rancherias. One is called Al-lok-yo-me-po-goot and is in Pope Valley,
whereas the other, at Middletown, is Lah-ki-yo-me-po-goot. Merriam,
furthermore, reinforces his distinction by citing numerous Spanish
synonyms which he collected from the mission records. Thus for
Al-lok-yo-me-po-goot he mentions Alacyomi, Aloquiomi, Alocyome, and
Aloqui. For Lah-ki-yo-me-po-goot he gives Laoquiomi, Laoquio,
Locollomillos, Laknomah, Locnoma, and Locolomne. The presence or
absence of the initial letter _a_ appears to have been the deciding
criterion, according to those who wrote in Spanish.
On the whole it is probable, as Kroeber concluded, that two towns are
involved. One undoubtedly was near Middletown. The other may have been
near by, as stated by Kroeber, or it may have been in Pope Valley, as
suggested by Merriam. Fortunately we are not called upon to make a
decision since, for population estimates, it becomes irrelevant where
the exact locations were. The evidence is adequate that there were in
fact two important villages, of very similar name, lying within the
consolidated territory of the Lake Miwok and the Northern Wappo.
We may now examine the village lists of Merriam, Barrett, and Kroeber.
All references to Kroeber are to his monograph of 1932.
_Al-lok-yo-me-po-goot_ (Merriam). Refer to preceding discussion.
_Lah-ki-yo-me-po-goot_ (Merriam), _Loknoma_ (Barrett). Refer to
preceding discussion.
_Tu-le-yo-me-po-goot_ (Merriam). _Tuleyome_ (Barrett), _Tule-yomi_
(Kroeber). This is widely known as the largest village of the Lake
Miwok.
_O-la-yo-me-po-goot_ (Merriam), _Oleyome_ (Barrett), _Ole-yomi_
(Kroeber). This village is also known as having been large and
important.
_Wen-nok_ (Merriam), _Guenoc_ (Barrett), _Guenoc_ (Kroeber).
Considerable mystery surrounds this name, although it has been
known and used for nearly one hundred years. Barrett says that the
Indians never employed the name but that it referred to a subtribe,
or group associated with the Oleyome. Kroeber says that "it was
admitted as a native name, but untranslated." He thinks it may be
identical with _Wilok-yomi_, a village mentioned by his informant.
Merriam says it was either (1) the name of a lake the valley of
which contained three rancherias or (2) on Oleyome band, located 4
miles northeast of Middletown. In view of the wide divergence of
opinion the safest procedure is to consider the Guenoc as simply
constituting a portion of the Oleyome.
_Kah-we-yo-me_ (Merriam), _Kahweyome_ (Barrett), _Kawi-yomi_
(Kroeber). Merriam says the village was located on Cache Creek, as
do Barrett and Kroeber. Kroeber says: "My informant did not refer
to the two sites mentioned here by Barrett, Tsitsa-pukut and
Kawi-yomi, and when asked about the former replied that some of the
Miwok had drifted there, presumably in later years." If Kroeber's
informant was correct, then both Barrett's villages are
postaboriginal and must be omitted from further consideration.
_Shoyome_ (Merriam), _Coyome_ (Barrett), _Kai-yomi-pukut_
(Kroeber). This town is placed by all three authorities on Putah
Creek, and hence is to be distinguished clearly from the preceding
town, Kah-we-yo-me. Furthermore it was known to the pre-American
Californians as Coyayomi, Joyayomi, or Cauyomi. Its aboriginal
existence seems established.
_Pe-te-no-mah_ (Merriam), _Petinoma_ (Barrett). This village is
placed on upper Putah Creek by both Merriam and Barrett; hence its
existence is probable.
_Holilelemona_ (Merriam), _Holilelenoma_ (Barrett). Barrett says
this was a camp site.
_Koo-pa-choo_ (Merriam, MS "Yukean"), _Kupetcu_ (Barrett). Barrett
says this was a camp site.
_Uyuhanoma_ (Barrett). _Yawi-yomi-pukut_ (Kroeber). Both authors
place this village near Middletown. Its existence is highly
probable.
_Hoo-koo-yo-me-po-koot_ (Merriam). _Hukuyome_ or _Siwiyome_
(Barrett). Barrett says that this village was established in 1835
by survivors from Oleyome. It is therefore not aboriginal.
_Ka-bool-po-goot_ (Merriam). _Kebulpukut_ (Barrett). _Tubud_ or
_Tubul_ (Kroeber). Existence highly probable since it is mentioned
by three investigators.
_Kah-dah-yo-me_ (Merriam), _Kadoi-yomi-pukut_ (Kroeber). Existence
probable.
_Kil-le-yo-ke-po-koot_ (Merriam), _Kilinyoke_ (Kroeber). Existence
probable.
_Lahl-mok-po-goot_ (Merriam), _Lalmak-pukut_ (Kroeber). Existence
probable.
_Lu-pu-yo-me_ (Merriam). No details are given by Merriam but the
existence of the village is rendered very probable by the fact that
57 persons are recorded as having been baptized at the mission of
San Rafael from _Lupuyome_. The village may have been destroyed in
the process of conversion and hence have been unknown to later
informants.
_Sahl-sahl-po-goot_ (Merriam), _Shalshal-pukut_ (Kroeber).
Existence probable.
_Sah-ti-yo-me-po-goot_ (Merriam). This village is mentioned by no
other investigator but there are recorded baptisms at Solano
Mission from _Tsatiyome_, which is undoubtedly the same name, hence
its existence is highly probable.
_Tsit-sah-yome_ (Merriam), _Tsitsapogut_ (Barrett), _Tsitsa-pukut_
(Kroeber). This village must be omitted because of the doubt cast
by Kroeber's informant. See Ka-we-yo-me.
_Tso-ke-yo-me-po-goot_ (Merriam), T_sok-yomi-pokut_ (Kroeber).
Existence probable.
_Tumistumis_ (Barrett), _Tumistumis-pukut_ (Kroeber). Existence
probable.
_Wo-de-di-tep-pe-po-goot_ (Merriam), _Wodidaitepi_ (Kroeber).
Existence probable.
_Al-lok-ko-boo-je_ (Merriam only). Existence possible.
_Al-lok-woo-boo-te_ (Merriam only). Existence possible.
_Haw-hawl-po-goot_ (Merriam only). Existence possible.
_Hol-wah-poo-koot_ (Merriam only). Existence possible.
_Oo-yoo-hah-no-mah_ (Merriam only). Existence possible.
_Kalau-yomi_ (Kroeber only). Existence possible.
_Kitsin-pukut_ (Kroeber only). Existence possible.
_Shanak-yomi-pukut_ (Kroeber only). Existence possible.
_Tsukeliwa-pukut_ (Kroeber only). Existence possible.
Reviewing the above compilation, we find four villages the existence,
size, and importance of which are beyond reasonable doubt. There are
five the names of which were known to the informants of all three
ethnographers, or can be found in the mission records. Hence their
existence can be accepted without serious question. Eight others were
located by two, but not three, ethnographers. The probability of their
actual, aboriginal existence is not high but on the other hand there is
no clear reason for excluding them. Four can be omitted from further
consideration on the ground that they were camp sites or were founded
after 1850. Nine are reported by only one investigator, and therefore
all confirmation of their status is lacking. It is quite unlikely that
each of these was a permanent aboriginal village. On the other hand,
the fact that even one informant remembered the name is presumptive
evidence for existence of some sort. As a purely empirical device, in
order to settle the matter, let us assume that each of the nine names
represents a small village of 20 inhabitants.
With respect to the size of the villages we suffer from a complete lack
of any direct information. By comparison with the rancherias around
Clear Lake and in Alexander Valley we could consider that the four
large towns contained 200 persons apiece. The five highly probable
villages are likely to have been larger than many others, and may have
contained 100 each. To the eight reasonably sure, but by no means
certain, places we may ascribe 50 persons each. The nine doubtful ones
can certainly be covered by a total of 200. The aggregate, then, is
1,900.
In default of further ethnographic help we must fall back on mission
data. In the records of San Francisco, Solano, and San Rafael it is
possible to find baptisms assigned to the following recognized
villages: Coyome, Loknoma (Lah-ki-yo-me-po-goot), Aloquiomi
(Al-lok-yo-me-po-goot), Oleyome, Tuleyome, and Lupuyome. These names
are no doubt more or less generic in character in that the missionaries
were using them to apply to the larger villages or even subtribes. We
would not expect them to conform in detail to any of the lists supplied
by modern ethnographers. The total baptism number may, however, be
taken as covering the area as a whole.
The Lake Miwok (together with the Clear Lake Pomo) and the Northern
Wappo were the most remote people, north of the Bay, who were reached
for conversion prior to the secularization of the missions. All
activity in this area was confined to the period 1824-1834, and was
carried on by necessity through well organized, semimilitary,
semireligious expeditions. Owing to unavoidable obstacles it was
possible to get physical possession of and bring back to the missions
only a small proportion of the potential converts. The exact value of
this proportion can never be known, and indeed it undoubtedly varied
widely from place to place. A similar question arose in connection with
a previous study of the population of the San Joaquin Valley. For the
latter area the conditions were postulated that the site of native
residence was several score miles from the nearest mission, that a
formally organized expedition had to be undertaken, and that there was
able and determined opposition to missionization on the part of the
natives. Under such circumstances it was concluded on the basis of
evidence available that a fair approximation to the proportion of
natives actually baptized was 15 per cent of the existing population.
In most respects the situation south and southeast of Clear Lake was
very similar to that obtaining in the lower San Joaquin Valley and the
delta region. Hence the indicated baptism factor may be employed here.
For the six major subdivisions mentioned above the total baptisms at
Solano and San Rafael were 264. If this number represents 15 per cent,
the population was 1,760, a value not basically different from the
arbitrary figure derived from the village lists. An intermediate
estimate, 1,800, will be taken for the population of the Lake Miwok and
Northern Wappo.
For the Central Wappo there is a paucity of ethnographic data.
Furthermore the territory itself is very circumscribed, since Pope
Valley has been allocated for present purposes to the Northern Wappo
and embraces little more than the flat land within a radius of a few
miles from the modern town of Calistoga. Merriam cites only one name
(in the manuscript entitled "Yukean"), viz., _Mi-yahk-ma_. Barrett
(1908, p. 269) gives _Maiyakma_, together with _Nilektsonoma_ and
_Tselmenan_, which were close by. In addition he lists _Mitustul_, five
miles to the west of Calistoga. It seems likely that we have here a
single small division, or tribelet, with the "capital" at Maiyakma and
with three smaller, peripheral villages. If we use the same population
estimates as we did farther north, we may ascribe 200 persons to
Maiyakma and 100 each to the others, making 500 in all.
The mission records supply two items of interest. The first is a note
from Sonoma that there were baptized 103 persons from Mayacma "o
Tamalsimas." The latter name is probably a corruption of the term
written by Barrett as Tselmenan, and indicates that this village was
then in existence. The other item is from San Rafael which reported 9
baptisms from Teluasuenhuca "o Tamalsimela." The total then is 112.
The baptism factor of 15 per cent cannot be used here with confidence
because the upper Napa Valley was much more accessible to the San
Rafael Mission and particularly the Sonoma Mission than was the area
around and above Middletown. At the same time the distance and
difficulty of approach were somewhat greater than in the case of the
lower Russian River Valley near Santa Rosa and Sebastopol, for which
the baptism factor was taken as one-third. As a compromise we may take
a factor of one-quarter, or 25 per cent. This yields an estimated
population of 450, a figure which appears not unreasonable.
For the Southern Wappo Merriam mentions Guiluc (MS "Yukean") and
Kaimus. The latter is very well known and is discussed by Barrett
(1908, p. 268). The former is in territory which was disputed between
the Pomo and the Wappo and may be either _wilikos_ (Wappo) or _Wilok_
(Pomo)--see Barrett's treatment on page 269 of the Ethnogeography
(1908). For present purposes it may be considered as Wappo since it was
excluded from the Pomo in computing the population of the latter group.
Merriam cites no other names, but Barrett gives Annakotonoma and
Tsemanoma among the Southern Wappo (1908, p. 269) and Tcimenukme,
Tuluka, and Suskol as Wintun villages at the mouth of Napa River.
Annakotonoma was known to the missionaries as Callajomanos (and
variants), Guiluc as such, and Kaimus as Caymus (and variants). The
three Wintun villages have left no trace whatever in the mission
records under Barrett's names or any recognizable variants. This is
rather surprising, since the area was thoroughly converted by the
missionaries at San Rafael and at Sonoma. Very likely the baptisms are
in the record but under designations (and there are many) which do not
permit the allocation to a specific tribe or village. On the other
hand, the area itself is probably included in the appellation "Napa"
which appears to have covered the entire region from the present city
of Napa to the shore of the Bay.
The sum of the recorded baptisms from Caymus, Guiluc, Callajomanos, and
Napa is 331. A baptism factor of 25 per cent cannot be employed because
the territory of these groups was very close to the Sonoma Mission, and
from numerous accounts by contemporary writers we know that
missionization was nearly complete. A factor of 50 per cent would give
a probable population of 662 and one of 75 per cent a population of
442. Both values are evidently too low.
The final resource from which we may seek information is provided by
the accounts of the early American settlers. Chief of these is George
Yount, who entered Napa Valley in 1831 and took up a grant of land near
the present town of Yountville. Yount seems to have been a sober and
reliable citizen, and one who was accorded the respect of his fellow
pioneers. His story consists of a series of verbal recollections which
were written down in manuscript form by a friend, the Rev. Orange
Clark, who visited his ranch in 1851. The Clark manuscript, together
with other material, has been secured and published by Professor
Charles L. Camp (1923).
Yount seems to have discoursed at length on the local Indians (1923, p.
55). His description of the tribes follows (I have omitted the
explanatory parentheses inserted by Camp).
"Within a distance of no more than One Hundred miles in length &
twenty in width, including the Napa Valley, were five distinct
nations, no one of which could converse together ... without an
interpreter ... The names of these five nations were as
follows--The Napa, the Ouluke, Caymus, Conahomanes & Miacamus, the
last named tribe inhabited the region of the Hot Springs of that
valley...."
Four of these names are clear. The fifth, Ouluke, is very probably
Tuluka of Barrett. Since these five groups are sharply defined by the
Napa Valley and since Yount obviously was talking about that area, his
size estimate was excessive. He says 100 miles by 20, whereas the
valley actually is about 40 miles in length from the Bay to Mt. St.
Helena and perhaps on the average 15 miles in width, from the crest of
one range across to the other.
With regard to numbers Yount says (1923, p. 56):
"It is not yet eight years [evidently referring to the year 1843]
since the above named valley swarmed with not less than eight
thousand human beings, of whom there are not now [1851] left as
many hundreds.... The poor remnants of all the five tribes above
named now mingle & wander up and down the valley promiscuously
together...."
There is also an account of the destruction of the Caymus (1923, p.
59). A great many, if not most of them, were killed by being burnt in a
sweathouse. The guilty parties were stated to be two Indians from San
Rafael, but the motives were obscure. This event occurred some time
during the later days of Yount's tenure, for, continues the manuscript,
"at a period long previous to the tragical event above related, Yount
embarked in erecting a small flour mill...."
Although Alexander Taylor, in his Indianology, mentions some of the
subtribes of the Wappo, he gives no useful population data. On the
other hand, John S. Hittell talked about the Napa Valley Indians in an
article in the Hesperian Magazine entitled Notes on Napa Valley (1860,
p. 55). He gives the same tribes, or subtribes, as were mentioned by
Yount in the manuscript edited by Camp. These were the Mayacomas, the
Callajomanas, the Caymus, the Napa Indians, the Soscol, and the Ulacas.
He then adds the following:
Their rancherias were numerous throughout the length of the
valley.... It is not known how many of these Indians there were, no
census having been taken nor any careful estimate having been made,
at the time, by anybody. Mr. Yount thinks their number was not less
than three thousand, and possibly twice as many. It would have been
an easy matter to collect a thousand warriors in those times.
Shortly afterward C. A. Menefee (1873) wrote a history of Napa and
adjacent counties, using Hittell and Alexander Taylor as his only
written authorities. No historical scholar in the professional sense,
Menefee nevertheless devoted a full chapter to the Napa Valley Indians,
and gives evidence of having undertaken to secure such information as
he could from local residents. His statements are not sensational and
appear within reasonable limits to be reliable.
He lists the six tribes exactly as does Hittell. He expands on
Hittell's quotation from Yount thus (1873, p. 19): Yount said that "in
round numbers there were from 10,000 to 12,000 Indians ranging the
country between Napa and Clear Lake. Of this number he [Yount] says
there were at least 3,000 in Napa County, and perhaps twice that
number." At one point Menefee comments (1873, p. 18): "No estimate of
their [Indians'] numbers appears to have been made until 1823, and it
was known that they had then greatly decreased."
Menefee's principal contribution, however, is a rough computation of
the surviving Indian population in 1843. This estimate occurs nowhere
else to my knowledge, and I think was no doubt secured by Menefee
through personal interviews with early settlers. He says (1873, p. 18)
that there were 50 to 100 Indians on the Bale rancho, 400 at Caymus
rancho, 600 at Salvador rancho, a "large number" at Soscol. Amplifying
this count, he says: "It was the custom of the Indians to establish
their rancherias upon the grants of the early settlers, in order to
gain a livelihood by occasional labor." Also: "These were in some sense
permanently fixed and residing constantly in one place. Besides these
there were thousands of nomads, who roamed the valleys and
mountains...."
Menefee also describes the destruction of an Indian community, the
Callajomanas. This time it was a group of white ranchers from Sonoma
Valley who became incensed at stock depredations, came to the village,
and slaughtered 300 Indians--according to Menefee--as they emerged from
a sweathouse. Whether this tale is confused with the account of Yount
on the Caymus tragedy is difficult to say. The circumstances and the
number of Indians involved may well be garbled, but that some such
incident took place is highly probable.
If we now confine the area in question to Napa Valley, as all these
persons clearly intended, we are dealing with the Central Wappo, the
Southern Wappo, and the Wintun on Napa River. The best guess from the
mission records for the population is about 1,800. To allow an area of
15 by 40 square miles and the maximum Pomo density of 8 persons per
square mile would yield a population of 4,800. Yount said, according to
Clark, as transmitted by Camp (1923, p. 56), that the valley "swarmed"
with not less than 8,000 people in 1843. Yount, by way of Hittell and
Menefee (1873, p. 19), put 10,000 to 12,000 from Napa to Clear Lake and
3,000 or "perhaps twice that number" in Napa Valley alone. It is clear
that Yount was not a very accurate reporter and in default of actual
knowledge made a broad guess. Yet I doubt greatly if Yount would have
put the number in thousands--no matter how many--if there had actually
been only a few hundred or a few score Indians in the country at the
time of his arrival. The presence of a number approximating his low
guess, 3,000, is not out of line with probability.
Let us turn to Menefee. His figures for 1843 were organized according
to ranches. Furthermore let it be noted that, according to his explicit
statement, the aboriginal village organization had broken down utterly,
and the Indians were living in new places in conformity with new
economic and social requirements. No wonder modern informants
frequently cannot look past the period of upheaval and give us a clear
picture of untouched aboriginal life before the white man came!
Regarding the accuracy of the figures, specifically the three items for
which literal numbers are given, it can be said again, as was pointed
out with reference to J. B. R. Cooper, that a ranch owner should have
known roughly how many Indians were living in his own back yard. If we
refuse to accept these estimates, then we had better be prepared to
reject most historical testimony. We may then base our calculation on
75 Indians for the Bale ranch, 400 for the Caymus ranch, and 600 for
the Salvador ranch. The Juarez and the Higuera ranches contained a
"large number." Since the largest number actually given is 600, we may
with safety consider that 300 would represent a "large number." A
"still larger number" could reasonably be 400. The total then becomes
2,075. Menefee, however, is careful to state that this included only
the Indians who were "in some sense" permanently located, and puts the
unattached number in the "thousands." The latter can of course be
scaled down drastically. Hundreds would be a good substitute, with a
possible total of one thousand. The outcome then is that the Indian
population of Napa Valley as a whole in 1843 was about 3,000, or
identical with Yount's minimum estimate.
What was, now, the population aboriginally? The mission baptisms are of
no use to us since the Indians in 1843 included most of the
ex-neophytes in the area. That there had already been a profound
reduction at that time is unquestioned. The north shore of the Bay had
been subject to military, clerical, and civilian incursion since the
beginning of the century. Lethal epidemics had swept over the country
repeatedly. Massacre and slaughter had been the rule rather than the
exception. Indeed, the open valley through Sonoma and Napa up to
Calistoga had suffered more seriously than any other area except
perhaps the delta of the Sacramento River. A population reduction from
the aboriginal level by one-third prior to 1843 would not be out of
line with the apparent facts.
The estimates for the period 1840-1845 derived from Yount, Hittell, and
Menefee included the Central Wappo with the more southern groups. For
the Central Wappo the ethnographic sources and the mission records
indicated an aboriginal population of 450 or 500. However, it is
probably advisable to disregard this small division as a separate
entity and include it with the remaining Wappo and the Suscol Wintun.
If we then take Yount's minimum estimate of 3,000 for the Napa Valley
south of Mt. St. Helena and if we assume a one-third decrease in
numbers from aboriginal times to 1843, the final estimate for the area
becomes 4,500.
The figure just derived is of course considerably greater than would be
indicated by either the ethnographic village lists or the mission
baptism records, but it must be conceded that the two last methods of
approach are inadequate for the situation existing in the Napa Valley.
On the other hand for a population of 4,500 and an area of 600 square
miles, the density would be 7.5 persons per square mile, or very close
to the value arrived at for the near-by Pomo.