Reno’s prior scouting had almost assured the inevitable course of
the Indian trail westward, and events confirmed Terry’s judgment.
General Hughes had served upon Terry’s staff during the Civil War
with credit, as well as captain in the 18th Infantry on the
frontier, and his assurances that General Terry fully explained to
Custer the reasons why Washington authorities distrusted his
discretion and was more precise in giving him this detached command,
cannot be impeached by an asserted affidavit that whispered hints,
unheard by officers by his side, allowed him to be his own master in
a matter where a combined movement of three commands was the prime
factor in complete success.
Neither is there any doubt whatever that Custer’s earnest plea, that
he be trusted to fulfil the exact duties assigned to his command,
secured not only the sympathy and confidence of Terry in his behalf,
but that on that condition only did the Washington authorities
authorize General Terry to vacate the order for his arrest because
of going to his command without orders.
As already stated, Custer’s confidence in the Seventh Cavalry was
well deserved. It, with him, was a veritable thunderbolt in action;
but it was not omnipotent. That over-confidence which dissolved its
unity at the supreme crisis was fatal. Even then, a realized success
of which Custer had no doubt, would have minimized the rashness of
his dash and have largely condoned his fault.
Yours sincerely,
HENRY B. CARRINGTON.
COLONEL GODFREY’S FINAL REMARKS
I have no desire to pose as the special champion of General Custer, and
it is still further from my desire to pose as inimical to General Terry.
My only purpose is to demonstrate the truth, not only for this
discussion, but for history.
This subject surely has gotten to the stage of academic discussion. I am
not willing to admit that the phrase “he desires that you should conform
to them (his views) unless,” etc., conveys a direct, positive command
which could not be more explicit. Nor do I admit that orders given by a
commander, in which he uses the words “desires,” “wishes,” and
equivalents, convey _positive_ commands under all circumstances. In
personal or social matters, such words convey the idea of what is wanted
and what is expected; and in such matters the expressed wishes and
desires are usually conveyed to personal friends, who loyally conform
thereto, if not in letter, in spirit and in results. In such relations a
commander does not want to use language that would appear dogmatic. I
further admit that in personally giving orders a commander may
accentuate the expression of his desires, wishes, etc., so as to leave
no doubt about his intentions, and to convey positiveness thus expressed
to his commands. When a commander gives written orders through official
channels, the words “commands,” “orders,” and “directs,” or the use of
the imperative, leave little ambiguity or doubt as to what is ordered or
intended.
Developments subsequent to the campaign or battle leave little doubt
that General Terry had about him men or influences that were suspicious,
inimical, or hostile to General Custer. I sincerely believe General
Terry was too high minded knowingly to allow himself to be influenced by
any sinister motive.
That the “instructions” give rise to this discussion shows they were
vague. Was this vagueness intentional? General Terry was a lawyer. He
was a soldier. As lawyer and soldier his trained mind should have
weighed the words embodied in these instructions. Now read them: “It is
of course _impossible_[132] to give you any _definite instructions_ in
regard to this movement, and were it not _impossible_ to do so, the
Department Commander places too much confidence in your zeal, energy,
and ability _to wish to impose upon you precise orders_ which might
hamper your action when nearly in contact with the enemy,” and then goes
on to indicate what he thinks should be done; or, in other words,
indicates what he (Terry) himself would do if he found conditions as
expressed. Custer evidently saw “sufficient reasons for departing from
them” and did what a reasonable interpretation of the instructions
contemplated, _made his own plans_.[132] I interpret the phrase “when so
nearly in contact with the enemy” to refer to the immediate time or
place (June 21, mouth of Rosebud) of writing it.[133]
As to the location of the Indians. Terry believed they were on the
Little Big Horn;—we found them on that river about 15 miles above its
forks with the Big Horn. Had the village been at the forks, the attack
would have been delivered on the 25th of June, as the village would not
have been located by Custer from the divide. It is possible the two
columns might have joined in the attack. Now, suppose the village had
been located 50 or 60 miles farther south, it would have still been
within Terry’s guess, but it would have been a far cry to Gibbons’
column which, under the instructions, would have remained at the forks.
It must be remembered that Custer would have had the Wolf Mountains
(Rosebud Mountains on later maps) between him and the Little Big Horn
had he ignored the trail and gone on southward up the Rosebud, as
Custer’s critics would have us believe were the intentions of the
instructions.
General Woodruff would have him stop at the camp of June 24 and scout to
locate the village, etc. Would that have complied with Woodruff’s
interpretation of the instructions? And from that position he says:
“Custer was in a position to strike either one of the three last lines
of flight (east, northeast or southeast), whereas if, after making the
_forced_[134] night march with his fatigued animals, he had struck the
Little Big Horn, and a reconnaissance had shown that the village had
left the Little Big Horn going northeast, on June 24 he would have been
two days’ march behind them.” That “forced” night march was about eight
miles, and every mile made was in the direction to place us in the best
position to intercept any flight to the northeast and east. Instead of
being two days behind them, we would have met them almost “head on.”
Of what practical use to send scouts through to Gibbon June 24?
There was no fresh or new positive information to send to him; Terry had
“guessed” it all.
Now let us repeat the marches made: June 22, twelve miles; June 23,
thirty-three miles; June 24, twenty-eight miles; June 25, eight miles to
the bivouac; and ten miles to the divide, and then say fifteen miles to
the village. That is to say, ninety-one miles up to noon June 25, when
it was decided to attack, and one hundred and six miles in all four
days. That doesn’t indicate that we made _forced_ marches.
Woodruff further states that “he made that fatal night march with the
_deliberate_(?) intention of trying to locate and strike the village
before Gibbon could possibly get up.” I say that statement is
deliberately unfair, and contradicts the twice-told statement by Custer,
that he did not intend to attack the village until the 26th, once before
he knew the location of the village, the night of the 24th, and again
when he called the officers together after the discovery at the divide.
Reno’s position in the bottom, in the old river bed, was sheltered from
fire from the hills by heavy timber, and was nearly a mile from the
hills. I have never before heard that he was fired upon from those
hills; but he was fired upon from the woods on the opposite side of the
river. General Gibbon and I both thought the hills were too far away to
give any effective fire. It must be remembered that the river bottom was
heavily timbered for some distance above and below this position. This
timber subsequently was cut for the construction of Fort Custer.
LIEUTENANT-COLONEL GREENE’S DEFENSE OF CUSTER
Hartford, Conn., September 1, 1904.
My Dear Sir:
I have read with great interest your discussion of the question of
General Custer’s alleged disobedience of orders, both in the
narrative of the Battle on the Little Big Horn and in the appendix
to the volume, and upon which you have asked my comment.
For whatever bearing it may have upon the propriety of any comment
of mine, let me say that General Custer was my intimate friend, and
that his first act after receiving his appointment in the Civil War
as a brigadier-general was to secure my appointment and detail to
him as adjutant-general, which relation I held until his muster out
of the volunteer service in 1866. I think no one knows better his
quality as a soldier and as a man. I know his virtues and his
defects, which were the defects of his virtues. He was a born
soldier, and specifically a born cavalry man. The true end of
warfare was to him not only a professional theory—it was an
instinct. When he was set to destroy an enemy, he laid his hand on
him as soon as possible, and never took it off. He knew the whole
art of war. But its arts and its instruments and their correct
professional handling were not in his eyes the end all of a
soldier’s career, to be satisfied with a technical performance. They
were the means and the tools in the terms of which and by the use of
which his distinct military genius apprehended and solved its
practical and fateful problems. When he grappled his task it was to
do it, not to go correctly through the proper motions to their
technical limit, and then hold himself excused.
He was remarkable for his keenness and accuracy in observation, for
his swift divination of the military significance of every element
of a situation, for his ability to make an instant and sound
decision, and then, for the instant, exhaustless energy with which
he everlastingly drove home his attack. And the swiftness and
relentless power of his stroke were great elements in the
correctness of his decisions as well as in the success of his
operations. He was wise and safe in undertaking that in which a man
slower in observation, insight and decision, and slower and less
insistent in action, would have judged wrongly and failed.
I knew Custer as a soldier when he was a brigade and division
commander under Pleasanton and Sheridan, the successive commanders
of the Cavalry Corps of the Army of the Potomac. Those who knew the
estimate in which those great commanders held him—the tasks they
committed to his soldierly intelligence and comprehension, his
fidelity and skill—need no reminder that in nothing of all their
dependence upon and confidence in him did he ever fail in letter or
spirit. I know how absolutely loyal he was under the conflicting
conditions which sometimes confront every subordinate charged with
grave responsibilities, and which test the sense of duty to the
utmost. He was true as steel. He was depended upon for great things
because he was dependable.
In temperament he was sanguine and ardent. He loved his friends; he
was impatient of every form of inefficiency and of pretense; he did
not highly esteem mere professionalism; he was impulsive and
sometimes abrupt in manner, but kind of heart; he was sensitive only
to unjust criticism; he despised intrigue, chicane and all meanness;
he was independent in opinion and judgment, and frank in their
expression; he was open in opposition, and fair to an enemy.
And it goes without saying that such a man had enemies—men who were
envious of his abilities, his achievements and his fame; men whom he
never sought to placate, and who sought envy’s balm in detraction
and hatred; men who could not measure him or be fair to him, but men
who in a pinch would have turned to him with unhesitating trust,
whether in his ability or his soldierly faith.
Did this man, this soldier, whose service throughout the Civil War
and a long career of frontier warfare was for eighteen years
unequaled for efficiency and brilliancy within the range of its
opportunities and responsibilities, who never failed his commanders,
who never disobeyed an order, nor disappointed an expectation, nor
deceived a friend—did this man, at the last, deny his whole life
history, his whole mental and moral habit, his whole character, and
wilfully disobey an understood order, or fail of its right execution
according to his best judgment, within the limits of his ability
under the conditions of the event; and, what is worse—and this is
what his detractors charge—did he not only disobey, but did he from
the inception of the enterprise plan to disobey—to deceive his
commander who trusted him, in order that he might get the
opportunity to disobey?
To any man who knew Custer, except those who for any reason hold a
brief against him, not only is the charge of premeditated,
deliberate disobedience absurd, but it is a foul outrage on one of
the memories that will never fail of inspiration while an American
army carries and defends an American flag.
In one of Mrs. Custer’s letters to me, narrating what took place
during the days of preparation for the General’s departure, she
wrote:
“A day before the expedition started, General Terry was in our house
alone with Autie (the General’s pet name). A.’s thoughts were calm,
deliberate, and solemn. He had been terribly hurt in Washington.
General Terry had applied for him to command the expedition. He was
returned to his regiment because General Terry had applied for him.
I know that he (Custer) felt tenderly and affectionately toward him.
On that day he hunted me out in the house and brought me into the
living-room, not telling me why. He shut the door, and very
seriously and impressively said: ‘General Terry, a man usually means
what he says when he brings his wife to listen to his statements. I
want to say that reports are circulating that I do not want to go
out to the campaign under you.’ (I supposed that he meant, having
been given the command before, he was unwilling to be a
subordinate.) ‘But I want you to know that I do want to go and serve
under you, not only that I value you as a soldier, but as a friend
and a man.’ The exact words were the strongest kind of a declaration
that he wished him to know he wanted to serve under him.”
That was Custer all over. And to any one who knew him—to any one who
can form a reasonable conception of the kind of a man he must needs
have been to have done for eighteen years what he had done and as he
had done it, and won the place and fame he had won—that statement
ends debate. Whatever of chagrin, disappointment, or irritation he
may have felt before, however unadvisedly the sore-hearted,
high-spirited man may have spoken with his lips when all was
undetermined, and his part and responsibility had not been assigned,
this true soldier, knowing the gossip of the camp, conscious
possibly it was not wholly without cause, however exaggerated, but
facing now his known duty and touched by the confidence of his
superior as Custer never failed to be touched, could not part from
his commander with a possible shadow resting between them. He knew
the speech of men might have carried to Terry’s mind the suggestion
of a doubt. And yet Terry had trusted him. He could not bear to part
without letting General Terry know that he was right to trust him.
That statement to Terry was a recognition of whatever folly of words
he might before have committed in his grief and anger; it was an
open purging of an upright soldier’s soul as an act honorably due
alike to superior and subordinate; it was, under the circumstances,
the instinctive response of a true man to the confidence of one who
had committed to him a trust involving the honor and fame of both.
Disobedience, whether basely premeditated, or with equal baseness
undertaken upon after-deliberation, is inconceivable, unless one
imputes to Custer a character void of every soldierly and manly
quality. With such an one discussion would be useless.
Upon the discussion itself, which is presented in the narrative and
in the appendix, I have little to say. In the opening paragraph of
the appendix, you say: “I presume the problem ... will never be
authoritatively settled, and that men will continue to differ upon
these questions until the end of time.”
In other words, the charge of disobedience can never be proved. The
proof does not exist. The evidence in the case forever lacks the
principal witness whose one and only definite order was to take his
regiment and go “in pursuit of the Indians whose trail was
discovered by Major Reno a few days since.” They were the objective;
they were to be located and their escape prevented. That was
Custer’s task. All the details were left, and necessarily left, to
his discretion. All else in the order of June 22d conveys merely the
“views” of the commander to be followed “unless you should see
sufficient reasons for departing from them.” The argument that
Custer disobeyed this order seems to resolve itself into two main
forms. One is trying to read into the order a precision and a
peremptory character which are not there and which no ingenuity can
put there, and to empty it of a discretion which is there and is
absolute; the other is in assuming or asserting that Custer departed
from General Terry’s views without “sufficient reasons.” And this
line of argument rests in part upon the imputation to Custer of a
motive and intent which was evil throughout, and in part upon what
his critic, in the light of later knowledge and the vain regrets of
hindsight, thinks he ought to have done, and all in utter ignorance
of Custer’s own views of the conditions in which, when he met them,
he was to find his own reasons for whatever he did or did not do.
Under that order, it was Custer’s views of the conditions when they
confronted him that were to govern his actions, whether they
contravened General Terry’s views or not. If in the presence of the
actual conditions, in the light of his great experience and
knowledge in handling Indians, he deemed it wise to follow the
trail, knowing it would reach them, and deeming that so to locate
them would be the best way to prevent their escape, then he obeyed
that order just as exactly as if, thinking otherwise, he had gone
scouting southward where they were not, and neither Terry nor he
expected them to be.
To charge disobedience is to say that he wilfully and with a wrong
motive and intent did that which his own military judgment forbade;
for it was his own military judgment, right or wrong, that was to
govern his own actions under the terms of that order. The quality of
his judgment does not touch the question of obedience. If he
disobeyed that order, it was by going contrary to his own judgment.
That was the only way he could disobey it. If men differ as to
whether he did that, they will differ.
Respectfully yours,
JACOB L. GREENE.
VI.
To sum up, I suggest this as a possible line of investigations by which
the student may determine the question for himself:
First. Were Terry’s written orders definite and explicit?
Second. Were they intelligent orders capable of execution?
Third. Did these orders admit of more than one meaning?
Fourth. What are the various meanings, if more than one?
Fifth. Did Custer carry them out in any of their meanings?
Sixth. Did Custer depart from them?
Seventh. If so, how far?
Eighth. Such being the case, was he justified in so departing by the
exigencies of the situation?
Ninth. Were the consequences of such a departure serious?
Tenth. Did Custer receive verbal orders from Terry at the last moment?
Eleventh. If so, when?
Twelfth. Did these verbal orders supersede the written orders?
In closing, I repeat that I should be glad to be convinced that I have
erred in my conclusions; and that if any one can convince me that Custer
did not disobey, or that in doing so he was justified in his
disobedience, I shall make the fullest public amends for my expression
of opinion that he did and that he was not.[135] If this Appendix shall
cause any light to be thrown on the affidavit so often referred to, it
will serve an excellent purpose; for, I say again, I shall consider the
establishment of that affidavit as settling the question.
The subject is now left with the student. Perhaps I cannot more fitly
close the discussion than by this quotation from the confidential report
of General Terry by General Sheridan, dated July 2, 1875:
“I do not tell you this to cast any reflection on Custer, for
whatever errors he may have committed he has paid the penalty, and
you cannot regret his loss more than I do; but I felt that our plan
must have been successful had it been carried out, and I desire you
to know the facts.”
-----
Footnote 112:
All notes in this appendix are signed by the initials of their writers
to identify them.—C. T. B.
Footnote 113:
Such as Congressman Finerty’s graphic account in his book, “War-path
and Bivouac;” Dr. Charles S. Eastman’s paper in the _Chautauqua
Magazine_, Vol. XXXI., No. 4, 1900; and Mr. Hamlin Garland’s report of
Two Moon’s account of the battle in _McClure’s Magazine_, Vol. XI.,
No. 5, September, 1898.—C. T. B.
Footnote 114:
General G. A. Forsyth writes me that he considers Colonel Godfrey one
of the ablest officers in the United States Army—in which opinion I
concur.—C. T. B.
Footnote 115:
These two authorities seem to differ as to just when the conversation
took place. Andrews, apparently quoting Miles, says: “Just before
Custer began his fatal ride.” Miles, quoting the mysterious and
unknown affiant, says the conversation took place the night before,
and at Custer’s tent. The difference is radical and, in view of
Colonel Godfrey’s suggestion below, is material. Besides, the regiment
marched away at noon on the 22d, and that is the date of the order;
hence, Custer had no orders the night before. The regiment passed
Generals Terry, Gibbon, and Custer in review as it marched away. When,
then, was the precise hour at which this alleged conversation took
place?—C. T. B.
Footnote 116:
I have it in my own library, of course, and have consulted it
frequently.—C. T. B.
Footnote 117:
This is overdrawn. Custer had neither infantry, artillery nor wagons
with him; Gibbon had cavalry, infantry and artillery, but no wagons,
be it remembered.—C.T.B.
Footnote 118:
Report of Secretary of War, Vol. I., 1876, page 443. Italics in
quotation above are mine.—C. T. B.
Footnote 119:
The reference is to the article in the _Journal of the Military
Service Institution_ mentioned above.—C. T. B.
Footnote 120:
I have had them before me constantly for the past six months, and have
examined them most carefully again and again, verifying quotations,
etc.—C. T. B.
Footnote 121:
If the orders were preposterous, or involved movements that were
profitless and absurd, why did not Custer point out these patent
absurdities to Terry and Gibbon _before he started_? There had been no
change in conditions; the trail, the Indian position, and everything
else were just as the orders predicted.—C. T. B.
Footnote 122:
The time of the arrival of Terry at the Little Big Horn is assumed to
be June 26th. What authority there is for that assumption I do not now
recall. It is not embodied in the “instructions.” We of the command
knew nothing of it till after the battle; after Terry’s arrival, that
is.—E. S. GODFREY.
Footnote 123:
Having located them, guess or not, the conditions were exactly those
contemplated in the orders.—C. T. B.
Footnote 124:
But if Custer had followed his orders, he would not have been nearly
in contact with the enemy—there’s the rub!—C. T. B.
Footnote 125:
This I consider a good point in Custer’s favor.—C. T. B.
Footnote 126:
Italics mine.—E. S. GODFREY.
Footnote 127:
Colonel Godfrey made this statement in answer to a question from me.
On this point see Appendix B.—C. T. B.
Footnote 128:
Again I ask General Miles if this is the explanation of the affidavit?
If so, how does it accord with the statement that the conversation
occurred the night before the command separated? Or, has General Miles
written carelessly “the night before,” and does he mean just before
the final march past?—C. T. B.
Footnote 129:
Personally I do not believe that the sentence in question was in the
order given to Custer. For if it was, why should Terry suppress it,
since it only confirms his own claims? Besides I should be loath to
believe that Terry would suppress anything. The sentence may have been
in a rough draft of the orders, and not in the final copy.—C. T. B.
Footnote 130:
This also is very interesting and seems to point to the order as a
“preposterous” one under the circumstances. It may be so; but if so, I
wish Custer had pointed it out to Terry before he started.—C. T. B.
Footnote 131:
Would General Miles excuse subordinates for such obedience (?) of his
orders for a combined movement?—C. A. WOODRUFF.
Footnote 132:
No italics in original.—E. S. GODFREY.
Footnote 133:
This is interesting, and is the first suggestion I have met with that
the phrase refers to the position of Terry and Custer when the orders
were prepared or delivered, and not to the time anticipated when
Custer should meet the Sioux. I regret that I cannot agree with this
interpretation. Still, it is possible that such an interpretation is
certainly a point for Custer.—C. T. B.
Footnote 134:
Italics mine.—E. S. GODFREY.
Footnote 135:
At the risk of tiring the reader, but because I am sensitive in the
matter and anxious not to be misunderstood, I append here a letter
written by me to a sister of General Custer, who had expressed the
hope that I would not take the position that he disobeyed his orders
July 13th, 1904.
My Dear Madam:
I have received and read and reread your letter of the 12th inst.
That letter and the thought of Mrs. Custer, whose character, in
common with all Americans, I respect and admire, taken in
connection with the position which my conscience, much against my
will, has compelled me to assume, has filled me with deep regret.
Having read thus far, you will undoubtedly divine that I am
compelled to say that I believe General Custer did disobey his
orders. I have nowhere stated that I consider him guilty of
rashness. I have also made it plain, I think, that even though he
did disobey his orders, the ultimate annihilation of his battalion
was due to the cowardice or incapacity of Major Reno.
I remember to have seen General Custer when I was a boy in Kansas.
My father, who was a veteran of the Civil War, had a great
admiration for him. I was present when the bodies of the officers
of the Seventh Cavalry were brought back for reinterment at Fort
Leavenworth. My wife, a Southern woman, is a cousin of the late
General Dod Ramseur, who was General Custer’s intimate friend. The
family have never forgotten General Custer’s kindness when Ramseur
was killed.
I did, and still have, a warm admiration for the brilliant and
soldierly qualities of General Custer. He was, and is, my beau
ideal of a cavalry soldier. When I began to write these articles,
I would not hear the charge that he had disobeyed orders. But I
have been compelled by my investigations to take that position. I
cannot tell you how painful it has been to me, and it is, to come
to this conclusion. I have thought long and deeply over the
matter.
Of course I read General Hughes’ now famous article. I did not,
however, allow that article alone to determine me; but I carefully
considered every account. I examined every discussion which I
could find. Not only that, I corresponded with a number of
officers, among them being Lieutenant-General Miles, Major-General
Hughes, Brigadier-General C. A. Woodruff, Brigadier-General
Carrington, and Colonel Godfrey. The remarks of these officers
were submitted to one another. Their statements were weighed and
digested with the utmost care by me. I could come to no other
conclusion than that I have arrived at.
As an Appendix I have inserted in full my correspondence with
different officers concerning the matter. I have been glad to
print all that Colonel Godfrey, who has indeed been a powerful
advocate in opposition to my views, has written. I have called
attention to one significant fact which, in my opinion, would
fully clear General Custer from the charge of disobedience. That
is the affidavit of an alleged witness to the last conversation
between Terry and General Custer.
General Miles refers to this affidavit in his book, “Personal
Recollections of General Nelson A. Miles.” President E. Benjamin
Andrews also refers to it in his book, “The United States in our
Own Time.” I wrote to President Andrews, who gave Miles as his
authority. I wrote to General Miles _three times_, registering the
last letter, asking him to substantiate the affidavit, the
existence of which was doubted by many army officers. General
Miles has made no reply. I take it for granted, therefore, that
_he cannot substantiate the affidavit_.
I have said frankly that if he can prove this affidavit and
establish the credibility of the affiant, I will make public
amends in the most ample manner for having said General Custer
disobeyed his orders. I have said that if _anybody_ can convince
me that I have been wrong in my conclusion; if any evidence can be
produced which will establish the contrary, I shall be most happy
to retract what I have said in any possible way that may be
suggested to me.
I beg you to believe that I have written in no spirit of animosity
to General Custer. My real feelings for General Custer can easily
be seen from my article on the Battle of the Washita, to which you
have referred. It would be most agreeable to me if you would
forward this letter to Mrs. Custer.
Again deploring the unfortunate conclusion I am conscientiously
compelled to arrive at, and regretting more than I can express
that I must give pain to Mrs. Custer, to you, and to the friends
of General Custer, I am,
Yours sincerely,
CYRUS TOWNSEND BRADY.
APPENDIX B
Further Light on the Conduct of Major Reno
After the publication of the Custer article censuring Reno, my attention
was called to the following editorial, which appeared in the
_Northwestern Christian Advocate_, of September 7, 1904:
WHY GENERAL CUSTER PERISHED
General George A. Custer was and will always be regarded as one of the
most brilliant officers of the United States Army. His career abounds in
romantic interest; and his death, together with that of every officer
and soldier fighting with him, was one of the most tragic and memorable
incidents in Indian warfare. The story of Custer’s last fight with the
Indians, which took place on the Little Big Horn River in the summer of
1876, is graphically described by Cyrus Townsend Brady. It is not our
purpose to relate the story of the battle, but to call attention to the
real cause of Major Reno’s conduct, which resulted in Custer’s defeat
and death.
After describing the movements by which Custer distributed his force,
and the task assigned to Major Reno, who displayed remarkable indecision
and errors of judgment, which would have been inexcusable even in an
inexperienced young officer, and caused Reno to retreat instead of
vigorously attacking the Indians, Mr. Brady says:
“His [Reno’s] second position was admirable for defense. Sheltered
by the trees, with his flanks and rear protected by the river, he
could have held the place indefinitely. He had not, however, been
detailed to defend or hold any position, but to make a swift,
dashing attack; and after a few moments of the feeblest kind of
advance, he found himself thrown upon the defensive. Such a result
would break up the most promising plan. It certainly broke up
Custer’s.
“It is a painful thing to accuse an army officer of misconduct, but
I have taken the opinion of a number of army officers on the
subject, and every one of them considers Reno culpable in a high
degree. One, at least, has not hesitated to make known his opinion
in the most public way. I am loath to believe that Major Reno was a
coward; _but he certainly lost his head, and when he lost his head
he lost Custer_. His indecision was pitiful. Although he had
suffered practically no loss and had no reason to be alarmed, he was
in a state of painful uncertainty as to what he should do next. The
soldier—like the woman—who hesitates in an emergency which demands
instant decision is lost....
“There had, as yet, been no panic, and under a different officer
there would have been none; but it is on record that Reno gave an
order for the men to mount and retreat to the bluffs. Before he
could be obeyed he countermanded this order. Then the order was
given again, but in such a way that nobody, save those immediately
around him, heard it because of the din of the battle then raging in
a sort of aimless way all along the line, and no attempt was made to
obey it. It was then repeated for the third time. Finally, as those
farthest away saw those nearest the flurried commander mounting and
evidently preparing to leave, the orders were gradually communicated
throughout the battalion and nearly the whole mass got ready to
leave. Eventually they broke out of the timber in a disorderly
column of fours, striving to return to the ford they had crossed
when they had entered the valley.
“Reno calls this a charge, and he led it! He was so excited that,
after firing his pistols at the Indians, who came valiantly after
the fleeing soldiers, he threw them away. The pressure of the
Indians upon the right of the men inclined them to the left, away
from the ford. In fact, they were swept into a confused mass and
driven toward the river. All semblance of organization was lost in
the mad rush for safety. The troops had degenerated into a mob.”
Major Reno was not a coward, as many believe. His career in the army
during the Civil War and his promotion for gallant and meritorious
services at Kelley’s Ford, March 17, 1863, and at the battle of Cedar
Creek, October 19, 1864, are evidence of his courage. What, then, was
the explanation of his conduct at the Battle of the Little Big Horn? Dr.
Brady does not give it. Perhaps he does not know. But Major Reno himself
told the late Rev. Dr. Arthur Edwards, then editor of the
_Northwestern_, that his strange actions were due to the fact that HE
WAS DRUNK. Reno’s conduct in that battle lost him many of his military
friends. To Arthur Edwards, who knew him well, and continued his
faithful friend, Major Reno often unburdened his heart, and on one
occasion in deep sorrow said that his strange actions were due to drink,
and drink ultimately caused his downfall. His action at the Battle of
the Little Big Horn was cited as one instance of the result of his use
of intoxicating liquor. Liquor finally caused his expulsion from the
army in disgrace. In 1880 he was found guilty, by a general
court-martial, of conduct unbecoming an officer and a gentleman. While
in an intoxicated condition he engaged in a brawl in a public billiard
saloon, in which he assaulted another officer, destroying property and
otherwise conducted himself disgracefully. For this offense the court
sentenced him to be dismissed from the army.
* * * * *
It had occurred to me that probably the explanation of Reno’s conduct
lay in the fact that he might have been intoxicated. I asked Colonel
Godfrey if he thought so, and his reply has been noted above in Appendix
A.
After reading the article in the _Advocate_, I wrote to the editor, Dr.
David D. Thompson, asking for further evidence of the statement quoted.
Here follows his letter:
Chicago, September 30, 1904.
My Dear Sir:
Doctor Arthur Edwards, the former editor of the _Northwestern
Christian Advocate_, was chaplain in the army during the Civil War.
He was a soldier by instinct, and kept up his interest in military
and naval affairs and his acquaintance with army and naval officers
during all his life. In the army he won the confidence of his
fellow-officers by his character and moral courage.
He was requested, by a number of officers, to wait upon General
Hooker, then in command of the army, and express to him the great
anxiety felt by the officers over his intemperate habits. Doctor
Edwards waited upon General Hooker, and told him what the officers
had requested him to say. He did it in so manly and delicate a way
that General Hooker thanked him, and told him the army would not
again have occasion to fear ill results because of his habits.
The story of this incident came to the knowledge of Mr. H. I.
Cleveland, an editorial writer on the Chicago _Herald_, who
published it several years ago over his own name in that paper. I
had never before heard the story from Doctor Edwards, and when I saw
Mr. Cleveland’s article I asked Doctor Edwards about it. He related
the story to me, and, after doing so, told the story of Reno as I
give it briefly in the _Northwestern_.
From all that I can learn of Reno, the feeling in the army against
him was not due to his drinking habits, but to his conduct in his
relations with others. Doctor Edwards told me that Reno told him
that all of his trouble in his contact with his fellow-officers was
due, primarily, to his drinking habits, which had undermined his
moral character. Doctor Edwards knew Reno very well, and told me he
believed that drinking was, as Reno himself stated, the cause of all
his trouble. He had known him in the army during the Civil War, and
spoke highly of his character as a soldier at that time.
Yours sincerely,
D. D. THOMPSON.
P. S.—Doctor Edwards intended at some time to publish this story,
but died in April, 1901, before doing so.
II.
As I have always been most willing and anxious to give the accused a
hearing in every case, it gives me great pleasure to insert here a
letter recently received from Mr. William E. Morris, an attorney, who is
also an alderman of Greater New York. In this letter will be found a
spirited defense of Major Reno, with interesting details of his fight.
Although Mr. Morris dissents from many of my conclusions, and differs
radically from the printed accounts of Colonel Godfrey and others, I am
glad to place the other side before my readers. I only regret that this
paper was received too late to be included in the body of the book.
Haven, Maine,
September 21, 1904.
Dear Sir:
I have read your article entitled “War with the Sioux,” and as a
survivor of Reno’s Battalion desire to enter an earnest protest
against the many incorrect statements of alleged facts.
Col. Reno was cruelly libeled while he was alive, and took his
medicine manfully, knowing that he had the respect of every officer
and enlisted man who served under him on the 25th and 26th days of
June, 1876.
The 7th Cavalry had no use for cowards, and had Reno showed the
white feather, he would have been damned by every member of his
command.
As a matter of fact, we revere his memory as that of a brave and
gallant officer, who, through circumstances over which he had no
control, was blamed by the public, who had no personal knowledge of
the facts for the result of the Battle of the Little Horn.
It is quite evident to me that you have never interviewed a single
member of Reno’s Battalion, to wit: Troops “A,” “G,” and “M,” for if
you had you would not misstate the facts, as I assume that you
intend to be fair, and would not intentionally mislead the public
mind.[136]
I was a member of Capt. Thomas H. French’s Troop “M,” 7th U. S.
Cavalry, and I submit the following as a concise statement of the
facts:
We lost sight of Custer, whose command was on our right, at least
thirty minutes before we crossed the Little Horn River.
We saw a party of about one hundred Indians before we reached the
river; we pursued them across the Little Horn and down the valley.
As soon as we forded, Reno gave the command, “Left into line,
gallop—forward, guide, center,” and away we went faster than I had
ever ridden before. The Indians rode as fast as they could, and the
battalion in line of battle after them. A body of at least two
thousand came up the valley to meet the one hundred or more we were
pursuing. They immediately made a flank movement to our left and a
stand, opened a galling fire, causing some of our horses to become
unmanageable. John R. Meyer’s horse carried him down the valley
through the Indians, some of whom chased him two or three miles over
the hills and back to ford. He escaped with a gun-shot wound in the
neck. Rutten’s horse also ran away, but he succeeded in making a
circle before reaching the Indians, and received only a gun-shot
wound in the shoulder. We were then abreast the timber; to continue
the charge down the valley meant (to the mind of every one)
immediate destruction of the battalion, which consisted of about one
hundred and twenty men (the old guard, of ten men from each troop,
being with the packs).
Reno, very properly, gave the command “Battalion halt—prepare to
fight on foot—dismount!” He directed French to send ten men from the
right of his troop to skirmish the woods, before the “numbers four”
proceeded there with the horses. We immediately deployed as
skirmishers and opened fire. The odds were at least thirty to one,
as our line with the fours out did not exceed seven officers and
ninety men. We had, however, a few Indian scouts and civilians. We
had entire confidence in our officers and in ourselves, and went to
work smiling and as cool as if we were at target practice. In less
time than it takes to relate it, the Indians were on three sides of
us. We were ordered to lie down, and every man that I could see,
except Reno and French, were fighting lying down. Reno walked along
the line giving instructions to the men, while French was calling
his men’s attention to his own marksmanship with an infantry
long-tom that he carried.
While in this position, the man next on my right, Sergeant O’Hara,
was killed. The smoke obscured the line, but bullets were taking
effect all along it. We were perfectly cool, determined, and doing
good execution and expected to hear Custer attack. We had been
fighting lying down about fifteen minutes when one of our men came
from the timber and reported that they were killing our horses in
the rear. Every troop had, at this time, suffered loss and the enemy
was closing in, despite our steady and deadly fire. Reno then made
his only error; he gave the command, “Retreat to your horses, men!”
French immediately corrected the mistake with the command, “Steady,
men—fall back, slowly; face the enemy, and continue your fire.” “M”
troop fell back slowly and in perfect order, held the Indians in
check until “A” and “G” had mounted. Several of their horses had
been shot, and their riders, consequently, very much disturbed.
“M” Troop left Sergeant O’Hara and Private Smith on the skirmish
line. Isaiah, the colored interpreter of Fort Rice, Bloody Knife,
the Chief of the Rees Scouts, and a civilian also remained. Lawrence
was hit in the stomach when about to mount. I went to his relief,
which caused me to be the last man to leave the timber, with the
command, with the exception of Lieutenant Hare, who passed me in the
bottom. Sergeant Charles White was wounded in the arm and his horse
killed. He was left in the woods, as was also “Big Fritz,” a
Norwegian, whose surname I do not remember, but whose horse was
killed. “A” and “G” had men left in the timber also, and they all
reached the command on the hill during the night with De Rudio, or
about the same time.
I give more details in regard to “M” than the other troops, because
of a personal acquaintance with each member. Corporal Scollen and
Private Sommers fell in the charge from the timber to the ford. It
was a charge and not a retreat, and it was led by Reno. Every man
that I saw used his revolver at close range. I was at least twenty
yards behind the rear of the command. The Indians closed in, so I
was compelled to jump my horse off the bank, at least fifty yards
below the ford, and while in the river had an excellent view of the
struggle. It was hand to hand, and McIntosh was certainly there at
the ford and sold his life as dearly as he possibly could. When I
reached the cut in bank, I found Turley and Rye mounted and
Lieutenant Hodgson wounded and dismounted. He was waist-deep in the
water. He grasped my off stirrup strap with both hands. Rye let
Turley go ahead through the cut, and he was killed as he reached the
top; Rye followed without receiving a scratch. The lieutenant held
onto my stirrup for two or three seconds, and was dragged out of the
water. He was hit again, and let go as my horse plunged up the cut.
Sergeant Criswell may have assisted him out of the water, but if he
did he went back into it again. To say that any man could or did
ride back down that cut is to suggest, to my mind, the impossible.
Upon reaching the level above the cut I dismounted and led my horse
as fast as possible up the bluff, and overtook Tinker, Bill Meyer
and Gordon about half way up the bluff. We stopped a moment to rest.
The bodies of the fallen soldiers were plainly visible. They marked
the skirmish line and the line of the charge from the timber to the
ford, and were in the river and at the top of the cut. At this
instant a shower of lead sent Meyer and Gordon to the happy
hunting-ground, and a fifty caliber passed through the left breast
of your humble servant. Our horses were also hit. I continued up the
hill alone and joined the command; was then assisted to the
improvised hospital.
Reno at this time had lost, in killed, wounded, and left dismounted
in the woods, over 30 per cent. of his battalion (there were over
ten left in the woods). Lieutenant Hare was particularly
conspicuous, and distinguished himself by his cool and determined
manner when he ordered the men to fall in at the top of the hill,
and whatever demoralization there was, was immediately dispelled by
that courageous young Texan. Benteen, arriving about an hour later,
came up as slow as though he were going to a funeral. By this
statement I do not desire to reflect in any way upon him; he was
simply in no hurry; and Müller, of his troop, who occupied an
adjoining cot to mine in the hospital at Fort Abraham Lincoln, told
me that they walked all the way, and that they heard the heavy
firing while they were watering their horses.
Benteen was, unquestionably, the bravest man I ever met. He held the
Indians in absolute contempt, and was a walking target from the time
he became engaged until the end of the fight at sundown on the 26th.
He took absolute charge of one side of the hill, and you may rest
assured that he did not bother Reno for permission of any kind. He
was in supreme command of that side of the hill, and seemed to enjoy
walking along the line where the bullets were the thickest. His
troop, “H,” did not dig rifle-pits during the night of the 25th, as
the other troops did, and in the morning their casualties were
increased on that account. He ordered “M” out of their pits to
reinforce his troop. There was some dissatisfaction at the order, as
the men believed that the necessity was due solely to the neglect of
“H,” in digging pits. They obeyed, however, and assisted Benteen in
his famous charge.
It was rumored, subsequently, that French recommended his First
Sergeant, John Ryan, a sharpshooter, and some other men for medals,
and that Benteen refused to indorse the recommendation as to Ryan,
because he failed immediately to order the men out of their pits at
his end of the line at his (Benteen’s) order. It was claimed that
French thereupon withdrew his list. Ryan was in charge of the ten
men that Reno sent to skirmish the woods.
I was very much amused to learn, from your article, that Windolph
received a medal. I remember him as the tailor of “H” troop, and
have a distinct recollection of his coming into the field-hospital,
bent almost double and asking for treatment for a wound which, his
appearance would suggest, was a mortal one, but which the surgeon
found, on removing his trousers, to be only a burn. The surgeon
ordered him back to the line amid a shout of laughter from the
wounded men. Mike Madden of “K” lost his leg, and Tanner of “M” his
life, in the dash for the water for the wounded. I hope Madden
received a medal.
In view of the conflict between the foregoing and the statements
contained in your article, I ask you to investigate the matter
further, with a view to correcting the false impression that your
readers must have concerning Reno and his command. In conclusion, I
ask you “how, in God’s name,” you could expect Reno, with one
hundred and twenty men, to ride through upwards of three thousand
armed Sioux, and then be of assistance to Custer or any one else? I
say we were sent into that valley and caught in an ambush like rats
in a trap. That if we had remained ten minutes longer, there would
not have been one left to tell the tale. That the much abused Reno
did charge out of the timber, and that we who survive owe our lives
to that identical charge which he led. We, at least, give him credit
for saving what he did of his command. I am, sir,
Very respectfully,
WM. E. MORRIS,
Late private Troop “M,” Seventh U. S. Cavalry.
-----
Footnote 136:
I have been in communication with a number of persons who belonged to
this battalion.—C. T. B.
INDEX
_A_
“Ab-sa-ra-ka, Land of Massacre,” book written by Mrs. Carrington, 34
note
Allen breech-loading rifle, 45, 46
American Horse, Sioux chief, surprised by Capt. Mills, 307;
killed, 310
Amick, Lieut., 124, 137;
sent in search of Fifth Cavalry, 125–127;
covers Graham’s retreat, 128, 138
Andrews, Dr. E. B., on Custer’s Little Big Horn campaign, 361
Apache Indians, cruelties of, 73
Arapahoe Indians, 64
Arikara scouts in Reno’s command flee from the Sioux, 238
Arickaree Fork, Republican River, 72;
Gen. Bankhead’s march to, 108, 111 note, 112
Army woman’s devotion in Indian warfare, 11, 12
_B_
“Bad Lands” of Dakota, of volcanic origin, 5, 209, 230
Bailey, Indian guide, 15
Baliran, M., naturalist, killed by Rain-in-the-Face, 212, 213, 215
Ball, Capt., 336
Bankhead, Col., Forsyth’s letter to, from Beecher’s Island, 93
Banzhaf, Lieut., assists in Col. Forsyth’s rescue, 100, 106, 124;
repulses Indians, 131
Barnitz, Capt., Seventh Cavalry, killed, 161
Barrett, Lawrence, actor, his eulogy on Gen. Custer, 261
Battle of Beaver Creek, 131–140;
of Big Horn, 243–250;
of Little Big Horn, 216–236;
Battle of Little Big Horn, the personal story of, by
Rain-in-the-Face, 279–292;
Rosebud River, 191–198, 203–208;
Summit Springs, 170–179;
Washita, 146–169;
of Wounded Knee, 352
Beaver Creek, Captain Carpenter’s fight on, 123–135;
map of position of wagons and soldiers, 130, 132 note;
further discussion of fight on, 136–145
Becker, John, mule packer, in the Sibley scout, 298, 299
Beecher, Lieut. Frederick H., second in command to Capt. Forsyth, 77;
killed, 88;
monument to, 111;
attention to, before dying, 120
Beecher’s Island, fight of Rough Riders at, 72;
named, 88;
siege of, 90–96;
a scout’s story of the defense of, 113–122
Belknap, Gen., Secretary of War, his relations with Gen. Custer,
216–218
Bell, Major, Seventh Cavalry, 164, 166
Benteen, Col., in battle of Washita, 162;
in battle of Big Horn, 233, 235, 236, 243–246, 250;
his magnificent courage, 251, 253, 274–276;
Gen. Terry comes to his relief, 276
Big Crow, Indian chief, defeated by Gen. Miles, 329, 330
Big Horn Mountains, controlled by jealous Indian tribes, 5
Big Horn Range, streams from, 5
Big Piney Creek, Gen. Carrington establishes camp on banks of, 13, 64
Bingham, Lieut., under Gen. Carrington, 20;
killed, 21
Black Hills, 209;
gold discovered in, 209
Black Kettle (Mo-ke-ta-va-ta), 73;
head chief of the Cheyennes, brutality of, 157;
killed, 162
Blackfeet Indians, 64
Blizzard, Gen. Custer’s march in a, 150–161
Bloody Knife, Arikara scout with Custer, 210, 267
Bourke, Capt John G., his books, “Campaigning with Crook,” quoted, 186;
“On the Border with Crook,” 191, 204, 333
Bowers, Sergeant, in fight with Indians, 20;
scalped, 21;
badge found when reinterred, 21 note
Bowyer, Mitch, Crow interpreter, warns Gen. Custer, 268
Bozeman trail, 4, 7, 9, 13, 60;
army post on, 9, 189
Brainard, Col. D. L., notes on the Lame Deer fight, 335–338
Brave Wolf, scout, 336
Bridger, James, fur trader and scout, adviser of Gen. Carrington, 4, 61
Bridger’s Ferry, 60
Brown, Capt. Frederick, rashness of, 23;
malcontent conduct of, 24;
joins Capt. Fetterman, 26;
promotion of, 26;
death of, 32
Brulé, Sioux Indians, faithful to whites, 8;
attack Capt. Powell’s corral, 48
“Brunette” regiment, see Tenth Cavalry
Brunettes, Gen. Henry’s, 351–355
Buffalo Bill, see Cody, Wm. F.
Buffalo Chip, scout, killed, 308 note
Buffalo, herds of, in Montana valleys, 5
“Buffaloes,” Gen. Henry’s, and their rides, 351–353
“Bull teams,” for prairie schooners, 7
_C_
California Joe, scout, 155
Camp Supply, Indian Territory, 150
Canadian River, Gen. Custer’s march on, 152
Carpenter, Captain Louis H., Tenth Cavalry, sent to rescue Gen.
Forsyth, 100;
the story of his “brunettes,” 123–135;
promotion of, 135
Carr, Major-Gen. Eugene A., ordered to Fort Wallace, 124;
in fight on Beaver Creek, 131, 132;
pursues Indians over the Platte River, 135;
his account of the fight on Beaver Creek, 136–140;
Carr and Tall Bull at Summit Springs, 170–179
Carrington, Gen. Henry B., in Central Montana, 5;
effects treaty with Indians at Fort Laramie, 8;
romantic expedition of, 9–13;
sketch of, 9;
repairs and garrisons Fort Reno, 12;
establishes camp on Big Piney Creek, 13;
in desperate fight at Lodge Trail Ridge, 20, 21;
inadequate force of, 23, 24;
carries out Gen. Sherman’s instructions, 24;
specific instructions to Capt. Fetterman, 26;
his stern resolution, 32–37;
used as a scapegoat, 37;
acquitted of all blame by a mixed commission, 38;
also by a military court and by Gen. Sherman, 38;
his views on Custer’s Little Big Horn campaign, 386–388
Carrington Powder River expedition, reminiscences of, 59–71
Central Montana, objective of Gen. Carrington’s expedition, 5
Chambers, Col., 188
Cheyenne Indians dispute advance of the white man, 5;
Harney-Sanborne treaty with, 7;
attack Capt. Powell’s corral, 48;
cruelty of, 73;
break away from Red Cloud Agency, 293;
Gen. Merritt heads them off, 294;
bravery of, 312, 313;
their winter stores destroyed, 316;
sufferings of, 316–318;
surrender and turn against Crazy Horse, 318;
savage ferocity of, 318
Civil War, soldiers of the, emigrate to the West, 6
Civilization, the demands of, 6;
the outpost of, 13–18
Clear Creek, Montana, 321
Cloud Peak, 13
Clybor, Jack, adopted by Indians and named “Comanche,” 96
Cody, William F. (Buffalo Bill), Gen. Carr’s guide at Summit Springs,
170, 173, 174;
scout for Gen. Merritt, 294, 295;
duel with Yellow Hair, 296, 297
Coffee Coolers, 282
Collins, W. R. E., letter of, in reference to Red Cloud’s losses in
wagon-corral attack, 58
“Comanche,” Capt. Keogh’s horse, in Custer’s last fight, 256 note
Conestoga wagons, only method of transportation before railroad, 7
Conner, Gen., establishes Fort Reno, 60
Contest for Indian lands, 6
Cook, Adjutant, Seventh Cavalry, 158, 159;
killed with Custer, 258
Cook, Capt., 268, 270
Cooke, Gen., relieves Gen. Carrington of his command, 37
Corbin, scout, in Gen. Custer’s command, 152, 154, 155
Crawford, Lieut., 307
Crazy Horse, an Oglala chief, 184;
his village surprised and taken, 186, 187;
warns Gen. Crook, 189;
sketch of, 189 note;
begins attack, 193;
plans ambush for Crook, 194;
successful stand against Crook, 201, 202;
opposed to Maj. Reno, 241, 254;
attacks Custer, 256;
defeated by Gen. Crook at Slim Buttes, 310, 311;
refuses to succor Cheyennes, 317;
meets crushing defeat by Gen. Miles, 326–330;
surrenders, 330;
stabbed in guard-house, 333;
Captain Bourke’s description of, 333;
a born soldier, 334
Crazy Woman’s Fork, 61, 312
Criswell, Sergeant, bravery of, in fight with Indians, 242
Crittenden, Lieut., Custer’s brother-in-law, killed, 257
Crook, Gen. George, opinion of Apache Indians, 74;
his advance against Indians in the Northwest, 183–202;
assumes command of expedition, 188;
Ex-Trooper Towne’s account of his fight on the Rosebud, 203–208;
joined by Gen. Merritt at Fort Laramie, 293;
at Slim Buttes, 304–309;
his deplorable condition for want of supplies, 305, 306;
defeats
Crazy Horse at Slim Buttes, 310, 311
Crow Indians, auxiliaries in Gen. Crook’s expedition, 190, 205
Crow King, Indian chief, opposed to Major Reno, 241, 256
Curley, Crow scout, only survivor of Custer’s command, 256
Custer, Boston, civilian forage-master, killed with Gen. Custer, 258
Custer, Gen. George Armstrong, in command of Seventh Cavalry, 146–150;
record of, 146, 147;
selects his own officers, 147;
protects Kansas settlers, 148;
his march in a blizzard, 150–153;
has command under Gen. Stanley, 210;
his faculty for scouting, 210;
loses his command, 216–219;
his relations with Gen. Belknap, 216;
question as to whether he obeyed Gen. Terry’s orders, 219–228;
Gen. Terry’s letter of instructions, 220, 221;
various opinions about Terry’s instructions to Custer, 224–228;
account of his last expedition, 229–236;
his officers under Reno tried to join him, 248 note;
his fine manœuvering, 254;
signals to Reno, 255;
killed, 256, 257;
Mr. Theodore W. Goldin’s reminiscences of, 263–278;
a further discussion of his course in the Little Big Horn campaign,
359–397;
various opinions on Custer’s campaign—Col. Edward S. Godfrey, 360,
371–380, 388–390;
Major-Gen. James B. Fry, 360;
Major-Gen. Robert P. Hodges, 360, 366–370;
Brig.-Gen. George A. Forsyth, 361;
Dr. C. B. Andrews, 361;
Gen. Nelson A. Miles, 361–365;
Gen. Gibbon, 367;
Brig.-Gen. Charles A. Woodruff, 380–385;
Gen. Henry B. Carrington, 386–388;
Lieut.-Col. Jacob L. Greene, 391–395
Custer, Capt. Tom, brother of Gen. Custer, 210, 212, 213;
captures Rain-in-the-Face, 214;
in the Big Horn Fight, 254;
killed, 257;
called Little Hair by Rain-in-the-Face, 284;
story of his killing, 289
Custer family, disaster to, 258
“Custer Massacre,” 259, 281
_D_
Daniels, Lieut., killed, 22
Davis, Capt., 316
Dead Cañon of the Rosebud, 193, 196, 198
Denver, Col., white settlements at, 5
DeRudio, Lieut., 243
DeWolf, Dr., killed by Indians, 242
Dodge, Col. R. I., his book, “Our Wild Indians,” quoted, 168;
claims Gen. Custer committed suicide, 257
Dog Soldiers, 163 note
Donovan, scout, assists in Col. Forsyth’s rescue, 106
Drexel Mission attacked by Indians, 353
Dry Fork, 60
Dull Knife, Cheyenne chief, attacked by Mackenzie, 313–315;
killed, 315
_E_
Eastman, Charles A., M. D., a full-blooded Sioux, his account of Reno’s
fight at Little Big Horn, 238;
with Gen. Custer, 253
Edgerly, Lieut., 248
Eighteenth Regular Infantry in the Mountain District, 9, 25;
at Fort Kearney, 59
Elliott, Major, Custer’s second in command, 152;
in battle of the Washita, 157;
fate of, 166–169
Emigrants, protected by Fort Phil Kearney, 4
Evans, Col., Third Cavalry, 188
_F_
“Far West,” Gen. Terry’s supply steamer on the Rosebud, 265
Farley, scout, wounded, 108;
bravery of, 109
Fetterman, Capt., fight with Indians at Lodge Trail Ridge, 20;
rashness of, 23;
annihilation of his command, 24–32;
begs command of expedition from Gen. Carrington, 25;
map of massacre of his command, 27;
death of, 32;
result of his disobeying orders, 36, 39
Fifth Cavalry, in battle of Summit Springs, 172;
other engagements, 293, 294, 312
Fifth Infantry, 326, 335
Finerty, John F., Chicago _Times_ correspondent, joins the Sibley
scout, 298, 303;
account of Gen. Henry’s ghastly experience, 346
Fisher, civilian volunteer, 26;
killed, 35
Fitzgerald, Dr., 100
Forsyth, George Alexander (“Sandy”), and the Rough Riders of ’68,
description of, 72–96;
aide to Gen. Sheridan, 75;
sketch of, 76;
desperate situation of, on Beecher’s Island, 97;
adventures of Scouts Trudeau and Stillwell to rescue, 97–112;
map of march to relieve Forsyth and escort Gen. Carr, 103;
a few words about Forsyth’s men, 109–112;
his battlefield preserved, 111;
letter of, on the relations between Gen. Custer and Gen. Belknap,
216–218;
on Custer’s Little Big Horn campaign, 361
Forsyth Association, 111
Fort Abraham Lincoln, Seventh Cavalry stationed at, 213, 214;
Rain-in-the-Face imprisoned at, 215;
Gen. Terry at, 218;
Mrs. Custer at, 258
Fort Caspar, Gen. Crook’s headquarters, 37
Fort C. F. Smith established, 17, 25, 62;
attacked, 46 note
Fort D. A. Russell, Gen. Henry at, 349
Fort Ellsworth, Indian council held at, 72
Fort Fetterman, Wyoming, established, 39;
actions at, 188, 202, 208, 312, 344, 348, 349
Fort Laramie, Nebraska, government commissioners negotiate treaty with
Indians at, 7, 293
Fort Phil Kearney, establishment and abandonment of, 3, 209;
constantly surrounded by Indians, 3;
Montana emigrants protected by, 4;
plan of, 16;
the tragedy of, 19–39;
working plan of, 33;
troops ordered to relief of, 37;
closely invested, 40, 41;
fort completed, 41;
Red Cloud’s attack on, 46;
burned by Indians, 58;
Mr. R. J. Smyth’s personal reminiscences of, and the wagon-box fight,
59–71;
Gen. Crook at, 189;
Fort Reno, removal of ordered, 9;
repaired and garrisoned, 12;
construction of, 15–17;
plan of, 16;
established by Gen. Conner, 60;
Gen. Crook at, 189
Fort Wallace, Kansas, temporary terminus of Kansas Pacific Railroad,
78;
orders issued from, to rescue Col. Forsyth, 100;
Capt. Carpenter arrives at, 134
Fourth Cavalry, 312
Fourth Infantry, 188
French, Capt., 251, 271
Frontier, protecting the, 3–179
Fry, Gen. James B., his book, “Army Sacrifices,” quoted, 72;
on Custer’s Little Big Horn campaign, 360
Furey, Major, with Gen. Crook, 191
_G_
Gall, Indian chief, opposed to Reno, 241, 253, 254;
attacks Custer, 256, 286;
at big feast after the Custer battle, 290;
attacks Gen. Miles, 325
“Galvanized soldiers,” 60
“Garry Owen,” played in battle of the Washita, 161;
at Fort Lincoln, 218
Ghost Dancers, Sioux, 352
Gibbon, Gen. encamps on the Yellowstone, 218;
letter to Gen. Terry regarding Gen. Custer’s situation, 223, 224;
relieves Reno and finds Custer’s body, 257;
his conference with Custer, 266;
goes to relief of Col. Benteen, 276;
his command returned to Montana, 305
Gibson, Lieut., 251
Godfrey, Col. Edward S., 249;
his article in _Century Magazine_ “Custer’s Last Battle,” quoted,
226, 227, 253;
his account of Custer’s defeat, 260;
on Custer’s Little Big Horn Campaign, 360, 371–380, 388–390
Gold discovered in the Black Hills, 209
Goldin, Mr. Theodore W., one of the last to see Custer alive, his
reminiscences of the general, 263–278
Goose Creek, 13, 192, 201, 209
Gordon, Major G. A., 316
Graham, Capt., Tenth Cavalry, 124;
scouts on the Beaver, 127;
retreat of, 128;
unmilitary action of, 133 note
Grant, President U. S., indignant at Gen. Custer’s statements regarding
Gen. Belknap, 217
Greene, Lieut.-Col. Jacob L., his views on Custer’s Little Big Horn
campaign, 391–395
Grover, Sharp, guide, 77;
his acquaintance with Indian signs and customs, 125–127, 139
Gruard, Frank, celebrated scout, with Gen. Crook, 191, 203;
sketch of, 191 note;
his clever scouting, 298, 301, 302, 309
Grummond, Lieut., Eighteenth Infantry, 15, 20, 22;
in charge of cavalry at Fort Phil. Kearney, 25, 26;
killed, 35, 36
_H_
Hall, Lieut., 294, 295
Hamilton, Capt. John M., 316
Hamilton, Capt. Louis McLane, in Gen. Custer’s winter expedition, 153,
157, 159;
killed, 161
Hanley, Sergeant, 249
Hare, Lieut. Luther R., 249, 267, 274
Harney-Sanborne treaty with Indians, 7
Harrington, Lieut., killed with Custer, 259
Hat Creek, see War Bonnet
Hazen, Gen. W. B., inspects Fort Reno, 17 note
Henry, Gen. Guy V., Third Cavalry, 190, 193, 195, 196, 198;
wounded, 197;
in Dead Cañon, 200, 201;
sketch of, 339–355;
his march in a blizzard, 342–344;
a ghastly experience, 344–348;
bravery of his wife, 348–351;
his “Buffaloes” and their famous rides, 351–355;
in the Spanish-American War, 354;
in Porto Rico, 354;
dies there, 355
Henry rifle, breech-loading rapid fire, use of, 26, 35
Herndon, scout, 266, 267, 274
Hines, Acting-Assistant Surgeon, sent to join Capt. Fetterman, 29
Hodgson, Lieut., killed by Indians, 242;
account of his death, 263, 272, 273
Honzinger, Dr., veterinarian, killed by Rain-in-the-Face, 12, 213, 215,
283 note, 285
Horse Creek, 60
Horton, Surgeon, on wagon-beds, 44 note, 50, 56, 69
Howitzers, Indian fear of, 29
Hughes, Major-Gen. Robert P., his book, “The Campaign Against the
Sioux,” quoted, 224;
Little Big Horn campaign, 360, 366–370
Humfreville, Capt. J. Lee, his book “Twenty Years Among Our Hostile
Indians” quoted, 318
Hunting ground, Indian title to, 6
Hunting parties forbidden at Fort Phil Kearney, 4
_I_
Indian attacks on Fort Phil Kearney, 4, 37–71
Indian fights at Beaver Creek, 123–140;
on Beecher’s Island, 97;
at Fort C. F. Smith, 46 note;
at Fort Phil Kearney, 40–56;
at Glendive, Mont., 321;
at Lodge Trail Ridge, 20, 21;
on the Rosebud River, 191–198, 203–208;
at Slim Buttes, 304–309;
at Summit Springs, 170–179
Indian fighters and their field, 3–8
Indian police kill Sitting Bull, 332
Indian skulls, scientific study of, 69
Indian traders, their mercenary policy, 184
Indian wars, cause of, 4;
sieges in, 3
Indian’s dread of scalping, 91–92 note
Indians, annihilate Capt. Fetterman’s command outside Fort Phil
Kearney, 30–32
Indians as patriots, 74, 185;
looseness of tie binding tribes, 313 note
Indians, Montana, jealous of intrusion by whites, 5
Iron Star, Indian chief, attacked by Gen. Miles and killed, 330–332
Island of Death, the, 78–85
Itiomagaju, see Rain-in-the-Face.
_J_
Jackson, Bob, scout, 336, 338
Jenness, Lieut. John C., detailed under Capt. Powell to protect
wood-cutters, 43;
killed, 51, 67
Jerome, Lieut. Lovell H., 336
Jewish boy’s bravery in Gen. Forsyth’s fight, 110;
Gen. Fry’s poem on, 110 note
Johnson, Hugh, Adjutant, sends Captain Carpenter to succor Col.
Forsyth, 100, 101;
prompt action of, 111, 112
Johnson, President Andrew, congratulates Congress on peace with
Indians, 22
Julesberg, 59
_K_
Kane, Capt., Fifth Cavalry, in Beaver Creek fight, 137, 138
Kansas Pacific Railroad, building of, resisted by Indians, 7–72
Kansas trail, 7
Kansas, Western, swept and devastated by Cheyennes, 75
Kellogg, Mark, newspaper correspondent, killed with Custer, 258
Kennedy, Sergeant-Major, 7th Cavalry, brave death of, 168
Keogh, Capt., killed with Custer, 258, 259
Kidder, Lieut., Second Cavalry, slaughtered, 149
King, Gen., his book, “Campaigning with Crook,” quoted, 188
King, Lieut. Charles, fighter and author, 294
Kinney, Capt., sent to establish Fort C. F. Smith, 17
_L_
Lame Deer, Indian chief, attacked by Gen. Miles and killed, 330–332;
notes on the fight, 335–338
Laramie Commission, announcement of, 15 note
Leighton, Al., sutler, Indians stampede stock of, 60
Little Beaver, Indian scout, 155
Little Big Horn, battle of, the story of by Rain-in-the-Face, 279–292
Little Big Horn Campaign, the, 216–236;
map of, 234
Little Big Horn Valley, 233
Little Crow, Indian, wounded, 140
Little Hair (Tom Custer), 284
Little Muddy Creek, 336
Little Raven, Arapahoe Indian chief, 164
Little Rock, Indian chief, killed, 164
Lodge Trail Ridge, 13, 20, 26, 29–31
Longfellow’s poem, “The Revenge of Rain-in-the-Face,” sold by the
Indian himself at the World’s Fair, 291
Long Hair, Gen. Custer’s Indian name, 146
Lord, Dr., killed with Custer, 258, 259
Luettwitz, Lieut. Von, 307;
wounded, 308
Lummis, Charles F., on the Apache Indians, 74 note
_M_
Mackenzie, Ranald S., Col. Fourth Cavalry, 305;
his winter battle, 312–316;
attacks Indians at Willow Creek Cañon, 313–316
MacIntosh, Lieut., killed by Indians, 242, 268, 272, 274
Mahapiya-luta, see Red Cloud
Mah-wis-sa, Black Kettle’s sister, endeavors to marry Gen. Custer to an
Indian girl, 167
“Mauvaises Terres,” or “bad lands,” 5
McCall, Sergeant W. H. H., 77, 78
McDougall, Capt., joins Maj. Reno with pack train, 248;
serves under Custer at the Little Big Horn, 233
McKinney, Lieut. John A., charges Cheyennes at Willow Creek Cañon, 315;
shot, 315
Medicine Man, daring of a, 133
Merritt, Gen. Wesley, ordered to join Gen. Crook at Fort Laramie, 293;
his fight with Cheyennes, 295–297
Miles, Gen. Nelson A., his “Personal Recollections” quoted, 189;
his Indian campaigning, 305;
his great campaigning, 319–338;
his foot cavalry defeat Sitting Bull, 319–326;
interview with Sitting Bull, 323, 324;
his crushing defeat of Crazy Horse, 326–330;
his capacity for handling men, 326;
attacks and captures Lame Deer’s village, 330–332;
his views on Custer’s Little Big Horn campaign, 361–365
Mills, Capt. Anson, Third Cavalry, 190, 193, 195, 196;
his advance down Dead Cañon, 199–202;
sent on foraging expedition, 305, 306
Miniconjou Indians attack Capt. Powell, 48
Montana, emigrants and wagon-trains to, annihilated by Indians, 4;
white settlements at, 5
Mooers, Dr. John H., 77;
killed, 84
Moore, Tom, veteran, 192, 196
Morris, William E., on the conduct of Major Reno, 401–405
Mountain District, army posts in, 9
Mountain game in Montana ranges, 6
Mountain standard time, 5
Mo-ke-ta-va-ta, see Black Kettle
Moylan, Capt., with Custer, 211, 212, 271
Mussa ranch, 60
Myers, Capt., Seventh Cavalry, 157, 159
_N_
Napoleon guns, 326
Nickerson, Capt., in Crook’s command, 200
Nineteenth Kansas Volunteer Cavalry, in Sheridan’s winter campaign
against Indians, 150
Ninth Cavalry, 351–355
Ninth Infantry, 188, 342
North, Col. Francis, in Summit Springs battle, 173
North Platte, 5, 59, 60
Northern Pacific Railroad, survey of, 209
_Northwestern Christian Advocate_ on the conduct of Major Reno, 398–400
Noyes, Major, Second Cavalry, 188, 193, 196
_O_
Oglala Indians attack Capt. Powell’s corral, 48
Oregon trail, 7
Orleman, Lieut., assists in Col. Forsyth’s rescue, 100, 124;
in expedition to Beaver Creek, 127;
covers Graham’s retreat, 128;
repulses Indians, 131
Osage Indians, with Custer in battle of the Washita, 159, 160
Otis, Lieut.-Col. Elwell S., attacked by Indians at Glendive, Mont.,
321;
Sitting Bull’s letter to, 321
_P_
Pawnee scouts at battle of Summit Springs, 173–177
Peno Creek, 13, 20, 64
Peno Valley, 28, 31, 36
Phil Kearney Garrison, post return of, 30 note
Pilot Hill, 13, 14, 19
Pine Ridge Agency, 293
Piney Island, logging camp on, 14;
the improvised corral on, 40–46;
wood-cutting on, 43;
wagon-box corral illustrated, 45
Porter, Lieut., killed with Custer, 258, 259
Pourier, Baptiste (Big Bat) scout with Gen. Crook, 298
Powder River, Indians encamped on, 23;
Sitting Bull at, 184;
Gen. Reynolds captures Crazy Horse’s village on the, 186;
Gen. Terry at, 218, 265, 312
Powder River Expedition, the, 3–18;
reminiscences of, 59–71
Powell, Capt. James, 22;
report of, to Gen. Carrington, 23;
command of relief party given to, 25;
detailed to guard wood-cutting party, 42;
sketch of, 42;
his gallant fight in the wagon-corral against Red Cloud, 48–55;
promotion of, 57
Prairie schooners, early use of, 7
Pretty Bear, Cheyenne chief, killed, 176, 177
Pumpkin Buttes, 61
_R_
Rabbit Creek, 307
Rain-in-the-Face (Itiomagaju), Indian chief, his grievance, 209–215;
capture of, 213–215;
escapes, 215;
attacks Custer, 256;
his revenge, 257;
his personal story of the fight, 279–292;
boasts of murdering Dr. Honzinger, 283;
his map of Custer’s battlefield, 287;
wounded, 289 note
Red Cloud (Mahapiya-luta), Sioux chief, opposes treaty with Gen.
Carrington, 7, 8;
revenge on, for massacre at Fort Phil Kearney, 39;
becomes leading war chief, 40;
surprised and disarmed by Gen. Mackenzie, 40 note;
his most thrilling adventure, 40, 41, note;
determines to capture Fort Phil Kearney, 41;
his attack, 46;
his baptism of fire, 51–56;
his losses in the attack on Capt. Powell’s wagon-corral, 58
Red Cloud Agency, 293
Rees, Indian auxiliaries, 238, 240, 267
Religious belief of Indians in regard to scalping, 91–92 note
Reno, Major Marcus A., in the Big Horn country, 218;
Custer gives command to, 232;
record of, 232 note;
his advance, 234–236;
his failure at the Little Big Horn, 237–243;
plan of his defence on the bluff, 247;
his failure to press his attack, 260;
his report to Custer, 265;
further light on the conduct of Major Reno, 398–405
Reno’s Creek, 233, 253
Reynolds, Charlie, famous scout, killed with Custer, 258
Reynolds, Gen. Joseph J., surprises and takes Crazy Horse’s village,
186
Riley, Lieut., killed, 258
Rodenbough, Gen., his “Sabre and Bayonet” quoted, 43, 44
Roman Nose, Indian chief, insolent speech of, 72, 73;
attacks Capt. Forsyth, 83–85;
charge of his five hundred warriors, 85–88;
killed, 87;
his tepee discovered by Capt. Carpenter, 105, 108, 109
Romero, Indian interpreter, 155, 167
Rosebud River, Crook’s advance against Indians on the, 189, 191–193;
battle of the, 193–198;
map of battle, 197;
Ex-Trooper Towne’s account of the battle on, 203–208
Rough Riders of ’68, the, 72–96
Royall, Col. William B., Fifth Cavalry, ordered to attack Indians on
Beaver Creek, 124;
given command under Gen. Crook, 188;
anecdote of, 188 note;
charges Indians at the Rosebud, 195, 196, 198
_S_
Salt Lake, white settlements at, 5
Salt Lake trail, 59
Sample, Gen. Carrington’s orderly, reports on Fetterman’s command, 30
Sand Creek, 60
Sans Arc Indians attack Capt. Powell’s corral, 48
Santa Fé trail, 7
Satanta, Kiowa Indian chief, 164;
captured by Custer, 169
Savage warfare, 339–344
Savagery, the rights of, 6
Scalping, Indian belief in, 91–92 note
Schlesinger, Sigmund, his bravery in Gen. Forsyth’s fight, 110;
Gen. Fry’s poem on, 110 note;
his story of the defense of Beecher’s Island, 113–122
Schwatka, Lieut., Arctic explorer, successful attack on Sioux by, 307
Second Cavalry, in tragedy of Fort Phil Kearney, 25, 60;
other engagements, 188, 195, 196, 312, 335
Settlers on Indian lands, 6–7
Seventh Cavalry, Gen. Custer in command of, 146;
formation of regiment, 147;
protects Kansas settlers, 148;
in Sheridan’s winter campaign, 150;
other engagements, 213, 218, 229, 293, 305, 355
Sheridan, Gen. Philip, attacks the Cheyenne Indians, 75;
inaugurates winter campaign against Indians, 150
Sheridan City, terminus of Union Pacific Railroad, 134
Sherman, Gen., advises ladies to join Gen. Carrington’s expedition, 11;
boy’s challenge to, 12;
acquits Gen. Carrington of all blame for disaster at Fort Phil
Kearney, 38
Short Nose Creek, 125, 127
Shoshone Indians, auxiliaries in Gen. Crook’s expedition, 190, 205
Sibley, Lieut. Frederick W., Third Cavalry, his scouting after Crazy
Horse, 298–303
Sioux Indians dispute the advance of the white man, 5;
Harney-Sanborne treaty with, 7;
accept valuable gifts from Gen. Carrington, 8;
invest Fort Phil Kearney under Red Cloud, 40–42;
wild charge of 46–51
Slim Buttes, South Dakota, Gen. Crook and Capt. Mills at, 304–309
Sitting Bull, Unkpapa Indian chief, his character, 183, 184;
out-generals Custer, 279;
in the sun dance, 282 note;
strategy of, 286;
at big feast after the Custer fight, 290;
sends letter to Col. Otis, 321;
interview with Gen. Miles, 323, 324;
attacked by Lieut. Baldwin, 326;
escapes to British Columbia, 332;
surrenders to United States army, 332;
a moving spirit in ghost dance uprising, 332;
killed by Indian police, 332
Smith, Capt. Gray Horse Troop, killed with Custer, 257
Smith, Captain E. W., Eighteenth Infantry, sends Gen. Terry’s
instructions to Gen. Custer, 220, 221
Smith, Major rescues Capt. Powell in wagon-corral fight, 56
Smyth, R. J., reminiscences of the Carrington Powder River Expedition,
59–71
Snow, Bugler, shot, 206
South Pass, 5
South Platte River, 59
Spencer breech-loading carbine, 10, 25, 41, 67, 76
Spencer rifle, 132, 140, 159
Spotted Tail, Brulé Sioux chief, 8
Springfield muzzle-loading muskets, 10, 61, 64;
breech-loading rifles, modification of, 45
Standing Elk, Brulé Sioux chief, 8
Standing Rock, 282
Standing Rock Agency, Rain-in-the-Face captured at, 213
Stanley, Gen., sent on expedition to the Black Hills, 210
Stillwell, John, scout, 90;
adventures of, to rescue Gen. Forsyth, 97–112;
volunteers to go to Fort Wallace, 121;
studied law and became a judge, 122 note;
death of, 122
Sturgis, Lieut., killed, 258, 259
Sullivant Hills, 13, 14, 19, 24, 25
Summit Springs, Col., Gen. Carr’s fight with Tall Bull at, 170–179;
account of battle of, 173–179
Sun Dance, the, description of, 282 note
_T_
Tall Bull, Indian chief, Gen. Carr’s fight with at Summit Springs,
170–179;
killed, 172, 177
Ten Eyck, Capt., sent to Capt. Fetterman’s relief, 29;
returns with tidings of disaster, 31
Tenth Cavalry (negro regiment), sent to the rescue of Gen. Forsyth, 100
Terry, Major-Gen. Alfred H., takes command of Custer’s column, 216;
did Custer obey orders? 219–228;
text of his letter to Custer, 220, 221;
his report to the Secretary of War on his orders to Custer, 225 note;
relieves Maj. Reno, 257;
finds Custer’s body, 257;
goes to relief of Col. Benteen, 276;
a discussion on his orders to Gen. Custer, 359–397
Third Cavalry, 188, 190, 193, 198, 205, 342
Thomas, W. Kent, the personal story of Rain-in-the Face by, 279–292
Thompson, Capt., Seventh Cavalry, 157
Thompson, David D., editor _Northwestern Christian Advocate_, on the
conduct of Major Reno, 398–400
Tongue River, a fork of the Yellowstone, 13, 20, 221, 265, 298, 319,
326, 336;
Gen. Crook’s march to, 187–190, 192
Towne, Phineas, Ex-Trooper, on the Rosebud fight, 203–208
Trudeau, scout, 90;
adventures of, to rescue Gen. Forsyth, 97–112
Tullock’s Creek, 221, 226
Twenty-second Infantry, 326, 336
Twenty-seventh Regular Infantry in the Mountain District, 9;
detailed to protect wood-cutting party, 42
Twenty-third Infantry, attacked at Glendive, Montana, 321
_U_
Union Pacific Rail-Road, building of, 7;
military posts along, 184
Unkpapa Indians attack Capt. Powell’s corral, 48
_V_
Van Vliet, Capt., Third Cavalry, 190, 193, 195, 196
Varnum, Lieut., with Custer, 211, 267
Vroom, ——, Third Cavalry, 198, 201
_W_
“Wagon Guns,” 69
Wagons made for defence in Indian wars, 43
Wallace, Lieut., 271, 272, 276
War Bonnet, (creek in South Dakota), the fight on the, 293–298
War Department censures Gen. Carrington unjustly, 70
Warfare against savages, 339–344
Washakie, Shoshone Indian chief, 198
Washita, battle of the, 146–169
Weir, Capt. of D troop, under Major Reno, 248, 275
Welch, J. E., letter of, to Col. H. O. Clark on battle of Summit
Springs, 173–179
West, Capt., Seventh Cavalry, 157, 159
Wheatley, civilian volunteer, 26;
killed, 35
White Antelope, Cheyenne chief, killed by Lieut. Sibley, 300
White Bull, scout, 336
“White Eagle,” name given to Gen. Carrington by Indians, 8
Whittaker, Capt. Frederick, his “Complete Life of General George A.
Custer,” quoted, 146;
extract from, 261
Willow Creek Cañon, Big Horn Mountains, Mackenzie attacks Cheyennes at,
313
Winchester rifles, Sioux armed with, 41
Wolf Creek, Custer’s march down, 151
Wolf Mountains, Big Horn Range, 327
Women, in Gen. Carrington’s expedition, 11;
fate of, in Indian warfare, 11
Woodruff, Brig.-Gen. Charles A., on Custer’s Little Big Horn campaign,
380–385
Wounded Knee, battle of, 352
_Y_
Yanktonais, 282
Yates, Capt., assists in capture of Rain-in-the-Face, 214;
killed, 258
Yellow Hand, Indian chief, shot by Buffalo Bill, 296
Yellowstone expedition of 1873, 209–213
Yellowstone River, threaded with streams from the Big Horn Range, 5;
army post established on, 9
Yuma County, Col., Gen. Forsyth’s battlefield preserved in national
park there, 111
THE McCLURE PRESS. NEW YORK
------------------------------------------------------------------------
TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES
1. Changed “Gillore” to “Greene” on p. 413 per text.
2. Silently corrected typographical errors.
3. Retained anachronistic and non-standard spellings as printed.
4. Enclosed italics font in _underscores_.
5. Superscripts are denoted by a carat before a single superscript
character, e.g. M^r.