Hougoumont reinforced, the enemy driven back.—The enemy’s
cavalry charge, and are driven off.—Struggle in the orchard
continued.—Advance of a column of French infantry, who suffer
and are checked by the terrific fire of our battery.—Napoleon
directs his howitzers upon Hougoumont, which is soon set on
fire; notwithstanding, the Duke ordered it to be held at any
cost.—La Haye-Sainte again assailed.—A _ruse_ of the enemy’s
lancers.—Fire of the enemy’s artillery increases.—Importance of
our advanced posts.—Ney’s grand cavalry attacks; destructive
fire of our guns upon them, and their gallantry.—After numerous
fruitless attempts against our squares, the enemy get mixed; are
broken, and driven back by our cavalry.—Their artillery again
open fire upon us.—Extraordinary scene of warfare.—An ammunition
waggon in a blaze.—The earth trembles with the concussion of the
artillery.—Ney, reinforced with cavalry, continues his aggressions,
and, as before, after repeated fruitless attacks, the assailants
are driven off.—Terrific fire of artillery.—Not so many saddles
emptied by our musketry as expected.—The enemy’s attacks less
frequent and animated.—Captain Siborne’s lively description of
Ney’s grand cavalry attack.
Skirmishing continued along our whole front: the entire space between
La Haye-Sainte and Hougoumont was up to this time defended by Alten’s
skirmishers, commanded by colonel Vigouroux, (30th regiment). The
light companies of the guards were, as already stated, fully engaged
at Hougoumont, to which post, about two o’clock, sir J. Byng ordered
colonel Hepburn to advance, with the remaining companies of the 3d
guards. When they reached the first hedge of the orchard, in the
hollow-way, they met with lord Saltoun, who, in consequence of the
severe loss of his light troops, gave up the command to colonel
Hepburn, and returned to his own regiment, (the 1st guards,) posted
on the main ridge.
General Cooke having lost an arm by a round-shot, the command of
the division devolved on general Byng, and the latter’s brigade on
colonel Hepburn, who soon after crossed the orchard, driving the
French before him, and occupied the south hedge; this he considered
his position. The French went through a gap at the south-west corner
of the orchard, into the wood, and, being huddled together, suffered
severely from the concentrated fire of their pursuers, as well as
from that of the Coldstream upon the scaffolds and through the
loop-holes of the wall. I have been told by a British staff officer,
who passed along the south hedges on the morning of the 19th, that,
notwithstanding he had been at most of the battles in the Peninsula,
he had never seen, except at a breach, dead and wounded men lie
thicker than along those hedges.
About this time, the 7th hussars were in line, and near the right of
the main ridge. Our officers and men were falling fast from the fire
of musketry; at length it was discovered that a dropping fire came
from a spot covered with standing rye. Sergeant Montague and a few
hussars galloped to the place, and surprised a group of the enemy’s
skirmishers, all of whom they cut down.
A strong line of the enemy’s cavalry passed Hougoumont on their
left, and ascended our position, apparently regardless of the fire
of our artillery, although it somewhat disordered their ranks. The
7th, with a portion of the 15th hussars, was led against them. After
a few cuts and points, the enemy went about, and rallied behind
another well-formed body of their cavalry; we rallied in rear of our
position. About the same time colonel Hepburn’s troops were warmly
attacked, out-flanked, and again obliged to retire to their friendly
hollow-way; but when the enemy passed the south hedge and entered
the large orchard, all within musket range got again such a severe
fire from the Coldstream at the east wall that they were staggered;
Hepburn again advanced, and recovered his position.
About the time the 2d brigade of guards advanced to Hougoumont, the
Brunswickers came into line on the right. A column of French infantry
was now seen advancing towards Alten’s and the left of Cooke’s
divisions. Our skirmishers were pushed forward to feel them; upon
which they changed their direction towards the Hougoumont enclosures
through a winding valley, and got as it were under our position, so
that they could not be seen. The officer of artillery, who fired
the first shot, was posted near where the Lion now stands; judging
the course they were taking, he allowed them to proceed to a point
where he could best exercise his engines of destruction, and opened
upon the mass with fearful precision and awful effect. The whole
column was thrown into confusion, and moved to some lower ground for
protection; there it was reformed, and again put in motion towards
the enclosures of Hougoumont; the guns opened once more upon them
with similar results, which probably prevented a serious flank attack
on this post.
Napoleon, finding his repeated attacks upon Hougoumont quite
unavailing, ordered general Haxo to establish a battery of howitzers
to set it on fire. The shells fell into the buildings, and flames
shortly burst forth: at about three o’clock, the whole of the
château and a portion of the out-offices were on fire. From the
right of the allied position the appearance was awfully grand. It
is surprising that the enemy, with so large a force of artillery,
chiefly twelve-pounders, did not level Hougoumont with the ground.
With his left batteries near the Nivelles road, from whence it was
completely commanded, he might have soon beaten it about the ears of
its defenders; he preferred however burning them out with shells.
The Duke considered it of great importance to withhold this position
from the enemy, and directed that it should not be abandoned, whilst
there was a man left to defend it, although it was in flames. He
deemed the maintaining of the post essential to the success of the
day’s operations. Many of the wounded who were in the buildings
perished in the flames; those in the chapel escaped, as the flames
did not extend far beyond the entrance; and it is a remarkable fact,
that they ceased at the feet of the wooden image of our Saviour.
“Yes! Agincourt may be forgot,
And Cressy be an unknown spot,
And Blenheim’s name be new;
But still in story and in song,
For many an age remember’d long,
Shall live the walls of Hougoumont
And field of Waterloo.”
The Duke’s orders were carried down to Hougoumont by major Hamilton,
aide-de-camp to general Barnes, the adjutant-general of the forces,
and given to colonel Home, commanding some of the 3d guards on the
allied right of the building, near the wood. After delivering the
order, major Hamilton went away, but shortly returned and asked
colonel Home, if he perfectly understood his Grace’s instructions:
“I do,” replied the colonel, “and you can tell the Duke from me,
that, unless we are attacked more vigorously than we have hitherto
been, we shall maintain the post without difficulty.” Shortly
afterwards colonel Home entered the buildings, the greater part of
which, together with some stacks, were in a blaze; he found the
colonels Macdonell and Woodford in the walled garden, and gave them
the Duke’s orders. Colonel Woodford, at this time, commanded in the
interior of Hougoumont, and colonel Hepburn in the orchard. To have
allowed the enemy to establish himself in such a post, so near our
front and flank, might certainly have been followed by the most
serious consequences. But why our gallant assailants wasted so much
ammunition against brick and stone walls, that might elsewhere have
been used with effect against their enemy, is not easily answered. A
post of the description of Hougoumont never before sustained such a
succession of desperate attacks: the battle began with the struggle
for its possession, which struggle only terminated on the utter
defeat and rout of the enemy.
The attack upon La Haye-Sainte[42] was repeated, notwithstanding the
punishment the enemy had received at the hands of the German rifles.
The French again pressed on to closer combat with determined bravery.
The principal attacks were directed to the west barn and yard doors
leading into the open fields towards the Lion.
About four o’clock, the 13th light dragoons and 15th hussars (part
of the brigade in which I served,) were sent off in haste, under
general Grant[43], towards Braine-l’Alleud, to watch the movement of
a portion of the enemy’s lancers moving in that direction. The 2d
German dragoons also were ordered on the same service, to act as a
support, if needful.
The fire of the enemy’s artillery had been continued with great
vigour; it was now increased upon that part of our position which was
between the two high-roads. Our squares, which were lying down behind
the crest of the ridge and could not be seen by the enemy, were, in
a great degree, protected from the round and grape-shot, but not
from the shells, which were bestowed upon them most liberally. They
sometimes fell amongst us with great effect. Those missiles may be
both seen and heard as they approach; so that by keeping a look-out
many lives were saved; the ground too was so saturated with rain that
the shells in some instances sunk beneath the surface, and bursting
threw up mud and sand, which were comparatively harmless. The oldest
soldier however had never witnessed so furious a cannonade. The Duke,
writing to lord Beresford, says, “I never saw such a pounding match.”
The havock was dreadful in the extreme, for some considerable time
before the impetuous Ney came on with his grand cavalry attack, made
by forty squadrons. On their right, close to La Haye-Sainte, were
the cuirassiers; then the lancers and chasseurs _à cheval_ of the
Imperial guard. They advanced in lines, _en échelons_, their left
reaching nearly to the east hedge of Hougoumont.
As those on the right neared the ridge, their artillery discontinued
firing; and ours opened with grape, canister and Shrapnel shells,
which rattled like hail on the steel-clad warriors; but they still
pressed on, regardless of our fire, towards the guns, the horses
of which had been sent to the rear. Every discharge (the load was
usually double,) dreadfully shattered their ranks, and threw them
into great disorder; but excited by the trumpets sounding the charge,
they rode up to the cannons’ mouths, shouting, _Vive l’Empereur!_
Our gunners fled to the squares, which were all ranged in chequer;
the front ones had advanced again nearly close to the guns. The
French, not perceiving the advantage which the squares afforded the
gunners, and imagining that they had captured the guns, shouted out
in triumph, and then crossed over the ridge; here they were assailed
by a rolling fire from our squares, which were all prepared, the
front rank on the right knee, the next rank at the charge.
When the cuirassiers had passed over the ridge, they were out of
sight of the lancers and chasseurs, who immediately pressed on to
share in the contest. Our artillery received them in a similar
manner; some of the men rushing back to their guns, and after
discharging them at the foe, taking shelter again within the squares,
or under the guns. The firing produced a much greater effect upon
such of the enemy’s cavalry as were not protected by the cuirass and
casque; consequently their ranks were much more disordered than were
the cuirassiers’; still they pursued their onward course, passed the
guns, raised a shout and swept round the squares. Some halted and
fired their pistols at the officers in the squares; others would ride
close up, and either cut at the bayonet or try to lance the outside
files. No sooner had the broken squadrons passed the guns, than the
gunners were again at their post, and the grape rattled upon the
retiring hosts; but frequently, before a succeeding round could be
discharged, the hostile cavalry were again upon them, and compelled
them to seek shelter.
During the cavalry attacks, those of the enemy were at one time on
the allied position, riding about amongst our squares for three
quarters of an hour; all cannonading having ceased between the two
high-roads.
When the enemy’s squadrons became broken and disordered, our cavalry,
who were kept in hand till the favourable moment, again attacked them
and drove them down the slope, often following too far, by which they
burned their fingers, and likewise prevented our gunners from keeping
up a constant fire.
Our position was scarcely free from the enemy’s cavalry, before their
numerous artillery began to ply us again with shells and round-shot.
After the first cavalry charges, our infantry squares, finding the
odds in their favour, gained confidence, and it was soon evident
they considered the enemy’s cavalry attacks as a relief, and far
more agreeable than their furious cannonade, which was invariably
suspended on their attacking force crowning our ridge. I am confident
from what I saw and heard, as well during as after the battle, that
our British infantry would rather, when in squares, have the enemy’s
cavalry amongst them than remain exposed to the fire of artillery.
The 1st foot-guards had the enemy’s cavalry on every side of their
squares several times, and beat them off. Our squares often wheeled
up into line, to make their fire more destructive on the French
cavalry when retiring: on this, the cuirassiers would suddenly wheel
round to charge; but our infantry were instantly in square, and
literally indulged in laughter at the disappointment and discomfiture
of their gallant opponents. Throughout the day our squares presented
a serried line of bristling bayonets, through which our enemy’s
cavalry could not break. Had the French made their attacks throughout
with infantry and cavalry combined, the result must have been much
more destructive; for, although squares are the best possible
formation against cavalry, there can be nothing worse to oppose
infantry. I am not aware of any parallel to the extraordinary scene
of warfare which was now going forward: most of our infantry were in
squares, and the enemy’s cavalry of every description riding about
amongst them as if they had been our own; for which, but for their
armour and uniforms, they might have been mistaken.
An ammunition waggon in a blaze passed about this time in full gallop
close to our rear, and one of our men, I think Fowler, afterwards
the sergeant saddler, drew his pistol and fired at the horses, but
without taking effect: the waggon shortly after blew up.
The skirmishing at the farms of La Haye and Papelotte, which were
retaken, and in the hamlet of Smohain, went on with unabated fury:
the attacks upon La Haye-Sainte and Hougoumont were continued. The
artillery on both sides was now pealing forth its thunders: the earth
trembled with the repeated concussions. Ney and his Imperial master,
no doubt, expected to bear down all before them by the aid of the
thirty-seven additional squadrons they were about to bring forward;
whilst we could only command in addition two regiments, the 13th
light dragoons and the 15th hussars, under Grant, who, on discovering
that the _ruse_ of the enemy was to draw off a part of our cavalry
from the right of our main front line, had now returned and driven
some of the enemy’s cavalry down the slope. He was however obliged to
retire immediately, as their cavalry was collected in great force in
the valley, as also in the hollows near La Haye-Sainte. Being there
exposed to the fire of our batteries, the French horsemen would at
times call out aloud, “_En avant, en avant!_ (Forward, forward!)
here we are knocked to pieces;” upon which their chiefs would again
advance and assail our position. About this period our attention
was drawn to the firing of a battery in our rear; we all, to a man,
looked round, as if by word of command: but found it to be our own
guns, which, from the second ridge across the Nivelles road, were
firing upon some lancers that were attacking our Brunswick squares
upon the rear face of our right wing. They were twice driven off by
Bolton’s battery.
The allied position was again cleared of the enemy, and skirmishers
were thrown forward along the valley; some were sent to cover the
front from the Hougoumont orchard as far as La Haye-Sainte. At this
point the attack had been carried on with great vigour: colonel
Baring had made another application for rifle ammunition, which, from
some cause or other, was not supplied.
Ney’s cavalry attacks were now renewed, his force being nearly
doubled by the addition of a part of general Guyot’s heavy cavalry of
the guard, and Kellermann’s cuirassiers.
With this additional force, Ney had a stupendous body of cavalry in
comparison with ours. The attack, like the previous ones, was covered
by a tremendous fire of artillery, which played on every part of
our right wing; the round-shot ploughing up the ground, or tearing
open the files of the close and serried ranks; shells exploding in
all directions; and at every moment the flashes of the guns, amidst
expanding volumes of dense smoke, challenging the attention of every
man to the sources of destruction, the well-worked batteries on both
sides. Nothing could be more imposing than the advance of Ney’s
cavalry, (flanked by infantry to assail our advanced posts,) as they
swept up the slope of the allied position under a murderous fire of
our double-shotted guns, of which they again succeeded in getting
temporary possession. Our devoted squares at times seemed lost amidst
the hostile squadrons, who, in vain, made repeated endeavours to
penetrate these impregnable barriers; as before, their squadrons
got mixed, broken, and their ardour sobered down, when a retrograde
movement was commenced, which soon became general.
The allied cavalry, who had been kept in hand to act at the
favourable moment, now darted forward and completed the
disorganization of the French cavalry. Our undaunted artillery-men,
ever on the alert, were to be found at their guns, plying the
retiring hostile cavalry with grape, canister, or case-shot.
But the enemy’s cavalry, which frequently reformed in the valley
just under our position, where their lances and the tops of their
caps might be seen, were soon again on the position and amongst the
squares. Some of the most daring would ride up to the squares and
cut aside the bayonets. Such parties seldom escaped unhurt: the man,
or horse, was almost sure to be brought down; but not near so many
saddles were emptied as might have been expected.
During the attacks made by the French cavalry, not a single
individual set an example of soldier-like devotedness by rushing
upon the bristling bayonets: certainly no agreeable task, nor to
be attempted without imminent danger; but one, when required and
gallantly done, that raises men to military rank and renown, and that
may hasten the crisis and lead to victory. Of the fifteen thousand
French horsemen, it is doubtful whether any perished on a British
bayonet, or that any of our infantry in square fell by the French
cavalry’s sabres; few, comparatively, of the enemy’s cavalry were
destroyed, even by our musketry[44].
Many pretend that good infantry in square can resist the onset of
cavalry, however skilful, bold and determined: my opinion is the
reverse; much depends on circumstances.
The menacing approach of the French cavalry, who rode amongst and
round our squares, was not quietly witnessed by our own horsemen:
we made many spirited charges between the allied squares, as well
as on every side of them. All the British, German, and Tripp’s
Dutch-Belgian cavalry, that were between the two high-roads, were
more or less engaged during these attacks.
At times it was quite amusing to see some of the foreign troops
cut away from the angles of their squares, and our staff officers
galloping after them to intercept their flight. It was surprising to
see how readily they returned to their squares.
The fire of volleys from our squares did no great damage; the
independent file-firing was the most destructive to the enemy’s
cavalry, to such particularly as were not clad in steel or brass. The
killed and wounded men and horses, the broken guns, etc., afforded
excellent cover to the skirmishers, whilst they impeded the movements
of the horsemen, and augmented their disorder and confusion.
It is not difficult to conceive from the foregoing circumstances,
what was the rage, the ungovernable fury that animated those attacks;
and how, after unceasing combats for above two hours, in a limited
space, no result was obtained by the French but a most horrible and
bloody-carnage. It was one of the greatest of their errors, on that
eventful day, to get their cavalry into a labyrinth from which there
was no extricating it before the pride of their fifteen thousand
horsemen had been completely broken. It was now evident, from the
enemy’s attacks becoming less animated and frequent, that they began
to see the utter folly of their attempts against our invincible
infantry. It is, in my opinion, very doubtful, whether the enemy’s
cavalry ever came into actual collision with our squares[45].
It has been said by Napoleon, and it is also the remark of most the
French writers, that Guyot went into action without orders. Napoleon
dispatched general Bertrand to stop the heavy cavalry of the guard;
but they were so engaged that a retrograde movement would have then
been dangerous. “This,” Napoleon observed, “had deprived him of a
cavalry reserve at about five o’clock, because they went two hours
sooner than they should have gone into action, and that the same
troops well employed had many times gained him a victory.”
I cannot reconcile myself to the idea that a division of cavalry
would go into action without orders; it is much more probable that
there was some mistake in the transmission of them: but why was not
the advance countermanded? Most of their cavalry movements were
so slow towards the end of the day, in consequence of the jaded
condition of their horses, and the saturated and encumbered state of
the ground, that an order sent on foot might have soon brought them
back.
At one time during that memorable afternoon, the ridge and rear
slope of our position were literally covered with every description
of horsemen, lancers, cuirassiers, carabineers, horse-grenadiers,
light and heavy dragoons and hussars; during which our guns stood
in position, abandoned by the artillery-men, who took refuge in and
around the squares: when at length the enemy’s gallant but fruitless
efforts became exhausted, our cavalry appeared and cleared the allied
position. On one occasion a body of cuirassiers passed along the
Nivelles road, closely followed by a party of my regiment, under
captain Verner. Upon the high bank on the right of the Nivelles road,
a party of the 51st regiment, under lieutenant Kennedy, was firing
upon the enemy, and our advanced files narrowly escaped being shot.
As the cuirassiers neared the avenue between the Nivelles road and
Hougoumont, they came upon an _abattis_, or barricade, near which was
a party of the 51st, under captain Ross, who fired upon them; about a
hundred and fifty were killed, wounded or taken prisoners.
Ney’s grand cavalry attack has called forth the following lively
description from the pen of captain Siborne:
“When the tremendous cavalry force, which Ney had now assembled,
moved forward to the attack, the whole space between La Haye-Sainte
and Hougoumont appeared one moving, glittering mass; and as
it approached the Anglo-allied position, undulating with the
conformation of the ground, it resembled a sea in agitation. Upon
reaching the crest of the ridge, and regaining temporary possession
of the batteries, its very shouts sounded on the distant ear, like
the ominous roar of breakers thundering on the shore. Like waves
following in quick succession, the whole mass now appeared to roll
over the ridge; and as the light curling smoke arose from the fire
which was opened by the squares, and by which the latter sought
to stem the current of the advancing host, it resembled the foam
and spray thrown up by the mighty waters, as they dash on isolated
rocks and beetling crags: and as the mass separated and rushed in
every direction, completely covering the interior slope, it bore the
appearance of innumerable eddies and counter-currents, threatening
to overwhelm and ingulph the obstructions by which its onward course
had been opposed. The storm continued to rage with the greatest
violence, and the devoted squares seemed lost in the midst of the
tumultuous onset. In vain did the maddening mass chafe and fret away
its strength against these impregnable barriers, which, based upon
the sacred principles of honour, discipline and duty, and cemented
by the ties of patriotism, and the impulse of national glory, stood
proudly unmoved and inaccessible. Disorder and confusion, produced by
the commingling of corps and by the scattering fire from the faces
of the chequered squares, gradually led to the retreat of parties of
horsemen across the ridge: these were followed by broken squadrons,
and at length the retrograde movement became general.
“Then the allied dragoons, who had been judiciously kept in readiness
to act at the favourable moment, darted forward to complete the
disorganization of the now receding waves of the French cavalry.”
[Illustration: (end of chapter; decorative separator)]
FOOTNOTES:
[42] Our advanced posts of Hougoumont, La Haye-Sainte, and Papelotte,
were of the utmost importance to us, more particularly the former.
An eminent military writer (Jomini) says, “Posts that can be readily
defended, are of greater value in battle than insurmountable
obstacles; since it is sufficient if such posts can be maintained
for a few hours by means of mere detachments. Hougoumont with its
enclosures, the farm of La Haye-Sainte and the rivulet of Papelotte,
presented more serious impediments to Ney, than did the celebrated
position of Elchingen.”
[43] General Grant had three horses shot under him.
[44] This might be attributed to many of our infantry, when hard
pressed, adopting the French skirmisher’s method of loading, viz.
after priming, shaking the rest of the powder into the barrel,
dropping the ball after it, and then giving the butt a rap or two
on the ground, which, from the rain, was quite soft. The ball, in
consequence, not being rammed down to confine the powder, came out at
times nearly harmless.
[45] That his Grace ever threw himself into a square, is untrue;
but, from the commencement of the battle till the close, he was
more exposed than many of his troops: whenever there was a chance
of rendering service, let the danger be what it would, the Duke was
there, and, as on all occasions, showed the most perfect coolness and
self-possession.