Alexis, Emperor of the East, had sent Henry, Emperor of the Holy Roman

Empire, one hundred and forty-four thousand pieces of gold, and one

hundred pieces of woven scarlet, as an inducement to make war upon the

Norman Duke, the Pope's friend. But the Romans feared Henry and sent

ambassadors to him, and on the twenty-first of March, being the Thursday

before Palm Sunday, the Lateran gate was opened for him to enter in

triumph. The city was divided against itself, the nobles were for

Hildebrand, the people were against him. The Emperor seized the Lateran

palace and all the bridges. The Pope fled to the Castle of Sant' Angelo,

an impregnable fortress in those times, ever ready and ever provisioned

for a siege. Of the nobles Henry required fifty hostages as earnest of

their neutrality. On the next day he threw his gold to the rabble and

they elected his Antipope Gilbert, who called himself Clement the Third,

and certain bishops from North Italy consecrated him in the Lateran on

Palm Sunday.

Meanwhile Hildebrand secretly sent swift riders to Apulia, calling on

Robert Guiscard for help, and still the nobles were faithful to him, and

though Henry held the bridges, they were strong in Trastevere and the

Borgo, which is the region between the Castle of Sant' Angelo and Saint

Peter's. So it turned out that when Henry tried to bring his Antipope in

solemn procession to enthrone him in the Pontifical chair, on Easter

day, he found mailed knights and footmen waiting for him, and had to

fight his way to the Vatican, and forty of his men were killed and

wounded in the fray, while the armed nobles lost not one. Yet he reached

the Vatican at last, and there he was crowned by the false Pope he had

made, with the crown of the Holy Roman Empire. The chronicler apologizes

for calling him an emperor at all. Then he set to work to destroy the

dwellings of the faithful nobles, and laid siege to the wonderful

Septizonium of Severus, in which the true Pope's nephew had fortified

himself, and began to batter it down with catapults and battering-rams.

Presently came the message of vengeance, brought by one man outriding a

host, while the rabble were still building a great wall to encircle

Sant' Angelo and starve Hildebrand to death or submission, working day

and night like madmen, tearing down everything at hand to pile the great

stones one upon another. Swiftly came the terrible Norman from the

south, with his six thousand horse, Normans and Saracens, and thirty

thousand foot, forcing his march and hungry for the Emperor. But Henry

fled, making pretext of great affairs in Lombardy, promising great and

wonderful gifts to the Roman rabble, and entrusting to their care his

imperial city.

Like a destroying whirlwind of fire and steel Robert swept on to the

gates and into Rome, burning and slaying as he rode, and sparing neither

man, nor woman, nor child, till the red blood ran in rivers between

walls of yellow flame. And he took Hildebrand from Sant' Angelo, and

brought him back to the Lateran through the reeking ruins of the city in

grim and fearful triumph of carnage and destruction.

That was the end of the Roman Forum, and afterwards, when the

blood-soaked ashes and heaps of red-hot rubbish had sunk down and

hardened to a level surface, the place where the shepherd fathers of

Alba Longa had pastured their flocks was called the Campo Vaccino, the

Cattle Field, because it was turned into the market for beeves, and rows

of trees were planted, and on one side there was a walk where ropes were

made, even to our own time.

It became also the fighting ground of the Regions. Among the strangest

scenes in the story of the city are those regular encounters between the

Regions of Monti and Trastevere which for centuries took place on feast

days, by appointment, on the site of the Forum, or occasionally on the

wide ground before the Baths of Diocletian. They were battles fought

with stones, and far from bloodless. Monti was traditionally of the

Imperial or Ghibelline party; Trastevere was Guelph and for the Popes.

The enmity was natural and lasting, on a small scale, as it was

throughout Italy. The challenge to the fray was regularly sent out by

young boys as messengers, and the place and hour were named and the word

passed in secret from mouth to mouth. It was even determined by

agreement whether the stones were to be thrown by hand or whether the

more deadly sling was to be used.

At the appointed time, the combatants appear in the arena, sometimes as

many as a hundred on a side, and the tournament begins, as in Homeric

times, with taunts and abuse, which presently end in skirmishes between

the boys who have come to look on. Scouts are placed at distant points

to cry 'Fire' at the approach of the dreaded Bargello and his men, who

are the only representatives of order in the city and not, indeed,

anxious to face two hundred infuriated slingers for the sake of making

peace.

One boy throws a stone and runs away, followed by the rest, all

prudently retiring to a safe distance. The real combatants wrap their

long cloaks about their left arms, as the old Romans used their togas on

the same ground, to shield their heads from the blows; a sling whirls

half a dozen times like lightning, and a smooth round stone flies like a

bullet straight at an enemy's face, followed by a hundred more in a

deadly hail, thick and fast. Men fall, blood flows, short deep curses

ring through the sunny air, the fighters creep up to one another,

dodging behind trees and broken ruins, till they are at cruelly short

range; faster and faster fly the stones, and scores are lying prostrate,

bleeding, groaning and cursing. Strength, courage, fierce endurance and

luck have it at last, as in every battle. Down goes the leader of

Trastevere, half dead, with an eye gone, down goes the next man to him,

his teeth broken under his torn lips, down half a dozen more, dead or

wounded, and the day is lost. Trastevere flies towards the bridge,

pursued by Monti with hoots and yells and catcalls, and the thousands

who have seen the fight go howling after them, women and children

screaming, dogs racing and barking and biting at their heels. And far

behind on the deserted Campo Vaccino, as the sun goes down, women weep

and frightened children sob beside the young dead. But the next feast

day would come, and a counter-victory and vengeance.

That has always been the temper of the Romans; but few know how

fiercely it used to show itself in those days. It would have been

natural enough that men should meet in sudden anger and kill each other

with such weapons as they chanced to have or could pick up, clubs,

knives, stones, anything, when fighting was half the life of every grown

man. It is harder to understand the murderous stone throwing by

agreement and appointment. In principle, indeed, it approached the

tournament, and the combat of champions representing two parties is an

expression of the ancient instinct of the Latin peoples; so the Horatii

and Curiatii fought for Rome and Alba--so Francis the First of France

offered to fight the Emperor Charles the Fifth for settlement of all

quarrels between the Kingdom and the Empire--and so the modern Frenchman

and Italian are accustomed to settle their differences by an appeal to

what they still call 'arms,' for the sake of what modern society is

pleased to dignify by the name of 'honour.'

But in the stone-throwing combats of Campo Vaccino there was something

else. The games of the circus and the bloody shows of the amphitheatre

were not forgotten. As will be seen hereafter, bull-fighting was a

favourite sport in Rome as it is in Spain today, and the hand-to-hand

fights between champions of the Regions were as much more exciting and

delightful to the crowd as the blood of men is of more price than the

blood of beasts.

The habit of fighting for its own sake, with dangerous weapons, made the

Roman rabble terrible when the fray turned quite to earnest; the deadly

hail of stones, well aimed by sling and hand, was familiar to every

Roman from his childhood, and the sight of naked steel at arm's length

inspired no sudden, keen and unaccustomed terror, when men had little

but life to lose and set small value on that, throwing it into the

balance for a word, rising in arms for a name, doing deeds of blood and

flame for a handful of gold or a day of power.

Monti was both the battlefield of the Regions and also, in times early

and late, the scene of the most splendid pageants of Church and State.

There is a strange passage in the writings of Ammianus Marcellinus, a

pagan Roman of Greek birth, contemporary with Pope Damasus in the latter

part of the fourth century. Muratori quotes it, as showing what the

Bishopric of Rome meant even in those days. It is worth reading, for a

heathen's view of things under Valens and Valentinian, before the coming

of the Huns and the breaking up of the Roman Empire, and, indeed, before

the official disestablishment, as we should say, of the heathen

religion; while the High Priest of Jupiter still offered sacrifices on

the Capitol, and the six Vestal Virgins still guarded the Seven Holy

Things of Rome, and held their vast lands and dwelt in their splendid

palace in all freedom of high privilege, as of old.

'For my part,' says Ammianus, 'when I see the magnificence in which the

Bishops live in Rome, I am not surprised that those who covet the

dignity should use force and cunning to obtain it. For if they succeed,

they are sure of becoming enormously rich by the gifts of the devout

Roman matrons; they will drive about Rome in their carriages, as they

please, gorgeously dressed, and they will not only keep an abundant

table, but will give banquets so sumptuous as to outdo those of kings

and emperors. They do not see that they could be truly happy if instead

of making the greatness of Rome an excuse for their excesses, they would

live as some of the Bishops of the Provinces do, who are sparing and

frugal, poorly clad and modest, but who make the humility of their

manners and the purity of their lives at once acceptable to their God

and to their fellow worshippers.'

So much Ammianus says. And Saint Jerome tells how Praetextatus, Prefect

of the City, when Pope Damasus tried to convert him, answered with a

laugh, 'I will become a Christian if you will make me Bishop of Rome.'

Yet Damasus, famous for the good Latin and beautiful carving of the many

inscriptions he composed and set up, was undeniably also a good man in

the evil days which foreshadowed the great schism.

[Illustration: SANTA MARIA MAGGIORE]

And here, in the year 366, in the Region of Monti, in the church where

now stands Santa Maria Maggiore, a great and terrible name stands out

for the first time in history. Orsino, Deacon of the Holy Roman Catholic

and Apostolic Church, rouses a party of the people, declares the

election of Damasus invalid, proclaims himself Pope in his stead, and

officiates as Pontiff in the Basilica of Sicininus. Up from the deep

city comes the roaring crowd, furious and hungry for fight; the great

doors are closed and Orsino's followers gather round him as he stands on

the steps of the altar; but they are few, and those for Damasus are

many; down go the doors, burst inward with battering-rams, up shoot the

flames to the roof, and the short, wild fray lasts while one may count

five score, and is over. Orsino and a hundred and thirty-six of his men

lie dead on the pavement, the fire licks the rafters, the crowd press

outward, and the great roof falls crashing down into wide pools of

blood. And after that Damasus reigns eighteen years in peace and

splendour. No one knows whether the daring Deacon was of the race that

made and unmade popes afterwards, and held half Italy with its

fortresses, giving its daughters to kings and taking kings' daughters

for its sons, till Vittoria Accoramboni of bad memory began to bring

down a name that is yet great. But Orsino he was called, and he had in

him much of the lawless strength of those namesakes of his who outfought

all other barons but the Colonna, for centuries; and romance may well

make him one of them.

Three hundred years later, and a little nearer to us in the dim

perspective of the dark ages, another scene is enacted in the same

cathedral. Martin the First was afterwards canonized as Saint Martin for

the persecutions he suffered at the hands of Constans, who feared and

hated him and set up an antipope in his stead, and at last sent him

prisoner to die a miserable death in the Crimea. Olympius, Exarch of

Italy, was the chosen tool of the Emperor, sent again and again to Rome

to destroy the brave Bishop and make way for the impostor. At last, says

the greatest of Italian chroniclers, fearing the Roman people and their

soldiers, he attempted to murder the Pope foully, in hideous sacrilege.

To that end he pretended penitence, and begged to be allowed to receive

the Eucharist from the Pope himself at solemn high Mass, secretly

instructing one of his body-guards to stab the Bishop at the very moment

when he should present Olympius with the consecrated bread.

Up to the basilica they went, in grave and splendid procession. One may

guess the picture, with its deep colour, with the strong faces of those

men, the Eastern guards, the gorgeous robes, the gilded arms, the high

sunlight crossing the low nave and falling through the yellow clouds of

incense upon the venerable bearded head of the holy man whose death was

purposed in the sacred office. First, the measured tread of the Exarch's

band moving in order; then, the silence over all the kneeling throng,

and upon it the bursting unison of the 'Gloria in Excelsis' from the

choir. Chant upon chant as the Pontiff and his Ministers intone the

Epistle and the Gospel and are taken up by the singers in chorus at the

first words of the Creed. By and by, the Pope's voice alone, still clear

and brave in the Preface. 'Therefore with Angels and Archangels, and all

the company of Heaven,' he chants, and again the harmony of many voices

singing 'Holy, Holy, Holy, Lord God of Sabaoth.' Silence then, at the

Consecration, and the dark-browed Exarch bowing to the pavement, beside

the paid murderer whose hand is already on his dagger's hilt. 'O Lamb of

God, that takest away the sins of the world,' sings the choir in its

sad, high chant, and Saint Martin bows, standing, over the altar,

himself communicating, while the Exarch holds his breath, and the slayer

fixes his small, keen eyes on the embroidered vestments and guesses how

they will look with a red splash upon them.

As the soldier looks, the sunlight falls more brightly on the gold, the

incense curls in mystic spiral wreaths, its strong perfume penetrates

and dims his senses; little by little, his thoughts wander till they are

strangely fixed on something far away, and he no longer sees Pope nor

altar nor altar-piece beyond, and is wrapped in a sort of waking sleep

that is blindness. Olympius kneels at the steps within the rail, and his

heart beats loud as the grand figure of the Bishop bends over him, and

the thin old hand with its strong blue veins offers the sacred bread to

his open lips. He trembles, and tries to glance sideways to his left

with downcast eyes, for the moment has come, and the blow must be struck

then or never. Not a breath, not a movement in the church, not the

faintest clink of all those gilded arms, as the Saint pronounces the few

solemn words, then gravely and slowly turns, with his deacons to right

and left of him, and ascends the altar steps once more, unhurt. A

miracle, says the chronicler. A miracle, says the amazed soldier, and

repeats it upon solemn oath. A miracle, says Olympius himself, penitent

and converted from error, and ready to save the Pope by all means he

has, as he was ready to slay him before. But he only, and the hired

assassin beside him, had known what was to be, and the people say that

the Exarch and the Pope were already reconciled and agreed against the

Emperor.

The vast church has had many names. It seems at one time to have been

known as the Basilica of Sicininus, for so Ammianus Marcellinus still

speaks of it. But just before that, there is the lovely legend of Pope

Liberius' dream. To him and to the Roman patrician, John, came the

Blessed Virgin in a dream, one night in high summer, commanding them to

build her a church wheresoever they should find snow on the morrow. And

together they found it, glistening in the morning sun, and they traced,

on the white, the plan of the foundation, and together built the first

church, calling it 'Our Lady of Snows,' for Damasus to burn when Orsino

seized it,--but the people spoke of it as the Basilica of Liberius. It

was called also 'Our Lady of the Manger,' from the relic held holy

there; and Sixtus the Third named it 'Our Lady, Mother of God'; and

under many popes it was rebuilt and grew, until at last, for its size,

it was called, as it is today, 'The Greater Saint Mary's.' At one time,

the popes lived near it, and in our own century, when the palace had

long been transferred to the Quirinal, a mile to northward of the

basilica, Papal Bulls were dated 'From Santa Maria Maggiore.'

It is too gorgeous now, too overladen, too rich; and yet it is imposing.

The first gold brought from South America gilds the profusely decorated

roof, the dark red polished porphyry pillars of the high altar gleam in

the warm haze of light, the endless marble columns rise in shining

ranks, all is gold, marble and colour.

Many dead lie there, great men and good; and one over whom a sort of

mystery hangs, for he was Bartolommeo Sacchi, Cardinal Platina,

historian of the Church, a chief member of the famous Roman Academy of

the fifteenth century, and a mediaeval pagan, accused with Pomponius

Letus and others of worshipping false gods; tried, acquitted for lack of

evidence; dead in the odour of sanctity; proved at last ten times a

heathen, and a bad one, today, by inscriptions found in the remotest

part of the Catacombs, where he and his companions met in darkest secret

to perform their extravagant rites. He lies beneath the chapel of Sixtus

the Fifth, but the stone that marked the spot is gone.

Strange survivals of ideas and customs cling to some places like ghosts,

and will not be driven away. The Esquiline was long ago the haunt of

witches, who chanted their nightly incantations over the shallow graves

where slaves were buried, and under the hideous crosses whereon dead

malefactors had groaned away their last hours of life. Maecenas cleared

the land and beautified it with gardens, but still the witches came by

stealth to their old haunts. The popes built churches and palaces on it,

but the dark memories never vanished in the light; and even in our own

days, on Saint John's Eve, which is the witches' night of the Latin

race, as the Eve of May-day is the Walpurgis of the Northmen, the people

went out in thousands, with torches and lights, and laughing tricks of

exorcism, to scare away the powers of evil for the year.

On that night the vast open spaces around the Lateran were thronged with

men and women and children; against the witches' dreaded influence they

carried each an onion, torn up by the roots with stalk and flower; all

about, on the outskirts of the place, were kitchen booths, set up with

boughs and bits of awnings, yellow with the glare of earthen and iron

oil lamps, where snails--great counter-charms against spells--were fried

and baked in oil, and sold with bread and wine, and eaten with more or

less appetite, according to the strength of men's stomachs. All night,

till the early summer dawn, the people came and went, and wandered round

and round, and in and out, in parties and by families, to go laughing

homeward at last, scarce knowing why they had gone there at all, unless

it were because their fathers and mothers had done as they did for

generations unnumbered.

[Illustration: BATHS OF DIOCLETIAN]

And the Lateran once had another half-heathen festival, on the Saturday

after Easter, in memory of the ancient Floralia of the Romans, which had

formerly been celebrated on the 28th of April. It was a most strange

festival, now long forgotten, in which Christianity and paganism were

blended together. Baracconi, from whom the following account is taken,

quotes three sober writers as authority for his description. Yet there

is a doubt about the very name of the feast, which is variously called

the 'Coromania' and the 'Cornomania.'

On the afternoon of the Saturday in Easter week, say these writers, the

priests of the eighteen principal 'deaconries'--an ecclesiastical

division of the city long ago abolished and now somewhat obscure--caused

the bells to be rung, and the people assembled at their parish churches,

where they were received by a 'mansionarius,'--probably meaning here 'a

visitor of houses,'--and a layman, who was arrayed in a tunic, and

crowned with the flowers of the cornel cherry. In his hand he carried a

concave musical instrument of copper, by which hung many little bells.

One of these mysterious personages, who evidently represented the pagan

element in the ceremony, preceded each parish procession, being followed

immediately by the parish priest, wearing the cope. From all parts of

the city they went up to the Lateran, and waited before the palace of

the Pope till all were assembled.

The Pope descended the steps to receive the homage of the people.

Immediately, those of each parish formed themselves into wide circles

round their respective 'visitors' and priests, and the strange rite

began. In the midst the priest stood still. Round and round him the lay

'visitor' moved in a solemn dance, striking his copper bells

rhythmically to his steps, while all the circle followed his gyrations,

chanting a barbarous invocation, half Latin and half Greek: 'Hail,

divinity of this spot! Receive our prayers in fortunate hour!' and many

verses more to the same purpose, and quite beyond being construed

grammatically.

The dance is over with the song. One of the parish priests mounts upon

an ass, backwards, facing the beast's tail, and a papal chamberlain

leads the animal, holding over its head a basin containing twenty pieces

of copper money. When they have passed three rows of benches--which

benches, by the bye?--the priest leans back, puts his hand behind him

into the basin, and pockets the coins.

Then all the priests lay garlands at the feet of the Pope. But the

priest of Santa Maria in Via Lata also lets a live fox out of a bag, and

the little creature suddenly let loose flies for its life, through the

parting crowd, out to the open country, seeking cover. It is like the

Hebrew scapegoat. In return each priest receives a golden coin from the

Pontiff's hand. The rite being finished, all return to their respective

parishes, the dancing 'visitor' still leading the procession. Each

priest is accompanied then by acolytes who bear holy water, branches of

laurel, and baskets of little rolls, or of those big, sweet wafers,

rolled into a cylinder and baked, which are called 'cialdoni,' and are

eaten to this day by Romans with ice cream. From house to house they go;

the priest blesses each dwelling, sprinkling water about with the

laurel, and then burning the branch on the hearth and giving some of the

rolls to the children. And all the time the dancer slowly dances and

chants the strange words made up of some Hebrew, a little Chaldean and a

leavening of nonsense.

Jaritan, jaritan, iarariasti

Raphaym, akrhoin, azariasti!

One may leave the interpretation of the jargon to curious scholars. As

for the rite itself, were it not attested by trustworthy writers, one

would be inclined to treat it as a mere invention, no more to be

believed than the legend of Pope Joan, who was supposed to have been

stoned to death near San Clemente, on the way to the Lateran.

An extraordinary number of traditions cling to the Region of Monti, and

considering that in later times a great part of this quarter was a

wilderness, the fact would seem strange. As for the 'Coromania' it seems

to have disappeared after the devastation of Monti by Robert Guiscard in

1084, and the general destruction of the city from the Lateran to the

Capitol is attributed to the Saracens who were with him. But a more

logical cause of depopulation is found in the disappearance of water

from the upper Region by the breaking of the aqueducts, from which alone

it was derived. The consequence of this, in the Middle Age, was that the

only obtainable water came from the river, and was naturally taken from

it up-stream, towards the Piazza del Popolo, in the neighbourhood of

which it was collected in tanks and kept until the mud sank to the

bottom and it was approximately fit to drink.

Ave Roma Immortalis, Vol. 1 Studies from the Chronicles of Rome · 第 7 / 19 段