As he was returning, he was recognized as belonging to the rebel army,

and was arrested, and conveyed to the Beekman house, on the corner of

Fifty-first Street and First Avenue, where General Howe had his

headquarters. He was at once tried, convicted as a spy, and sentenced to

be hung on the following day at daybreak. It was a mercy to him that his

execution was fixed so speedily, as in the mean time he was placed in

the keeping of that heartless scoundrel, Cunningham, whose after deeds

as provost marshal of New York have rendered his name forever infamous.

Hale was kept in confinement during the night by the marshal, who

refused to give him a light and writing materials to enable him to send

a last message of love to his aged parents and friends. A kindly

disposed lieutenant afterwards furnished him with pen and paper.

Cunningham, however, in the morning manifested the natural atrocity of

his disposition by rudely tearing into pieces before his eyes the

letters which he had written, and at the same time declaring "that the

rebels should never know that they had a man in their army who could die

with so much firmness."

On the morning of September 22, 1776, Cunningham ordered the execution

to proceed, and at the same time required Hale to make a dying

confession. In the nobility of his liberty-loving nature, Hale said: "I

only regret that I have but one life to lose for my country." These

brave words were his last. He was suspended on an apple-tree, and his

remains were committed to the grave without any ceremony. He did not

perish; his name will live as that of one of the heroes of the

Revolution. In the American army he was universally beloved, and his

untimely end filled the hearts of his friends with deep-seated hatred to

their foes, and a renewed determination to be avenged.

In this connection the following may not be uninteresting. It is an

extract from a letter from New York, dated September 1, 1776:[48]

"Last Monday we went over to Long Island, and about midnight we were

alarmed by the return of some of our scouting parties, who advised us

that the _English_ were in motion, and coming up the island with several

field pieces; it was generally thought not to be the main body, but only

a detachment, with a view to possess themselves of some advantageous

heights, upon which near three thousand men were ordered out, consisting

chiefly of the Pennsylvania and Maryland troops, to attack them on their

march. The Delaware and Maryland battalions made one party. Colonel

Atlee with his battalion, a little before us, had taken post in an

orchard, and behind a barn, and on the approach of the enemy he gave

them a very severe fire, which he bravely kept up for a considerable

time, until they were near surrounding him, when he retreated to the

woods. The enemy then advanced towards us, upon which _Lord Stirling_,

who commanded, immediately drew us up in line, and offered them battle

in the true _English_ taste. The British army then advanced within three

hundred yards of us, and began a heavy fire from their cannon and

mortars, for both the balls and shells flew very fast, now and then

taking off a head. Our men stood it amazing well; not even one of them

showed a disposition to shrink.

"Our orders were not to fire until the enemy came within fifty yards of

us; but when they perceived we stood their fire so coolly and

resolutely, they declined coming any nearer, though treble our number.

In this situation we stood from sunrise to twelve o'clock, the enemy

firing upon us the chief part of the time, when the main body of their

army, by a route we never dreamed of, had utterly surrounded us, and

drove within the lines or scattered in the woods all our men except the

_Delaware_ and Maryland battalions, who were standing at bay with double

their number. Thus situated, we were ordered to attempt a retreat by

fighting our way through the enemy, who had posted themselves and nearly

filled every field and road between us and our lines. We had not

retreated a quarter of a mile before we were fired upon by an advanced

party of the enemy, and those upon our rear were playing upon us with

their artillery. Our men fought with more than _Roman_ courage, and I am

convinced would have stood until they were shot down to a man. We forced

the advanced party which first attacked us to give way, through which

opening we got a passage down to the side of a marsh, seldom before

waded over, which we passed, and then swam a narrow river, all the time

exposed to the fire of the enemy. The companies commanded by Captains

Ramsey and Scott were in the front, and sustained the first fire of the

enemy, when hardly a man fell.

"The whole right wing of our battalion, thinking it impossible to pass

through the marsh, attempted to force their way through the woods, where

they were almost to a man killed or taken. The Maryland battalion has

lost two hundred and fifty-nine men, amongst whom are twelve officers:

Captains Veazey and Bowie, the first certainly killed; Lieutenants

Butler, Sterritt, Dent, Coursey, Muse, Prawl; Ensigns Coates and

Fernandez; who of them killed or who prisoners is yet uncertain. Many of

the officers lost their swords and guns. We have since abandoned Long

Island, bringing off all our military stores.

"Generals Sullivan and Stirling are both prisoners. Colonels Atlee,

Miles, and Piper are also taken. There are about one thousand men

missing in all. We took a few prisoners. By a lieutenant we took, we

understand they had about twenty-three thousand men on the Island that

morning. Most of our Generals were upon a high hill, in our lines,

viewing us with glasses. When we began our retreat, they could see the

enemy we had to pass through, though we could not. Many of them thought

we would surrender in a body without firing. When we begun the attack,

General _Washington_ wrung his hands and cried out, _Good God! What

brave fellows I must this day lose_. Major Guest commanded the

_Maryland_ battalion, the Colonel and Lieutenant Colonel being both at

York. Captains Adams and Lucas were sick. The Major, Captain Ramsey and

Lieutenant Plunkett were foremost and within forty yards of the enemy's

muzzles, when they were fired upon by the enemy, who were chiefly under

cover of an orchard, save a force that showed themselves, and pretended

to give up, clubbing their firelocks until we came within that distance,

when they immediately presented, and blazed in our faces; they entirely

overshot us, and killed some men away behind in our rear. I had the

satisfaction of dropping one of them the first fire I made. I was so

near I could not miss. I discharged my rifle seven times that day, as

deliberately as I ever did at a mark, and with as little perturbation."

Washington, in a letter dated September 4, 1776, addressed to General

Schuyler, fixes the number in killed, wounded, and prisoners on the

American side in the Long Island battle at from seven hundred to one

thousand men.[49]

In writing to the Massachusetts Assembly, under date of September 19,

1776, Washington states that the number in killed and wounded of the

enemy could not be ascertained, "but that it was pretty considerable and

exceeded ours a good deal." He also says that the Americans lost eight

hundred men, three fourths of whom were taken prisoners, thereby leaving

only two hundred killed.[50]

English writers upon this subject place the loss on the American side at

between three and four thousand. These figures greatly overstep the

mark, and were doubtless gathered from the reports of those commanding

generals who desired to make it appear to the home authorities that a

substantial victory had been secured.

The loss in the battle of Brooklyn is fixed by the best authorities at

not over a thousand men. This, as we have seen, is the number fixed by

Washington himself, both in his letters and official reports. Johnson,

in his admirable and exhaustive narrative of the campaign of 1776,

concurs in this view. These figures appear to be a correct estimate of

the loss sustained. Certainly if as many had been killed as reported by

British officials, some tradition or evidence would exist as to the vast

number requiring burial after the battle, and subsequent to the

evacuation. The neutral inhabitants remaining on the island would have

found abundant occupation in consigning so many to mother earth. This

alone would have rendered the occasion memorable.

The loss on the Tory side appears from the returns made by General Howe

to have been:--Commissioned officers: three generals, three colonels,

four lieutenant-colonels, three majors, eighteen captains, forty-three

lieutenants, and eleven ensigns; staff officers: one adjutant, three

surgeons, two volunteers; privates: one thousand and six. This includes

nine wounded officers and fifty-six wounded privates.[51]

In the annals of the Revolutionary period in Brooklyn, a conspicuous

place is occupied by the famous Rising Sun tavern. It stood (and still

stands) at the junction of the Bedford and Jamaica turnpikes in East New

York, and was an old-fashioned farm-house of the Dutch type. This famous

tavern, from its prominent position on the King's highway, was a resort

for the burghers and farmers of the island. The host, William Howard,

was very popular amongst the people, and the old landmark, so prominent

in the early history of Kings County, has long been an object of

interest.

At this house, the day before the battle of Brooklyn, an important

meeting in reference to the war was held. The house was situated within

five miles of the American intrenchments, which were in the neighborhood

of Bridge and Fulton streets. The American army rested quietly, not

dreaming of the impending danger. Meanwhile the British army was not

inactive. It was encamped at Flatbush. Just after midnight it occupied

the roads leading to East New York, and pushed forward to that suburban

spot. The guides who had been employed lost their way, and General Howe

found it absolutely necessary to obtain more trustworthy leaders. In

consulting upon the subject, it was determined that William Howard, the

keeper of the tavern, being familiar with the different passes, was the

best man to secure in the emergency. The approach of the army had not

been observed by the occupants of the wayside hotel. Suddenly the

bar-room door was forced open, and the terrified family were aroused

from their slumbers. The guard sought and found the astonished

innkeeper, and quickly brought him before the august generals Howe,

Cornwallis, and Sir Henry Clinton. It was their desire to use this man

to guide them over the hills and through the woods to the little hamlet

at Bedford, where it was supposed a large body of Americans were

encamped, whom the invaders desired to outflank, and by a circuitous

route, if possible, gain the plain beyond, and thus cut off their rear.

Howard was perfectly familiar with the intricate pathways. The interview

between Howard and the British officers was brief and to the point.

William Howard had a son then only fourteen years of age. The events of

the evening left a vivid impression on the lad's mind. In after years,

in referring to the adventures of that night, he said: "It was about two

o'clock in the morning of the 27th of August that I was awakened by

seeing a soldier by the side of my bed. I got up and dressed, and went

down into the bar-room, where I saw my father standing in one corner,

with three British soldiers before him, with muskets and bayonets fixed.

The army (numbering about sixteen thousand men) was then lying in the

fields in front of the house. General Howe asked for a glass of liquor,

and, after receiving it, entered into conversation with William Howard,

and said: 'I must have some one to show me the Rockaway path around the

pass.'"

To this remark Howard replied: "We belong to the other side, General,

and can't serve you against our duty." General Howe then said: "That is

all right, stick to your country, or stick to your principles; but,

Howard, you are my prisoner, and must guide my men over the hill."

Howard, in the nobility of his nature, objected to being a party to the

betrayal of his countrymen, but was silenced by the General, who finally

said: "You have no alternative. If you refuse, I shall have you shot

through the head."[52]

It was a painful task for Howard to thus pave the way for the

destruction of the American army. He was led out under a guard, which

was directed to shoot him should he attempt to make his escape. The

entire march was conducted in a cautious, noiseless manner, and every

precaution taken to be in readiness for an attack. They succeeded in

reaching the road below the Bedford pass, and flanked the position

supposed to be occupied by the American troops.

Young Howard, who accompanied his father, in giving an account of the

march, says: "On reaching the turn in the Jamaica road, my father and

myself were released and sent back to the tavern, which we found

surrounded by the guard."

It may be well to state here that the Rockaway path was a narrow pass

across the hill, forming now a portion of Evergreen Cemetery, and led

from the Jamaica road to Bushwick lane, now the main entrance to the

cemetery.

In the legal documents of the time, the roads were called the King's

highways. The Brooklyn and Jamaica road, which passed through the hills

near East New York, was known as the King's highway. General Howe named

it, "the pass through the hills."

The name of the Clove road originated from the fact that it passed

through the clove or cleft of the hills. By the British army it was

distinguished as the Bedford pass. The valley through which the Flatbush

road passed, being densely covered with wood, was called Valley Grove.

The enemy, having crossed over from Long Island and effected a landing

in New York city on the 15th of September, immediately pushed forward

to meet and drive before them the forces of Washington, which movement

on their part culminated in the battle of Harlem Heights. In that

engagement, which was short and fierce, the Americans lost, in killed,

16 privates, whilst the damage done to the enemy was 74 killed and 274

wounded. Governor Clinton, who witnessed the battle, wrote of it: "It

has animated our troops, given them new spirits, and erased every bad

impression the retreat from Long Island had left in their minds. They

find that they are able with inferior numbers to drive their enemy, and

think of nothing now but conquest."

Shortly after the occupation of New York by the British, and on the 21st

of September, the city was visited by a great fire, which quickly

reduced a large part of it to ashes. It is estimated that 500 houses

were obliterated. Trinity Church was destroyed, and the Lutheran chapel,

situated on the corner of Rector Street, met the same fate. St. Paul's

Church, the oldest religious edifice now standing in New York city, was

saved by the energy and superhuman exertions of the citizens. Long may

this old landmark resist the vandalism of the age. The fire was looked

upon as the act of an incendiary. The Tory element of the community,

believing that it was caused by the Sons of Liberty, accused them of the

act. Several citizens were arrested as accessories, but were

subsequently discharged, as no evidence could be produced on which to

hold them.

During this time the Continental Congress continued to hold its sessions

in the city of Philadelphia.

On the 31st of August, Washington sent a letter to Congress wherein he

gave an explicit statement of the result of the council of war held on

Long Island, and the reasons which led him to withdraw the troops from

that locality. By reason of this decision New York city, and all its

fortifications, was ultimately given up to the British fleet and army.

The new occupants, upon taking possession, adopted measures to fortify

and strengthen it against invasion from the American forces.

After the occupation of New York by the British army, large numbers of

Tories, who had been compelled to forsake the place by reason of the

stringent measures adopted by the Committee of Safety against all who

sided with royalty, again returned to the city and were warmly welcomed

by the new authorities. Amongst the number who returned to their old

haunts was Rivington the printer, whose vituperations against the Sons

of Liberty had in former times called down upon him the wrath and enmity

of the patriots. The returning Tories held high carnival in the city.

They seemed to think that the cause of the Americans was lost, and that

soon they would have undisputed control of public affairs.

Kings County, which never had manifested a strong patriotism, contained

many who did not greatly lament the triumph of the British. The retreat

of the American army from Long Island served to strengthen the

convictions of the Tory adherents, and induced them to embrace the

opportunity afforded of forsaking what they conceived to be the "lost

cause," and give in their adhesion to the Crown of England. Moreover, as

we shall see by later explanation, there was a peculiarly heavy pressure

placed on the loyalty of Kings County.

It was under this pressure that in November some of the largest

freeholders in the county of Kings met together and resolved to accept

the terms offered by Howe in his proclamations. In order to gain favor

with the British authorities, an address was prepared in the Uriah Heep

style, in which it was stated:--

"We, therefore, whose names are hereto subscribed, freeholders

and inhabitants of Kings County, in the province of New York,

reflecting with the tenderest emotions of gratitude on this

instance of his Majesty's paternal goodness and encouraged by

the affectionate manner in which his Majesty's gracious purpose

hath been conveyed to us by your Excellencies, who have thereby

evinced that humanity is inseparable from that true magnanimity

and those enlarged sentiments which form the most shining

characters, they beg leave to represent to your Excellencies,

that we bear true allegiance to our rightful sovereign George

the Third, as well as warm affection to his sacred person,

crown, and dignity, to testify which we and each of us have

voluntarily taken an oath (in the church at Flatbush) before Wm.

Axtell, Esq., one of his Majesty's council for this province, in

the following words: '_I do solemnly promise and swear that I

will be faithful and bear true allegiance to his Majesty King

George the Third, and that I will defend his crown and dignity

against all persons whomsoever. So help me God._' And that we

esteem the constitutional supremacy of Great Britain over these

colonies, and other depending parts of his Majesty's dominions,

as essential to the union, security, and welfare of the whole

empire; and sincerely lament the interruption of that harmony

which formerly subsisted between the parent state and these her

colonies. We therefore hereby pray that your Excellencies would

be pleased to restore this country to his Majesty's protection

and peace."[53]

This was certainly a model epistle, and clearly demonstrated the

character of the men who endorsed its sentiments, or pretended to

endorse them, by appending to it their names. As the common people had

expressed themselves so freely, the leaders, not to be outdone in giving

evidence of submission to royalty, a short time afterwards presented to

Governor Tryon an address couched in terms of detestation of the

rebellion, and of warm admiration for the Crown. It was a craven

document, evincing cowardice and lack of true manliness. It ran as

follows:--

"We, the members of the Provincial Congress, the County

Committee, and the Committees of the different townships,

elected by the inhabitants of Kings County, feel the highest

satisfaction in having it in our power to dissolve ourselves

without danger of the county being dissoluted, as it was by

repeated threats some short time ago. We do hereby accordingly

dissolve ourselves, rejecting and disclaiming all power of

Congress and committees, totally refusing obedience thereto, and

revoking all proceedings under them whatsoever, as being

repugnant to the laws and constitution of the British Empire,

and undutiful to our sovereign, and ruinous to the welfare and

prosperity of this county. We beg leave to assure your

Excellency we shall be exceeding happy in obeying the legal

authority of government, whenever your Excellency shall be

pleased to call us forth, being of long experience well assured

of your Excellency's mild and upright administration."

This paper was signed on December 3 and 4. Amongst the parties who

appended their signatures to this obsequious missive are the following,

many of whom will be recognized as prominent in the annals of the

community:--

Philip Nagel

W^m Johnson

Evert Suydam

Richard Stillwell

Johannes E. Lott

Rem Cowenhoven

Nich Cowenhoven

Joost Duryea

Jeremiah Vanderbilt

Stephen Voorhies

Denyse Denyce

Engelbert Lott

I. Hubbard

Garret Wyckoff

Richard Stillwell, Jr.

Rutgers Van Brunt

Adrien Hegeman

Abram Laguare

Derick Remsen

Abram Voorhies

Adrian Voorhies

Petrus Van Pelt

Leffert Lefferts

Wilh^s Stoothoof

Casper Crisper

Isaac Cortelyou

Petrus Lott

Johannes De Bevoice

Isaac Denyce

Johannes Bergen

John Vanderbilt

Theodorus Polhemus

W^m Van Brunt

Jacobus Vanderwenter

Cor^s Wyckoff

Jeremias Remsen[54]

That these men, who had served in official stations in councils of the

state, and who had witnessed for a dozen years the aggressions of the

Crown, should so far submit to British authority, and be willing to

resume the yoke when an opportunity was presented by concerted action to

throw off the shackles which bound them to the mother country, is

perhaps sufficient evidence of the strain produced by the peculiar

situation in Kings County.

The militia, who had rendered but little service to the patriots, now

followed the example set them by their leaders, and, to gain favor with

the British officers, voluntarily raised and contributed the munificent

sum of £310 8s towards defraying the expenses of raising and equipping a

new battalion to be employed in the service of the Tories. Howe and

Tryon rejoiced greatly over these manifestations on the part of the

people of Kings County. Such acts encouraged them greatly in their

labors, and led them to suppose that the war was being carried on by a

few zealous but hot-headed fanatics, who desired to enrich themselves by

a continuance of the rebellion. They believed that they could control

the rich, who did not wish to part with their property to be used in a

prolonged campaign, and the poor, who did not desire to be separated

from their families by compulsory service in the army. General Howe and

Governor Tryon, whose position of late years had become merely nominal,

gladly accepted these evidences of obedience to their mandates, and were

careful to scatter amongst them the assurance that "his Majesty has

observed with great satisfaction the effusions of loyalty and affection

which break forth in the address of his faithful subjects, upon their

deliverance from the tyranny and oppression of the rebel committees; and

the proof given by the inhabitants of Kings County of their zeal for the

success of his Majesty's measures by so generously contributing towards

the expense of raising Colonel Fanning's battalion cannot fail of

recommending them to his Majesty's favor."[55]

No one, upon hearing of these manifestations on the part of the people

of Kings County, would for a moment wonder that the leaders of the

rebellion against kingly authority should at times feel discouraged and

disheartened. However, with so many who were faithless, there were some

who still were true to the honored cause. The name of Major Barent

Johnson, father of the late General Jeremiah Johnson, stands

conspicuously amongst those who were not ashamed to acknowledge

allegiance to the infant republic. Johnson was ever distinguished as a

patriot, and attested his love of liberty, not only by words but also by

actions. On every occasion he fearlessly and boldly advocated the

revolutionary movement, and was one of the officers of the Kings County

militia who would not truckle to power, and who refused "to sell his

heritage for a mess of pottage." When the American army retreated from

Brooklyn he followed their fortunes, and was encamped with them at

Harlem in 1776, and ever testified his love of country by his

willingness to serve her in her hour of danger and trial. In the early

part of 1777 he was taken prisoner while accompanying the American army

to New Jersey. Subsequently he obtained a parole from General Howe

through assistance of a brother Mason, and returned to his home in Kings

County. He resided on the old farm in the present nineteenth ward of the

city, so long known as the residence of General Jeremiah Johnson. He did

all he could to aid the American cause. "In order to help on the cause

to which he was devoted, he shrank not from personal and pecuniary

risks, but suggested loans from friends in his county to the American

government, and himself set the example by loaning, first, £700, and

afterwards sums amounting to $5000; all the security for which was a

simple private receipt, given, too, in times of exceeding peril and

discouragement,--a noble and memorable deed."[56]

There were many signs during 1776 that Kings County's disaffection was

recognized. At the session of the Provincial Congress held June 21, the

subject of preventing Kings County from giving aid to the enemy was

discussed, and resulted in the passage of the following resolution:--

_Resolved_, That it be recommended to the general committee of

Kings County, immediately to take effectual measures that all

boats and craft in the bay, on the south and southwest sides of

said county, be drawn up or on the upland, to such a distance

from the water as to prevent as much as possible the disaffected

persons in that county from keeping up a communication with the

enemy; and that the oars and sails belonging to the said boats

and craft be secured in the most effectual manner.

At this session Kings County was represented by Mr. Lefferts and Mr.

Polhemus.

On the 10th of August the Provincial Convention (to which name that of

the former Congress had been changed), directed that one half of the

militia of Kings County and Queens County be "immediately ordered to

march and put themselves under the command of the officer commanding the

Continental troops on Nassau Island, to be continued in service until

the first day of September next, unless sooner discharged by order of

this Convention."

The Convention, having received information that the inhabitants of

Kings County had determined not to oppose the enemy, thereupon adopted

the following resolution:--

_Resolved_, That a committee be appointed to repair forthwith to

said county, and enquire concerning the authenticity of such

report, and in case they find it well founded, that they be

empowered to disarm and secure the disaffected inhabitants; to

remove or destroy the stock of grain; and if they shall judge

necessary, _to lay the whole country waste_. And for the

execution of these purposes, they are directed to apply to

General Greene, or the commander of the Continental troops in

that county, for such assistance as they shall want.

The committee appointed in accordance with this resolution consisted of

Mr. Duer, Colonel Remsen, Mr. Hebert, and Colonel DeWit.[57]

On the 13th of August the Convention, in pursuance of the resolution

passed on the 10th of August, relative to the Kings County militia,

appointed Colonel Jeromus Remsen of Queens County, Lieutenant-Colonel

Nich^s Cowenhoven of Kings County, and Major Richard Thorne of Queens

County, as officers of the militia ordered to be drafted from Kings and

Queens counties, and placed them under the command of the officer

commanding the Continental troops on Nassau Island.

The Convention of Representatives of the State of New York met again on

the 21st of August. The first subject which engaged its attention was

the character of the credentials presented by the delegates from Kings

County. The convention, upon examination and due deliberation, came to

the conclusion that the same were defective, in that they did not state

"whether any, or what power was given to the representatives therein

named." Considering that the representatives so elected should be

expressly authorized to assist in framing and establishing a new form of

government, and thereby give in their adhesion to the independence of

America, the Convention ordered that the said Committee of Kings County

be immediately informed of said defect, to the end that a new election

might be held, whereat delegates clothed with full power in the premises

might be returned.

The Convention of Representatives on the 29th of August passed a

resolution recommending to the inhabitants of Long Island "to move as

many of their women, children, and slaves, and as much of their live

stock and grain, to the mainland, as they can," at the same time

"assuring them that Convention would pay the expense of moving the

same."

There is much significance in the letter of John Sloss Hobart to the

Committee of Safety, dated October 7, 1776, fairly stating the causes

which led to the apparent submission of the citizens of Long Island to

the British Crown. He shows that the measures adopted were from

necessity and not from choice. He says:--

"Upon the retreat of the army from the island they viewed

themselves as abandoned by the Convention, and expecting the

enemy hourly amongst them, a general removal appeared

impracticable; besides, to quit their pleasant habitations, and

throw themselves, with their tender connections, upon the

charity of an unknown world, was a degree of apathy to which

they had not yet arrived. In a fit of despair they laid down

their arms, and made an unconditional submission to what they

supposed the inquiring army;[58] the people at large being thus

brought to terms, they found it less difficult by threats to

induce the individuals who had formerly held commissions under

the Crown of Great Britain to resume the execution of their

offices; being well led into the snare, every measure tended to

draw the _net_ closer about them. Notwithstanding which, I am,

from the best authority, informed that they are accused by Mr.

Tryon and his minions of having submitted only the better to

cover their intention of removing, and that, unless the young

men do voluntarily take up arms against their country, an

inveterate and disappointed soldiery will be let loose upon

them. These considerations induce me earnestly to wish that some

measure may be taken to induce the people to quit the island, by

offering a support to those who cannot maintain themselves--the

aged and infirm must be maintained at public expense."

This letter reveals the true condition of affairs, and forcibly states

the motives which led the inhabitants of Long Island to submit to the

aggressions of the British.

At the session of the Committee of Safety, held on the 26th of November,

some of the inhabitants of the State of Connecticut presented claims for

expenses incurred in removing stock and the poor inhabitants from Long

Island. A committee was therefore appointed to collect and state these

accounts, together with the names of the persons bought of, the quantity

of stock, and the names of the persons to whom they belonged, together

with the place of their present residence, and report the same to the

convention of this State as soon as possible.

This subject was again brought to the attention of the Committee of

Safety on the 3d of December, 1776. At that meeting the following letter

was prepared and signed by the vice-president and transmitted to Colonel

H. B. Livingston:--

"SIR,--The Committee of Safety have received accounts from

different towns in Connecticutt, with their demands for

transporting stock and effects from Long Island. Some are sent

in by private persons, as employed by you for that purpose. I am

directed to desire you to send me as particular an account as

you can of the stock and other effects you have brought off Long

Island, with the number of cattle, sheep, and other stock, the

names of the persons to whom they belonged, and in what manner

the same was disposed of, and to whom; with such vouchers for

the same as you have taken. You will likewise inform us of the

number of families brought off by your order, with the names of

the heads of each family, as far as in your power, with any

other particulars you may think necessary respecting the

transportation and disposing of the same."

"To COLONEL H. B. LIVINGSTON."

In January, 1777, the American prisoners in New York were paroled and

billeted on the inhabitants of Kings County, Congress agreeing to pay a

weekly stipend of two dollars for each for board.[59]

Colonel Graydon, in his memoirs, presents a very vivid picture of the

scenes and incidents connected with the sojourn of the prisoners amongst

the island farmers. He says that "the officers of Colonel Mayan's and

Colonel Sher's regiments were quartered at Flatbush. He, with another

officer, was placed in the house of Jacob Suydam." It was a large house,

with many additions erected at different times, with doubtless a strange

and weird appearance. He states that "they were civilly received, but

that their presence was not welcome to the Low Dutch, who did not like

to have their regular habits interfered with. Had they been sure of

receiving the two dollars a week, it might have reconciled them. They

were, however, a people who seemed thoroughly disposed to submit to any

power that might be imposed on them; and whatever might have been their

propensities at an earlier stage of the contest, they were now the

dutiful and loyal subjects of his Majesty George III. Their houses and

beds were clean, but their living was extremely poor. A sorry wash, made

up of a sprinkling of Bohea and the darkest sugar on the verge of

fluidity, with half-baked bread (fuel being amongst the scarcest

articles in Flatbush), and a little stale butter constituted our

breakfast. At our first coming a small piece of pickled beef was

occasionally boiled for dinner, but to the beef, which was soon

consumed, there succeeded _clippers_ or clams; and our unvaried supper

was supan or mush, sometimes with skimmed milk, but more generally

buttermilk blended with molasses, which was kept for weeks in a churn,

as swill is saved for hogs. I found it, however, after a little use,

very eatable, and supper soon became my best meal. The table company

consisted of the master of the house, Mr. Jacob Suydam, an old bachelor;

a young man, a shoemaker of the name of Rem Hegeman, married to Jacob's

niece, who with a mewling infant in her arms never failed to appear. A

black boy, too, was generally in the room; not as a waiter, but as a

sort of _enfant de maison_, who walked about and took post in the

chimney corner with his hat on, and occasionally joined in the

conversation. Rem Hegeman and Yonichy, his wife, gave themselves no

airs, nor was harmony with Uncle Jacob ever interrupted but once, when

soured a little he made a show of knocking down Lieutenant Forrest with

a pair of yarn stockings he had just drawn from his legs, as he sat in

the chimney corner one evening preparing for bed; but moments of

peevishness were allowable to our host, for we had been consuming his

provisions while he had never seen a penny of our money. The religion of

the Dutch, like their other habits, was unostentatious and plain; a

simple silent grace before meat prevailed at the table of Jacob Suydam.

When we were all seated, he suddenly clapped his hands together, threw

his head on one side, closed his eyes, and remained mute and motionless

for about a minute. His niece and nephew followed his example, but with

such an eager solicitude that the copied attitude should be prompt and

simultaneous as to give an air of absurdity to what otherwise might have

been very decent."[60]

Graydon refers to the peculiarities of the Dutch in their habits,

customs, and manners. One which seemed to strike him with considerable

force was the custom of never asking people to "sit down to the table,

but to sit 'by.'"

Judging from the Colonel's narrative, the American prisoners must have

had a good time at Flatbush. Although at times the enforced inactivity

was irksome, the prisoners were favored with the presence of many

estimable ladies who did much to render their forced stay agreeable.

Meanwhile, the Convention of Representatives held short sessions on the

5th and 6th of December, 1776, and again on the 11th of February, 1777,

when they resolved to adjourn to Kingston, which at once became the

capital of the State. On the 6th of March, a state constitution was

framed, and provision made for a temporary form of government by

electing a council of safety. Abraham Ten Broeck, of Albany, was

president of the Convention at the time of the passage of these

important measures. Theodorus Polhemus was the only member from Kings

County at this convention.

In accordance with the resolution passed April 20, 1777, providing for

an _ad interim_ government, a council of safety was appointed, and the

Convention of Representatives was dissolved on the 13th of May, 1777.

Owing doubtless to the disturbed condition of affairs in Kings County,

that county was not represented in the committee.

The Council of Safety, at its session on the 27th of June, in response

to the petition of Obadiah Jones and other refugees from Long Island,

reported the following resolutions:--

_Resolved_, Thereby provided His Excellency Governor Trumbull

shall approve thereof, Obadiah Jones, John Hulbart, and Thomas

Dearing, or any two of them, do give permits to such refugees

from Long Island as reside in Connecticut as they shall think

proper, and at such times and under such restrictions as they

may judge prudent, to pass to Long Island to get off their

effects.

_Resolved_, That Obadiah Jones, John Hulbart, and Thomas

Dearing, or any two of them, be, and they are hereby authorized

and directed to remove, at the expense of this state, to the

county of Dutchess, within the same, all such refugees from Long

Island, now in Connecticut, as are unable to maintain

themselves, and are willing so to be removed.

_Resolved_, That one hundred pounds be advanced to the said

gentlemen to enable them to execute the above resolutions; and

that they account with the auditor-general of this state for the

expenditure thereof.

_Ordered_, That the treasurer of this state pay the said sum of

one hundred pounds unto Mr. Paul Reeve, to be by him conveyed

and delivered to said gentlemen or one of them.

_Resolved_, That the persons so to be removed shall, on their

arrival in Dutchess County, be under the care of and supplied

with the necessaries by Mess. Abraham Schenck and Gerlim Van

Veelon, commissioners for superintending and providing for such

of the inhabitants of this state in the said county as have been

driven from their habitations by the enemy.

Kings County was not represented at the first meeting of the new Senate

at Kingston in September. In the Assembly which met and organized,

William Boerum and Henry Williams represented Kings County. These

gentlemen, owing to the peculiar condition of affairs in Kings County,

and the impossibility of holding an election, were appointed by the

Convention, on May 8th, to represent the county. The members of the

Senate and Assembly for the counties of New York, Queens, Suffolk, and

Richmond, were appointed in like manner.

The Provincial Convention having instituted the office of

auditor-general, for the purpose of settling certain accounts, the

appointment to this office was given to Comfort Sands, July 24, 1776,

who held the place until March 23, 1782, when he resigned. In 1797 the

office was abolished, and that of comptroller was instituted in its

place. Comfort Sands, who filled the important position of auditor,

deserves more than a passing notice. During his life he took a deep

interest in Brooklyn affairs, and owned considerable property in the

village. He purchased a part of the property belonging to John Rapalje,

whose wife, we have seen, sent her negro servant to apprise General Howe

of the premeditated retreat from Brooklyn on the 29th of August, 1776.

Rapalje's property extended along the water front from the Ferry to the

Navy Yard. He was an influential man, and during colonial times had

frequently been a member of the Assembly. When the war commenced in

earnest, his family became identified with the Tory element. A bill of

attainder was passed against him October 27, 1779, and he was banished.

When the British occupied Long Island, he returned to his home,

remaining until 1783, when, with his family, he removed to England. His

estates having been confiscated, Comfort and Joshua Sands, on the 13th

of July, 1784, purchased 160 acres of them, bordering on the East River,

for, £12,450, paid in state scrip.

It might be well to state here that John Rapalje was clerk of Kings

County in 1775, and continued in that office during the British

control. His successor, Jacob Sharp, Jr., did not assume the office

until 1784. When Rapalje removed to England, he carried with him the

town records. These documents were very valuable.

A few years after the declaration of peace Rapalje's granddaughter

visited America, hoping to regain possession of her father's land, upon

the technical point that the confiscation had taken place subsequent to

the treaty of peace. The advice of counsel was taken, whose opinions

were adverse to her claim, and she abandoned the effort and returned to

Europe. When Mrs. Weldon, the granddaughter, came to America, she

brought with her the missing records, and sought to sell and dispose of

them for $10,000. The inhabitants looked upon the price as fabulous, and

refused to accept the offer. Had they been wise, they would have

asserted their rights, and by legal proceedings secured the property,

which belonged to the town. By reason of the abstraction of these

documents a hiatus has been created in the history, and much valuable

information lost. The documents were taken back to England. Even at this

late date they probably might be secured from the descendants of the

family.

Comfort Sands, who by this purchase became interested in Brooklyn, was

born at Sands Point, L. I., in 1748. After serving a clerkship he went

into business on his own account in 1769. When he resigned his position

as auditor, he resumed business in New York. Having served in the

Provincial Congress, at the close of the war he was again called into

service. He was a member of the Assembly in 1784-85, 1788, and 1789.

Egbert Benson, of Queens County, was appointed attorney-general by an

ordinance of the Constitutional Convention, May 8, 1777. The council of

appointment afterwards ratified the act, and on the 15th of January,

1778, granted and issued to him a commission. He filled this responsible

trust until May 14, 1789. Egbert Benson was a man of culture. He

graduated at Columbia College in 1765. He was a classmate of Robert R.

Livingston, with whom he was ever on intimate terms. They served

together in the different conventions for the common cause. He was

subsequently judge of the New York Supreme Court, and justice of the

United States Circuit Court, New York.

The treaty of peace between the American and British commissioners was

signed on September 3, 1783. On November 25, following, the British

troops formally evacuated New York and Brooklyn, and the flagstaff of

the Pierrepont mansion on the Heights, which had been used for signaling

during the battle of Brooklyn, once more floated the American flag.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] See appendix in second volume for explanation of system of Dutch

family names.

[2] _American Ancestry_, vol. v., 1890.

[3] _A History of Long Island, from its First Settlement by Europeans,

to the year 1845, with Special Reference to its Ecclesiastical

Concerns._ By Nathaniel S. Prime. 1845.

[4] Richard M. Bayles, in _Long Island Magazine_, September, 1893.

[5] At the time of the discovery the Iroquois, or League of the Five

Nations, claimed to have subdued and mastered all the Indian tribes from

the Atlantic to the Mississippi. The Iroquois occupied in particular the

middle and upper region of New York State. The earliest of the general

histories of this remarkable confederacy was written by Cadwallader

Colden, who died on Long Island in 1776.

[6] _New York Historical Society's Collections_, vol. iii. p. 324.

[7] _Antiquities of Long Island_, p. 29.

[8] Among Brooklyn's manufactures in recent years rope-making has taken

a prominent place.

[9] _A History of the City of Brooklyn, including the Old Town and

Village of Brooklyn, the Town of Bushwick, and the Village and City of

Williamsburgh._ By Henry R. Stiles. 1867.

[10] Van Twiller.

[11] _Address before Long Island Historical Society_, 1880.

[12] "The Ladye Moodye, a wise and anciently religious woman, being

taken with the error of denying baptism to infants, was dealt with by

many of the elders and others, and admonished by the church of Salem

(whereof she was a member); but persisting still, and to avoid further

trouble, etc., she removed to the Dutch against the advice of her

friends."--_Governor Winthrop's Journal._

[13] Also described as a Council of Eight.

[14] The function of the schepen resembled that of the squire or petty

justice, particularly in communities so small as not to have a

burgomaster.

[15] By the wording of contracts dated November 22, 1646 (New York Col.

MSS. ii. 152), it appears that Teunissen was called "Schout of

Breuckelen" before this date.

[16] As we have seen, Rapalje, who made one of the earliest purchases

(1636), did not begin living on his Wallabout farm until probably 1655.

[17] "No other figure of Dutch, nor indeed of Colonial days is so well

remembered; none other has left so deep an impress on Manhattan history

and tradition as this whimsical and obstinate, but brave and gallant old

fellow, the kindly tyrant of the little colony. To this day he stands in

a certain sense as the typical father of the city."--Theodore Roosevelt,

_New York_, p. 26.

[18] Bayard Tuckerman, _Peter Stuyvesant_, p. 62.

[19] Stiles, _History of Brooklyn_, vol. i. p. 229.

[20] "Among the Dutch settlers the art of stone-cutting does not appear

to have been used until within comparatively a few years, with but few

exceptions, and their old burying-grounds are strewn with rough

head-stones which bear no inscriptions; whereas the English people,

immediately on their settlement, introduced the practice of perpetuating

the memories of their friends by inscribed stones. Another reason for

not finding any very old tombstones in the Dutch settlements is that

they early adopted the practice of having family burying-places on their

farms, without monuments, and not unfrequently private burials, both of

which the Governor and Colonial Legislature, in 1664 and 1684, deemed

of sufficient importance to merit legislative interference, and

declared that all persons should be publicly buried in some parish

burial-place."--Furman, _Antiquities of Long Island_, p. 155.

[21] _New York_, p. 29.

[22] A Dutch war-ship sold twenty negroes into the colony of Virginia in

August, 1619.

[23] The call of the Breuckelen Church to Dominie Selyns was by him

accepted, and approved by the Classis of Amsterdam, February 16,

1660(-61).--_Brooklyn Church Records._

[24] Mr. Campbell and other recent writers, actuated doubtless by some

resentment toward the complacency of New England, have unquestionably

exaggerated in certain respects the essential position of Holland in

educational advancement, and offered a somewhat stronger plea for the

leadership of the Dutch in popular education on this continent than a

strictly judicial examination of the case seems to justify; but there

can be no reasonable doubt in the minds of impartial students that

serious misconceptions have existed, and that these justify the

championship of the Dutch, of which Mr. Campbell's _The Puritan in

Holland, England, and America_ is so brilliant an example. The early

claims for English and for Puritan educational traditions not only

ignored but excluded the Dutch, and it was inevitable that the effort to

do justice to Holland's remarkable services for popular education should

result in occasional overstatement.

[25] _Democracy in Europe_, vol. ii. pp. 67-72.

[26] _Public School Pioneering in New York and Massachusetts._

[27] _New York Colonial Documents_, vol. i. p. 112.

[28] The river farm, which included the "Kiekout" bluff, is first found

in the possession of Jean Meserole, who came from Picardy, France, in

1663, and from whom is descended Gen. Jeremiah V. Meserole, President of

the Williamsburgh Savings Bank, first colonel of the Forty-seventh

Regiment, N. G. S. N. Y.

[29] So named from Dirck Volckertsen, surnamed "the Norman," to whom was

granted in 1645 land on the East River between Bushwick Creek and

Newtown Creek, now within the seventeenth ward of the city of Brooklyn,

and still known as Greenpoint. Volckertsen lived in a stone house on the

northerly side of Bushwick Creek near the East River. The house was

standing until after the middle of the present century.

[30] Early section names within the township of Breuckelen were Gowanus,

Red Hook (lying west of the Ferry), the Ferry, Wallabout, Bedford,

Cripplebush. All of these, save the last, have survived as designations

of regions in the present city.

[31] When, in 1660, it was deemed necessary to prepare defenses for

Breuckelen and New Utrecht against attacks from the Indians, De Sille

was directed to make the necessary surveys. Under Stuyvesant De Sille

held the important position of attorney-general. He was a man of ability

and influence. The position he held under Stuyvesant demonstrated the

fact that his attainments were appreciated. He was born in Arnheim. His

ancestors were natives of Belgium, who fled to Holland to escape

religious persecution, and whose devotion to the interests of their

adopted country was manifested on many occasions in the noble stand

taken by the Dutch Republic to maintain its independence against the

Spanish invasion. He came to New Netherland in 1653, commissioned by the

West India Company to reside at New Amsterdam, and by his counsel aid

and assist the Governor in his duties. He was directed to give his

advice on all subjects relating to the interests of the colony. It is

said that he built the first house in New Utrecht. It was at his house

that the brave General Woodhull, the hero of Long Island, who gave his

life for his country, breathed his last.--S. M. O.

[32] _Journal of a Voyage to New York and a Tour in Several of the

American Colonies in 1679-80._ By Jasper Dankers and Peter Sluyter of

Wiewerd, in Friesland. Translated from the original manuscript in Dutch

for the Long Island Historical Society, and edited by Henry C. Murphy,

Foreign Corresponding Secretary of the Society. Brooklyn, 1867.

[33] "No man has been more maligned or misunderstood than Jacob Leisler.

Historians have deliberately misjudged him, drawing their conclusions

from the biased reports of the few aristocrats who hated or the English

officials who despised him. Jacob Leisler was one of the earliest of

American patriots. His brief and stormy career as Provincial Governor of

New York was marked by mistakes of judgment, but his mistakes were more

than overbalanced by his foresight and statesmanship. He acted as one of

the people for the people. He summoned a popular convention, arranged

the first mayoralty election by the people, attempted the first step

toward colonial union by endeavoring to interest the several provinces

in a continental congress, and sought to cripple the chief adversary of

the English in America, France, by the masterly stroke of an invasion of

Canada. That he failed is due to the jealousy, the timidity, and the

short-sightedness of his fellow colonists. But he builded wiser than he

knew; for, though he died a martyr to colonial jealousy and English

injustice, his bold and patriotic measures awoke the people to a

knowledge of their real power, and prepared them for that spirit of

resistance to tyranny which a century later made them a free

republic."--Elbridge S. Brooks, _The Story of New York_, p. 74.

[34] "The government of the colony was at once put on the basis on which

it stood until the outbreak of the Revolution. There was a governor

appointed by the king, and a council likewise appointed; while the

assembly was elected by the freeholders. The suffrage was thus limited

by a strict property qualification. Liberty of conscience was granted to

all Protestant sects, but not to Catholics; and the Church of England

was practically made the state church, though the Dutch and French

congregations were secured in the rights guaranteed them by treaty. It

was, then, essentially a class or aristocratic government,--none the

less so because to European eyes the little American colony seemed both

poor and rude."--Theodore Roosevelt, _New York_, p. 71.

[35] There are varying views of Kidd's character and career. Thus

Berthold Fernow writes in the _Narrative and Critical History of

America_ (vol. v. p. 195): "To-day that which was meted out to Kidd

might hardly be called justice; for it seems questionable if he had ever

been guilty of piracy."

[36] The assessment rolls of the five Dutch towns in 1675 showed the

following proportions in the number of persons assessed: Breuckelen, 60;

Midwout, 54; Boswyck (Bushwick) 36; Amersfoort, 35; New Utrecht, 29.

[37] The peculiar methods employed by the citizens of Brooklyn at that

time in electing their officials cannot be better illustrated than by

the presentation of a report of one of those town meetings as follows:--

Att a towne meeting held this 29th day of April, 1699, at

Breucklyn, by order of Justice Michael Hanssen ffor to chose

town officers ffor to order all townes business and to deffend

theire limits and bounds, and to lay out some part thereoff in

lotts, to make lawes and orders ffor the best off the

inhabitants, and to raise a small tax ffor to defray the towne

charges, now being or hereafter to come, to receive the townes

revenues, and to pay the townes debts, and that with the advice

off the justices off the said towne standing the space or time

off two years. Chosen ffor that purpose by pluralitie of votes.

Benjamin Vande Water, Joras Hanssen, Jan Garritse Dorlant.

By order off inhabitants aforesaid,

J. VANDE WATER, _Clarke_.

[38] Furman's _Notes_, p. 45.

[39] The total assessment value of real and personal estate in Brooklyn

in 1706 was £3,122 12d, or about $15,610, and the tax on the same was

£41 3s 7-1/2d, or about $205. The tax levied in the County of Kings was

£201 16s 1-1/2d, or about $1,005.

[40] The description of this road in the records is as follows: "One

common highway to begin ffrom the house of Jurian Collier to the new

mill of Nicholas Brower, now sett upon Gowanus Mill neck soe called, as

the way is now in use, along said neck to said mill to be of two rods

wide, and that there shall be a landing place by said mill in the most

convenient place ffor the transportation of goods, and the commodious

passing of travellers; and said highway and landing place to be, remaine

and continue forever."

[41] For comment on Brooklyn's claims, see appendix.

[42] To DeLancey belongs the honor of signing the charter of Columbia

College in New York, first known as Kings College, an institution in

which Brooklynites have always taken a deep interest. Among her

graduates from Brooklyn may be mentioned the ex-mayor, ex-senator, and

ex-minister to the Hague, Henry C. Murphy, who graduated in 1830. The

Hon. Alexander McCue, of the City Court, was the valedictorian of the

class of 1845. Ex-supervisor William J. Osborne, Henry C. Murphy, Jr.,

George I. Murphy, Richard M. De Mille, John Lockwood, of Lockwood's

Academy; George W. Collard, the erudite professor of languages in the

Polytechnic; Stewart L. Woodford, and Edgar M. Cullen all graduated from

Columbia. Beside these might be mentioned John L. Lefferts, Van Brunt

Wyckoff, ex-mayor Edward Copeland, who graduated in 1809; the late

Samuel E. Johnson, ex-county judge, who graduated in 1834, and the late

Rev. Stephen H. Meeker, who for fifty years was pastor of the old

Bushwick Church. Among the clergy who enjoyed her academic shades might

be mentioned the late Rev. Dr. Dwight, who for many years was pastor of

the Joralemon Street Dutch Church; the Right Rev. Henry Ustick

Onderdonk, at one time rector of St. Ann's Church and subsequently

bishop of Pennsylvania; Rev. Dr. Samuel Roosevelt Johnson, formerly

rector of St. John's Church; the Right Rev. Dr. George F. Seymour,

formerly rector of St. John's Church and now bishop of Springfield. Of

the legal profession who have graduated from her law school might be

mentioned William H. Ingersoll, Edward B. Barnum, Henry Broadhead, Abel

Crook, William Leggett Whiting, Philip L. Wilson, Henry S. Bellows,

Merwin Rushmore, F. A. Ward, D. D. Terry, L. Bradford Prince, Daniel W.

Northup, and a host of other well known members of the bar. Of the

medical profession the number from Brooklyn is legion.--S. M. O.

We may now add to the roll a conspicuous name, that of ex-mayor Seth

Low, now president of Columbia.

[43] Kings, Queens, and part of Suffolk.

[44] _History of the City of Brooklyn_, vol. i. p. 243.

[45] The school remained closed until 1777.

[46] Onderdonk, _Kings County_, p. 120.

[47] The wife of John Rapalje was a well-known Tory. So far did she

manifest her predilections in favor of the Tory cause as at all times to

boldly proclaim her sympathies for the King. At the time the act was

passed prohibiting the use of tea, she, with her proverbial pertinacity

and obstinacy, persisted in its use, and so continued while the American

army was in the occupation of Brooklyn. On this account she became a

marked woman. Her conduct caused much discussion, and drew down upon her

the umbrage of the Whig militia, who fired a cannon ball into her home

while she was drinking her favorite beverage. The ball passed close to

her head and lodged in the wall. This action not only seriously annoyed

the lady, but served to stir within her bosom the spirit of revenge, and

she eagerly awaited an opportunity to gratify her spite. When she saw

the preparations for the retreat of the army her heart rejoiced, for she

fancied that the moment had arrived when she could mete out punishment

to her enemies.--S. M. O.

[48] Force's 5th series, vol. ii. p. 107.

[49] Force, 5th series, vol. ii. p. 167.

[50] Force, 5th series, vol. ii. p. 399.

[51] Force, 5th series, vol. iii. p. 1057.

[52] _Corporation Manual of Brooklyn_, 1866.

[53] Onderdonk, _Kings County_, sec. 829.

[54] Onderdonk, _Kings County_, sec. 830.

[55] Onderdonk, _Kings County_, sec. 830.

[56] Rev. Dr. S. R. Johnson's _Memorial Discourse on General Jeremiah

Johnson_.

[57] _Journal of Provincial Convention_, p. 567.

[58] So in the original _Journal of Committee of Safety_, p. 671.

[59] Onderdonk's _Revolutionary Incidents_, sec. 832.

[60] Onderdonk's _Incidents of Kings County_, p. 174.

* * * * *

Transcriber's Notes:

Simple typographical errors were corrected.

Punctuation and spelling were made consistent when a predominant

preference was found in this book; otherwise they were not changed.

The "appendix" to which reference occasionally is made appears in Volume

II.

"[Illustration]" used by Transcribers to represent actual illustrations

in source book; other words in [square brackets] were printed that way

in source book.

Contractions originally printed as superscripts are represented here

by preceding them with the caret symbol, e.g., W^m (William).

A History of the City of Brooklyn and Kings County, Volume I. · 第 9 / 9 章