CHAPTER LII.

THE HUGUENOT WARS IN FRANCE.

(1562-1629.)

BEGINNING OF THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE.--Before Luther posted his ninety-

five theses at Wittenberg, there appeared in the University of Paris and

elsewhere in France men who, from their study of the Scriptures, had come

to entertain opinions very like those of the German reformer. The land

which had been the home of the Albigenses was again filled with heretics.

The movement thus begun received a fresh impulse from the uprising in

Germany under Luther.

The Reformation in France, as elsewhere, brought dissension, persecution,

and war. We have already seen how Francis I., the second of the Valois-

Orleans dynasty, [Footnote: The Valois-Orleans sovereigns, whose reigns

cover the greater part of the period treated in the present chapter, were

Louis XII. (1498-1515), Francis I. (1515-1547), Henry II. (1547-1559),

Francis II. (1559-1560), Charles IX. (1560-1574), Henry III. (1574-1589).

The successor of Henry III.--Henry IV.--was the first of the Bourbons.]

waged an exterminating crusade against his heretical Waldensian subjects

(see p. 533). His son and successor, Henry II., also conceived it to be

his duty to uproot heresy; and it was his persecution of his Protestant

subjects that sowed the seeds of those long and woful civil and religious

wars which he left as a terrible legacy to his three feeble sons, Francis,

Charles, and Henry, who followed him in succession upon the throne. At the

time these wars began, which was about the middle of the sixteenth

century, the confessors of the reformed creed, who later were known as

Huguenots, [Footnote: This word is probably a corruption of the German

_Eidgenossen_, meaning "oath-comrades" or "confederates."] numbered

probably 400,000. The new doctrines found adherents especially among the

nobility and the higher classes, and had taken particularly deep root in

the South,--the region of the old Albigensian heresy.

THE CATHOLIC AND THE HUGUENOT LEADERS.--The leaders of the Catholic party

were the notorious Catherine de Medici, and the powerful chiefs of the

family of the Guises. Catherine, the queen-mother of the last three

Valois-Orleans sovereigns, was an intriguing, treacherous Italian.

Nominally she was a Catholic; but only nominally, for it seems certain

that she was almost destitute of religious convictions of any kind. What

she sought was power, and this she was ready to secure by any means. When

it suited her purpose, she favored the Huguenots; and when it suited her

purpose better, she incited the Catholics to make war upon them. Perhaps

no other woman ever made so much trouble in the world. She made France

wretched through the three successive reigns of her sons, and brought her

house to a shameful and miserable end.

At the head of the family of the Guises stood Francis, Duke of Guise, a

famous commander, who had gained great credit and popularity among his

countrymen by many military exploits, especially by his capture of Calais

from the English in the recent Spanish wars (see p. 553). By his side

stood a younger brother Charles, Cardinal of Lorraine. Both of these men

were ardent Catholics. Mary Stuart, the queen of the young king Francis

II., was their niece, and through her they ruled the boy-king. The Pope

and the king of Spain were friends and allies of the Guises.

The chiefs of the Huguenots were the Bourbon princes, Anthony, king of

Navarre, and Louis, Prince of Condé, who, next after the brothers of

Francis II., were heirs to the French throne; and Gaspard de Coligny,

Admiral of France. Anthony was not a man of deep convictions. He at first

sided with the Protestants, probably because it was only through forming

an alliance with them that he could carry on his opposition to the Guises.

He afterwards went over to the side of the Catholics. A man of very

different character was Admiral Coligny. Early in life he had embraced the

doctrines of the reformers, and he remained to the last the trusted and

consistent, though ill-starred, champion of the Protestants.

THE CONSPIRACY OF AMBOISE (1560).--The foregoing notice of parties and

their chiefs will render intelligible the events which we now have to

narrate. The harsh measures adopted against the reformers by Francis II.,

who of course was entirely under the influence of the Guises, led the

chiefs of the persecuted party to lay a plan for wresting the government

from the hands of these "new Mayors of the Palace." The Guises were to be

arrested and imprisoned, and the charge of the young king given to the

Prince of Condé. The plot was revealed to the Guises, and was avenged by

the execution of more than a thousand of the Huguenots.

THE MASSACRE OF VASSY (1562).--After the short reign of Francis II. (1559-

1560), his brother Charles came to the throne as Charles IX. He was only

ten years of age, so the queen-mother assumed the government in his name.

Pursuing her favorite maxim to rule by setting one party as a counterpoise

to the other, she gave the Bourbon princes a place in the government, and

also by a royal edict gave the Huguenots a limited toleration, and forbade

their further persecution.

These concessions in favor of the Huguenots angered the Catholic chiefs,

particularly the Guises; and it was the violation by the adherents of the

Duke of Guise of the edict of toleration that finally caused the growing

animosities of the two parties to break out in civil war. While passing

through the country with a body of armed attendants, at a small place

called Vassy, the Duke came upon a company of Huguenots assembled in a

barn for worship. His retainers first insulted and then attacked them,

killing about forty of the company and wounding many more.

Under the lead of Admiral Coligny and the Prince of Condé, the Huguenots

now rose throughout France. Philip II. of Spain sent an army to aid the

Catholics, while Elizabeth of England extended help to the Huguenots.

THE TREATY OF ST. GERMAIN (1570).--Throughout the series of lamentable

civil wars upon which France now entered, both parties displayed a

ferocity of disposition more befitting pagans than Christians. But it

should be borne in mind that many on both sides were actuated by political

ambition, rather than by religious conviction, knowing little and caring

less about the distinctions in the creeds for which they were ostensibly

fighting. [Footnote: What are usually designated as the _First_,

_Second_, and _Third Wars_ were really one. The table below

exhibits the wars of the entire period of which we are treating. Some make

the Religious Wars proper end with the Edict of Nantes (1598); others with

the fall of La Rochelle (1628).

First War (ended by Peace of Amboise) . . . . . . . 1562-1563.

Second War (ended by Peace of Longjumeau) . . . . . 1567-1568.

Third War (ended by Peace of St. Germain) . . . . . 1568-1570.

Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, Aug. 24. . . . . . . .1572.

Fourth War (ended by Peace of La Rochelle). . . . . 1572-1573.

Fifth War (ended by Peace of Chastenoy) . . . . . . 1574-1576.

Sixth War (ended by Peace of Bergerac). . . . . . . . . .1577.

Seventh War (ended by Treaty of Fleix). . . . . . . 1579-1580.

Eighth War (War of the Three Henries) . . . . . . . 1585-1589.

Henry of Bourbon, King of Navarre, secures the throne . .1589.

Edict of Nantes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .1598.

Siege and fall of La Rochelle . . . . . . . . . . . 1627-1628.

By the fall of La Rochelle the political power of the Huguenots was

completely prostrated.]

Sieges, battles, and truces followed one another in rapid and confusing

succession. Conspiracies, treacheries, and assassinations help to fill up

the dreary record of the period. The Treaty of St. Germain (in 1570)

brought a short but, as it proved, delusive peace. The terms of the treaty

were very favorable to the Huguenots. They received four towns,--among

which was La Rochelle, the stronghold of the Huguenot faith,--which they

might garrison and hold as places of safety and pledges of good faith.

To cement the treaty, Catherine de Medici now proposed that the Princess

Marguerite, the sister of Charles IX., should be given in marriage to

Henry of Bourbon, the new young king of Navarre. The announcement of the

proposed alliance caused great rejoicing among Catholics and Protestants

alike, and the chiefs of both parties crowded to Paris to attend the

wedding, which took place on the 18th of August, 1572.

THE MASSACRE OF ST. BARTHOLOMEW'S DAY (Aug. 24, 1572).--Before the

festivities which followed the nuptial ceremonies were over, the world was

shocked by one of the most awful crimes of which history has to tell,--the

massacre of the Huguenots in Paris on St. Bartholomew's Day.

The circumstances which led to this fearful tragedy were as follows: Among

the Protestant nobles who came up to Paris to attend the wedding was the

Admiral Coligny. Upon coming in contact with Charles IX., the Admiral

secured almost immediately an entire ascendency over his mind. This

influence Coligny used to draw the king away from the queen-mother and the

Guises. Fearing the loss of her influence over her son, Catherine resolved

upon the death of the Admiral. The attempt miscarried, Coligny receiving

only a slight wound from the assassin's ball.

The Huguenots at once rallied about their wounded chief with loud threats

of revenge. Catherine, driven on by insane fear and hatred, now determined

upon the death of all the Huguenots in Paris as the only measure of

safety. By the 23d of August, the plans for the massacre were all

arranged. On the evening of that day, Catherine went to her son, and

represented to him that the Huguenots had formed a plot for the

assassination of the royal family and the leaders of the Catholic party,

and that the utter ruin of their house and cause could be averted only by

the immediate destruction of the Protestants within the city walls. The

order for the massacre was then laid before him for his signature. The

king at first refused to sign the decree, but, overcome at last by the

representations of his mother, he exclaimed, "I agree to the scheme,

provided not one Huguenot be left alive in France to reproach me with the

deed."

A little past the hour of midnight on St. Bartholomew's Day (Aug. 24,

1572), at a preconcerted signal,--the tolling of a bell,--the massacre

began. Coligny was one of the first victims. After his assassins had done

their work, they tossed the body out of the window of the chamber in which

it lay, into the street, in order that the Duke of Guise, who stood below,

might satisfy himself that his enemy was really dead. For three days and

nights the massacre went on within the city. King Charles himself is said

to have joined in the work, and from one of the windows of the palace of

the Louvre to have fired upon the Huguenots as they fled past. The number

of victims in Paris is variously estimated at from 3,000 to 10,000.

With the capital cleared of Huguenots, orders were issued to the principal

cities of France to purge themselves in like manner of heretics. In many

places the instincts of humanity prevailed over fear of the royal

resentment, and the decree was disobeyed. But in other places the orders

were carried out, and frightful massacres took place. The entire number of

victims throughout the country was probably between 20,000 and 30,000.

The massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day raised a cry of execration in almost

every part of the civilized world, among Catholics and Protestants alike.

Philip II., however, is said to have received the news with unfeigned joy;

while Pope Gregory XIII. caused a _Te Deum_, in commemoration of the

event, to be sung in the church of St. Mark, in Rome. Respecting this it

should in justice be said that Catholic writers maintain that the Pope

acted under a misconception of the facts, it having been represented to

him that the massacre resulted from a thwarted plot of the Huguenots

against the royal family of France and the Catholic Church.

REIGN OF HENRY III. (1574-1589).--The massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day,

instead of exterminating heresy in France, only served to rouse the

Huguenots to a more determined defence of their faith. Throughout the last

two years of the reign of Charles IX., and the fifteen succeeding years of

the reign of his brother Henry III., the country was in a state of turmoil

and war. At length the king, who, jealous of the growing power and

popularity of the Duke of Guise, had caused him to be assassinated, was

himself struck down by the avenging dagger of a Dominican monk. With him

ended the House of Valois-Orleans.

Henry of Bourbon, king of Navarre, who for many years had been the most

prominent leader of the Huguenots, now came to the throne as the first of

the Bourbon kings.

ACCESSION OF HENRY IV. (1589).--Notwithstanding that the doctrines of the

reformers had made rapid progress in France under the sons of Henry II.,

still the majority of the nation at the time of the death of Henry III.

were Roman Catholics in faith and worship. Under these circumstances, we

shall hardly expect to find the entire nation quietly acquiescing in the

accession to the French throne of a Protestant prince, and he the leader

and champion of the hated Huguenots. Nor did Henry secure without a

struggle the crown that was his by right. The Catholics declared for

Cardinal Bourbon, an uncle of the king of Navarre, and France was thus

kept in the whirl of civil war. Elizabeth of England aided the

Protestants, and Philip II. of Spain assisted the Catholics.

HENRY TURNS CATHOLIC (1593).--After the war had gone on for about four

years,--during which time was fought the noted battle of Ivry, in which

Henry led his soldiers to victory by telling them to follow the white

plume on his hat,--the quarrel was closed, for the time being, by Henry's

abjuration of the Huguenot faith, and his adoption of that of the Roman

Catholic Church (1593).

Mingled motives led Henry to do this. He was personally liked even by the

Catholic chiefs, and he was well aware that it was only his Huguenot faith

that prevented their being his hearty supporters. Hence duty and policy

seemed to him to concur in urging him to remove the sole obstacle in the

way of their ready loyalty, and thus bring peace and quiet to distracted

France.

THE EDICT OF NANTES (1598).--As soon as Henry had become the crowned and

acknowledged king of France, he gave himself to the work of composing the

affairs of his kingdom. The most noteworthy of the measures he adopted to

this end was the publication of the celebrated Edict of Nantes (April 15,

1598). This decree granted the Huguenots practical freedom of worship,

opened to them all offices and employments, and gave them as places of

refuge and defence a large number of fortified towns, among which was the

important city of La Rochelle.

The temporary hushing of the long-continued quarrels of the Catholics and

Protestants by the adoption of the principle of religious toleration,

paved the way for a revival of the trade and industries of the country,

which had been almost destroyed by the anarchy and waste of the civil

wars. France now entered upon such a period of prosperity as she had not

known for many years.

LOUIS XIII, AND HIS MINISTER, CARDINAL RICHELIEU.--Henry IV. was

assassinated by a fanatic named Ravaillac, who regarded him as an enemy of

the Roman Catholic Church. As his son Louis, who succeeded him as Louis

XIII. (1610-1643), was a child of nine years, during his minority the

government was administered by his mother, Mary de Medici. Upon attaining

his majority, Louis took the government into his own hands. He chose, as

his chief minister, Cardinal Richelieu, one of the most remarkable

characters of the seventeenth century. From the time that Louis admitted

the young prelate to his cabinet (in 1622), the ecclesiastic became the

virtual sovereign of France, and for the space of twenty years swayed the

destinies not only of that country, but, it might almost be said, those of

Europe as well.

[Illustration: CARDINAL RICHELIEU. (After a painting in the Louvre.)]

Richelieu's policy was twofold: first, to render the authority of the

French king absolute in France; secondly, to make the power of France

supreme in Europe.

To attain the first end, Richelieu sought to crush the political power of

the Huguenots, and to trample out the last vestige of independence among

the old feudal aristocracy; to secure the second, he labored to break down

the power of both branches of the House of Hapsburg,--that is, of Austria

and Spain.

For nearly the life-time of a generation Richelieu, by intrigue,

diplomacy, and war, pursued with unrelenting purpose these objects of his

ambition. His own words best indicate how he proposed to use his double

authority as cardinal and prime minister to effect his purpose: "I shall

trample all opposition under foot," said he, "and then cover all errors

with my scarlet robe."

In the following paragraph we shall speak very briefly of the cardinal's

dealings with the Huguenots, which feature alone of his policy especially

concerns us at present.

POLITICAL POWER OF THE HUGUENOTS CRUSHED.--In the prosecution of his

plans, Cardinal Richelieu's first step was to break down the political

power of the Huguenot chiefs, who, dissatisfied with their position in the

government, and irritated by religious grievances, were revolving in mind

the founding in France of a Protestant commonwealth like that which the

Prince of Orange and his adherents had setup in the Netherlands. The

capital of the new Republic was to be La Rochelle, on the southwestern

coast of France. In 1627, an alliance having been formed between England

and the French Protestant nobles, an English fleet and army were sent

across the Channel to aid the Huguenot enterprise.

Richelieu now resolved to ruin forever the power of these Protestant

nobles who were constantly challenging the royal authority and threatening

the dismemberment of France. Accordingly he led in person an army to the

siege of La Rochelle, which, after a gallant resistance of more than a

year, was compelled to open its gates to the cardinal (1628). That the

place might never again be made the centre of resistance to the royal

power, Louis ordered that "the fortifications be razed to the ground, in

such wise that the plough may plough through the soil as through tilled

land."

The Huguenots maintained the struggle a few months longer in the south of

France, but were finally everywhere reduced to submission. The result of

the war was the complete destruction of the political power of the French

Protestants. A treaty of peace, called the Edict of Grace, negotiated the

year after the fall of La Rochelle, left them, however, freedom of

worship, according to the provisions of the Edict of Nantes (see p. 578).

The Edict of Grace properly marks the close of the religious wars which

had desolated France for two generations (from 1562 to 1629). It is

estimated that this series of wars and massacres cost France a million

lives, and that between three and four hundred hamlets and towns were

destroyed by the contending parties.

RICHELIEU AND THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR.--When Cardinal Richelieu came to the

head of affairs in France, there was going on in Germany the Thirty Years'

War (1618-1648), of which we shall tell in the following chapter. This was

very much such a struggle between the Catholic and Protestant German

princes as we have seen waged between the two religious parties in France.

Although Richelieu had just crushed French Protestantism, he now gives aid

to the Protestant princes of Germany, because their success meant the

division of Germany and the humiliation of Austria. Richelieu did not live

to see the end either of the Thirty Years' War or of that which he had

begun with Spain; but this foreign policy of the great minister, carried

out by others, finally resulted, as we shall learn hereafter, in the

humiliation of both branches of the House of Hapsburg, and the lifting of

France to the first place among the powers of Europe.

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