THE "RE-ANNEXATION OF TEXAS AND THE RE-OCCUPATION OF OREGON"
The Popularity of the Democratic Position, and Mr. Clay's Letter of
August 16th--The Abolitionists Declare against Mr. Clay--The Triumph
of Polk--Tyler's Recommendation to Annex Texas by a Joint Resolution
or an Act--The Resolution for Annexation in the House of
Representatives--Passage of an Enabling Act for Texas by the House of
Representatives--The Resolution in the Senate, and Mr. Archer's
Inconsistencies--The Senate's Amendment to the Resolution of the
House--The Concurrence of the House in the Senate's Amendment, and the
Passage of the Act for Admission--The British Proposition in Regard to
Oregon--The American Proposition--Polk's recommendation in Regard to
the Matter--The Debate upon the President's Recommendation--The
Conclusion Reached by Congress--The President's Retort upon
Congress--The Oregon Treaty.
The language of the Democratic platform signified that Texas had been
once annexed to the United States, as a part of Louisiana, by the
Treaty of 1803 with France, and had been sacrificed by the Treaty of
1819 with Spain, and that Oregon had been once occupied by the United
States, either under the Treaty of 1803, or under that of 1819, or by
the right of the prior discovery of the Columbia River and the
establishment of a settlement upon its banks. It is thus that mortal
men always seek to purge any movement which they undertake of the
taint of innovation, no matter how justifiable in reason that movement
may be.
{319} [Sidenote: The popularity of the Democratic position, and Mr.
Clay's letter of August 16th.]
In the beginning of June, the election of Mr. Clay seemed a certainty.
As the campaign wore on it became manifest that annexation was rapidly
growing in the popular favor, and that Mr. Clay would lose some of his
Southern support, unless the opinion which prevailed in that section
concerning his opposition to annexation should be modified. With this
in view, and under the belief that the state of feeling upon the
subject at the North had become less hostile, Mr. Clay caused to be
published in an Alabama newspaper, on August 16th, a letter defining
again his attitude toward annexation.
No sane and impartial mind can, at this day, see any material
difference between the opinion expressed by Mr. Clay in his letter of
April 17th, and that in his letter of August 16th. In the former, he
took the ground that the United States ought not to annex Texas
without the consent of Mexico, or against the decided opposition of a
considerable and respectable portion of the Union. In the latter, he
said he should be glad to see Texas annexed, if it could be done
"without dishonor, without war, with the common consent of the Union,
and upon just and fair terms." He added that he did not think the
slavery question ought to enter into the consideration at all, that
slavery was destined to become extinct in the United States, and that
its duration would neither be lengthened nor shortened by the
acquisition of Texas.
[Sidenote: The Abolitionists declare against Mr. Clay.]
The Abolitionists, however, could see the question only from a single
point of view. They wanted Mr. Clay to say that the annexation of
Texas meant permanent slavery extension, and that he opposed it upon
that ground. They were not satisfied by Mr. Clay's causing another
letter to be published, in the _National Intelligencer_, declaring
that {320} his two former letters were entirely consistent with each
other, and that he held inflexibly to the principles of the first one.
They even went so far in their extravagant fanaticism as to represent
to the people that Mr. Clay's election would be more favorable to
annexation than that of Mr. Polk.
[Sidenote: The triumph of Polk.]
It is usually said that Mr. Clay's Alabama letter turned a sufficient
number of votes to the Abolitionist candidate, Mr. Birney, to cause
Mr. Clay to lose the electoral votes of New York and Michigan, and
thus insured the election of Mr. Polk, and consequently the annexation
of Texas and the War with Mexico. It is probably true that it did
cause the loss of New York and Michigan, but it is possible that it
held North Carolina, Kentucky, and Tennessee in line. The failure of
Mr. Clay is, therefore, more probably to be ascribed to Abolitionist
fanaticism than to his own blundering. At any rate, this was the view
held by Mr. Greeley, a very competent observer. He said that "the
triumph of annexation was secured by the indirect aid of the more
intense partisans of abolition."
[Sidenote: Tyler's recommendation to annex Texas by a joint resolution
or an act.]
The result of the election was regarded as the plebiscite upon the
question of annexation, and also upon the Oregon question, but more
especially upon the former. In his message to Congress at the opening
of the session of 1844-45, President Tyler informed Congress that,
since the rejection of the Treaty for annexation by the Senate, Mexico
had threatened to renew war against Texas, and prosecute the same by
barbarous means and methods, and that he had caused the Minister of
the United States to Mexico to inform the Mexican Government that the
question of annexation was still before the American people, and that,
until their decision had been pronounced, any serious invasion of
Texas could not be {321} regarded by them with indifference. He
declared that, in the late general election, the people had pronounced
for immediate annexation; and he recommended that Congress should
incorporate the terms of the late agreement for annexation into the
form of an act or a joint resolution, which should be binding upon
both parties when adopted in like manner by the Texan Congress. He
also informed Congress that negotiations had been opened with Great
Britain relative to the respective rights of the two Powers in, and
over, the Oregon territory.
[Sidenote: The resolution for annexation in the House of
Representatives.]
That part of the message relating to the question of annexation was
referred, in the House of Representatives, to the committee on Foreign
Affairs, and, on December 12th, Mr. Ingersoll, of Pennsylvania,
reported from that committee the draft of a joint resolution for the
annexation of Texas. It was simply the articles of the agreement of
April 12th preceding put into that form. The principal points of it
were, the cession of the territory of Texas to the United States, the
transfer of the public lands of Texas to the Government of the United
States, the pledge of the United States to assume the debt of Texas up
to ten millions of dollars, the guarantee of liberty and property to
the citizens of Texas, now to be citizens of the United States, and
the accordance of Commonwealth local government to Texas as soon as
consistent with the Constitution of the United States.
As we have seen, the President and Mr. Calhoun had thought that the
proper way to annex a foreign state to the United States was by means
of a treaty, in which the foreign state should cede its territory to
the United States; and that the matter of local government for the
ceded territory and its population would then be a question of
legislation. We have also seen that the {322} opponents of the
proposed Treaty in the Senate took the ground, among other things,
that Texas was already a state, seeking admission into the Union as a
"State" (Commonwealth), and that this could be effected only by an act
of Congress. But now the opposition in the House of Representatives to
the joint resolution, expressed in the very words of the proposed
Treaty, declared that the resolution provided for a cession of
territory by a foreign state to the United States, which cession could
be made and accepted only through the form of a treaty. The House had
never, however, committed itself to the view of the Senate, and the
friends of the resolution wasted no time in demonstrating the
inconsistency, but sought to so amend the resolution as to make it an
act for the formation of a new Commonwealth, or, as it is usually
phrased, an act for the admission of a new "State" into this Union.
[Sidenote: Passage of an enabling act for Texas by the House of
Representatives.]
On January 25th, 1845, the House passed a substitute for the
committee's resolution, which substitute was a resolution for enabling
the people of Texas to form a Commonwealth constitution and
government, preparatory to admission into this Union, and prescribing
certain conditions for the assent of Congress to the same.
[Sidenote: The resolution in the Senate, and Mr. Archer's
inconsistencies.]
When this resolution reached the Senate, it was referred to the
committee of that body for Foreign Affairs, and on February 4th, Mr.
Archer, the chairman of the committee, presented a report from his
committee, and a recommendation that the proposition from the House be
rejected. The ground for this recommendation, as contained in the
report, was that the House had undertaken to do by an act of Congress
what could be done only by means of a treaty. And this was from that
same Mr. Archer, who, on June 8th preceding, had opposed the {323}
ratification of the Treaty, on the ground that what was proposed to be
effected by a treaty could be done only by means of an act of
Congress.
[Sidenote: The Senate's amendment to the resolution of the House.]
It was not to be expected that the Senate or the country would put up
with any such inconsistent trifling. The Senators were, however, much
concerned in preserving the treaty-making power of the Senate, and
hesitated long, attempting to find the way out of the embarrassment,
which they had prepared for themselves, by their attitude, during the
preceding session, toward the proposed Treaty. At last, on February
27th, Mr. Walker, of Mississippi, offered an apparent method of
escape. He moved to amend the resolution sent from the House by the
provision that, if the President should deem it more advisable to
negotiate with Texas for her admission into the Union than to submit
the joint resolution as an overture to her, he might do so, and then
might submit the agreements, which might thus be made, either to the
Senate to be approved of as a treaty, or to both Houses to be approved
of as an act. Everybody knew, of course, that this was a mere
subterfuge to save appearances, and that the President would
immediately communicate the joint resolution to the Texan authorities.
[Sidenote: The concurrence of the House in the Senate's amendment, and
the passage of the measure for Admission.]
The House of Representatives concurred in the Senate's amendment, and
the President signed the measure on March 1st, 1845. He immediately
submitted the resolution to the Texan authorities, and on December
29th, 1845, Texas was formally admitted as a "State" into this Union.
There is little question that the President and Mr. Calhoun were
correct as regards the manner in which a foreign state should be
annexed to the United States, but they can hardly be justly blamed or
criticised for {324} following the method insisted upon by Congress as
the constitutional form and prescript.
[Sidenote: The British proposition in regard to Oregon.]
[Sidenote: The American proposition.]
In his first annual message President Polk informed Congress that when
he came into office he found that Great Britain had proposed to settle
the Oregon question by making the divisional line between the
possessions of the two Powers, west of the Rocky Mountains, the
forty-ninth parallel of latitude to the northeasternmost branch of the
Columbia River, and, from this point, the course of the river to the
Pacific; that his predecessor had refused this; that he himself had,
upon invitation from the British plenipotentiary to make a
proposition, offered the forty-ninth parallel from the Rocky Mountains
to the Pacific, although he believed the claim of the United States to
the territory up to the parallel of fifty-four degrees and forty
minutes to be good; and that this proposition had been rejected by the
British minister.
[Sidenote: Polk's recommendation in regard to the matter.]
The President further declared that all attempts to compromise with
Great Britain had failed, and he recommended that Congress should give
the notice, required by the convention of joint occupancy, for the
termination of that agreement, as the first step toward asserting the
power of the Government over the whole of Oregon. He also recommended
the establishment of a line of posts along the Oregon route for the
protection of emigrants to Oregon, and the immediate extension of the
jurisdiction of the United States Government over the citizens of the
United States in Oregon.
This was distinct enough and belligerent enough. The Abolitionists and
anti-slavery Whigs, who had been twitting the Administration with
indifference about Oregon, now that Texas had been secured, could
{325} certainly find no fault with the President's attitude toward the
question. At any rate, it was a challenge to them which could not be
ignored.
[Sidenote: The debate upon the President's recommendation.]
Both Houses entered immediately upon the discussion of the question of
giving the notice. As the debate progressed the war fever became
allayed, and the conviction grew that the claim to the line of
fifty-four forty was extravagant. The majority, at least, saw that the
claim by occupation and settlement was the right basis for the
determination of the dispute, and that this claim would give the
United States the territory only to the line of the northern watershed
of the Columbia.
This line does, indeed, reach at points above the forty-ninth
parallel, but the fact that this parallel was already the divisional
line between the possessions of the two Powers from the Great Lakes to
the Rockies, and that the United States had already proposed to Great
Britain the continuation of this line to the Pacific, produced the
general feeling that the United States should be satisfied with the
forty-ninth parallel as the northern boundary of Oregon, rather than
risk war for the more northern line. Still, the opponents of the
Administration had been so quick to charge the President with
indifference to the acquisition of territory, upon which
non-slaveholding Commonwealths would be established, that they were
now fairly ashamed to lag behind him.
[Sidenote: The conclusion reached by Congress.]
Owing to the course taken by the Senate, Congress did not, however,
come to any conclusion upon the recommendation of the President until
April 23rd, 1846, and then, in the resolution finally passed, it
almost emasculated the President's proposition. It empowered the
President to give the notice, but explained that the purpose of the
same was {326} to direct the attention of the two Governments toward
the adoption of more earnest measures for the amicable settlement of
the question, and it threw upon the President the responsibility as to
the time of giving the notice, by placing that matter entirely within
his discretion.
[Sidenote: The President's retort upon Congress.]
The President had already reopened negotiations with Great Britain
upon the subject, and, on June 10th, he laid before the Senate a
proposal, from the British Envoy, of the forty-ninth parallel for the
boundary, and asked the Senate to advise him as to whether he should
close with the offer. It was not customary to consult the Senate at
this point of the negotiations, but there was precedent for it, and
the letter of the Constitution appears to warrant it, and the
President was determined to retort upon the Senate, for its action in
the matter of the notice, by throwing the responsibility upon that
body of sacrificing the claims of the United States to territory above
the forty-ninth parallel. He plainly informed the Senate that he would
reject the offer unless advised by it to accept.
[Sidenote: The Oregon Treaty.]
The Senate was fairly caught in its own net, and had the good sense to
refrain from a resistance which would have been only an undignified
floundering in meshes prepared by itself. On the 12th, the Senate
advised the President to accept the British overture. On the 15th, the
President signed the treaty, and, on the 18th, the Senate ratified it
by a large majority.
Not many realized, at the moment, that the extension of the
sovereignty of the United States to the Pacific above the forty-second
parallel of north latitude would require the like extension to the
south of it. Once across the Rockies it was inevitable that the
natural boundary in the southwest, as well as in the northwest, should
be ultimately attained. It came sooner than anybody expected.
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