot; a mode of voting for
representatives which, in my opinion, nothing short of the strongest
necessity could justify.
The election for Finsbury gave occasion to the following _jeu
d’esprit_, which, as a specimen of the electioneering _squibs_ of the
day, I give _in extenso:_—
{276}