boroughs in Scotland. Every child that carried a coal from the pit, was
the bound slave of that borough. Their emancipation was thought by
Parliament to be material; and was very much agitated in the House. It
was urged by those who opposed the emancipation, that, let every man’s
genius be what it might, yet that those pits in which the work, from its
nature, was carried on under ground, were quite an excepted case; and
that without the admission of slavery in this particular instance, the
collieries could not be worked; that the price of coals would be raised
to a most immoderate height; and all the neighbouring manufactories,
which depended on them, would essentially suffer in their interests.
After several years struggle, the Bill, however, was carried through
both houses of Parliament. Within a year after, the whole idea of the
collieries being in the least hurt by the abolition of this sort of
slavery, vanished into smoke, and there was an end of the business.”
I hope therefore, that, notwithstanding the declared sense of the bulk
of the West Indian body, I may, without being thought presumptuous,
still declare, that renewed consideration has only confirmed my
judgment, that the abolition of the Slave Trade would be ultimately and
permanently beneficial to the West Indians themselves.
It is not lightly that I have taken up the persuasion, which has been
intimated more than once, that the determined hostility with which the
abolition of the Slave Trade has been opposed by the bulk of the West
Indian body, is, in a multitude of instances, the effect of party spirit
rather than of rational conviction after full and fair investigation. It
is in the case of the West Indian party as in that of parties in
general, a few men of superior zeal and activity give the tone to the
rest. The residents in the islands, the greater part of whom are either
engaged in planting speculations, or are looking forward to such
speculations, are the real instigators of the opposition. The West
Indian merchants lend them their zealous and powerful aid; and the
proprietors in this country head the party, partly from an implicit
confidence in the judgment of others, partly from a liberal feeling,
which renders them unwilling to desert the cause of their fellow
planters abroad; and if they take any share at all in the contest, their
rank and fortune render it natural for them to take the lead.
By far the greater part however are actuated merely by deference for the
opinion of others; and by that _esprit de corps_ which first renders men
unwilling to differ from their friends, and which, by degrees, produces
warmth, and at length vehemence, by mutual intercourse, sympathy, and
collision.
In truth, what force of mind does it not require in a considerate man of
any feeling, aware of all the low surmises, the invidious comments, the
unkind constructions, the altered countenances, not to speak of the real
loss of influence and connections to which he may expose himself, to
resolve, on refusing to join the general party, and to adhere to his
resolution; in such circumstances as those of the West Indian body; or,
even still more, to quit the party he has joined, when a sense of duty
commands the sacrifice. It is indeed but too true, that almost in any
instance, and never perhaps in any more than in that of the West Indian
connection, to break through the trammels of our party, demands the most
strenuous, and, judging from experience, we should say, one of the most
difficult of all efforts.
For men to emancipate themselves from this bondage, it requires not so
much an uncommon degree of judgment and foresight, not even so much of
impartiality and candour, as it calls for such a share of firmness and
independence of mind as rarely indeed falls to the lot of men in any
times, and less than almost in any other, in our own, in which fashion
and party rule with such a rigorous despotism, as if it were to revenge
on us our not submitting to any other yoke. Yet are there not a few West
Indian Proprietors, both in and out of Parliament, who, though owners of
large colonial possessions, have refused to join the West Indian body;
who are exempt from West Indian prejudices, and who, to their honour,
are resolved that the source from which their annual income is derived,
shall not be polluted by injustice and cruelty.
There are also various individuals connected with the colonies, whose
complete personal acquaintance with the whole system of West Indian
management has given them an opportunity of discovering it’s vices, and
has prevented their becoming the dupes of party violence or sophistry.
And though, in quitting a formed party when we have once joined it, we
obviously have greater difficulties to encounter, and obstacles to
overcome, than even in originally refusing to combine with our brethren
in constituting it, yet one splendid conquest of this kind has been made
well it deserves such an epithet, for he, who knows any thing of human
nature, knows full well, that these are the most difficult of all
masteries.
Yet this difficult conquest has been achieved by one of those gentlemen
who originally took the lead, in committing to the colonial legislatures
the service of superseding the necessity of abolishing the Slave Trade
by internal regulations. He has since abundantly proved that he did not
support the measure, in order merely to defeat the efforts of the
Abolitionists, and with a real view of prolonging the continuance of the
Slave Trade; but that he conceived, that the question then at issue was,
whether that traffic should be abolished by the Colonial Assemblies or
the British Legislature: and now, that the former have refused to accept
the commission which the House of Commons offered to instruct to them,
he has embraced the other part of the alternative, and cordially
co-operated in the attempt to abolish by the Imperial Parliament.
Instances of such conduct as this are rare; for being rare, they are the
more honourable. The mind loves to dwell on them. Perhaps, from never
having been a party man myself I may feel their excellencies with
peculiar force.
I might offend the delicacy of this gentleman, by mentioning his name;
but surely without his leave I may venture to describe him. I fear there
are but two or three others with whom, in all the following particulars,
he can be well confounded. I may state him, then, to be the Jamaica
Proprietor, in whom I believe humanity and kindness to his Slaves are
hereditary virtues; and who, having more waste but cultivable land, than
almost any other Jamaica landholder, had more to gain by the continuance
of the Slave Trade, while he has been among the first to abandon, or
rather to abolish it; who has ever had his eyes more open than most
other proprietors to the abuses of the West Indian system, and his
endeavours more warmly and actively exerted to correct them; being more
exempt than most others of his brethren from West Indian prejudices, but
often, I fear, counteracted by the prejudices of others; who has been
desirous especially of promoting those moral reforms which would above
all other improvements tend to the comfort of the Slaves, and the
security and prosperity of the islands.
This is not general and indiscriminate praise; each commendation has
it’s object. May he go forward in the path on which he has so honourably
entered, and may he be followed by descendants, inheriting his
principles as well as his property, who may perfect the work which he
has commenced.
[Sidenote: Power of party spirit in the West Indians.]
That the principle of party spirit is adequate to the production of most
powerful effects; that it may be even sufficient to prompt men to act in
manifest opposition to a clear, direct and valuable interest, has been
decisively established in the case of our West Indian Proprietors
themselves in a very recent instance. For, what but this party spirit
could cause them to support the continuance of that branch of the Slave
Trade which consisted in supplying foreigners with Slaves, and still
more, which could prevent their even strenuously and eagerly
anticipating the efforts of the Abolitionists for stopping the supply
for the cultivation of the immeasurable expanse of the South American
continent. In the colonies which we there conquered, near twenty
millions of the capital of this country were actually invested during
the short period after their conquest, for which we remained in
possession of them during the last war; and, on their being restored by
the peace, all this vast sum contributed to the improving and enriching
of the colonies of a power which unhappily even then could be considered
only as the vassal of our already too powerful rival. The proprietor in
our old islands will not deny that those continental settlements not
only have injured him by greatly increasing the quantity of colonial
produce in the market, but that, enjoying very decided advantages over
our older islands, from a more fertile soil, from being exempted from
hurricanes, from the opportunity of feeding the Slaves more plentifully,
and at a cheaper rate, they have been to him the cause of very great
loss and embarrassment. Had this evil been suffered to advance, the ruin
which must have followed from it, though gradual, would have been sure
and complete. From that misfortune the Abolitionists have relieved him,
by obtaining the Order of Council, since confirmed and sanctioned by an
Act of Parliament, for stopping the importation of Slaves, not only into
foreign colonies, but even into those possessions, chiefly in Guiana,
which in the present war have been again conquered from the enemy. And
surely we may assume to ourselves some credit for having willingly
rendered to them, our opponents, the greatest benefit which they could
receive. But while we are engaged on this topic, let me call on the West
Indians in our own ancient possessions, for whom again I must declare I
feel most good will, as those who have long been our fellow subjects, in
company with whom we have weathered many a storm and rejoiced after many
a victory; let me call on them to bear in mind a very probable source of
extreme injury to their particular interests, which will be opened on
the restoration of peace, if the Slave Trade be not abolished.
Supposing us to retain the conquered settlements, the importation of
Slaves cannot be withheld from the proprietors in those colonies, while
we allow it to their fellow subjects; yet, if granted to the former, by
far the larger part of our whole export from Africa will be allotted to
their use. Their settlements will be every year increasing; new cargoes
of colonial produce will be poured by them into the market, and the
planters in our old islands, for whom and for whose interests we ought
to feel most concern, will be plunged deeper and deeper into a gulf, in
which, by their own confession, they have already sunk almost
irretrievably. But supposing us even to give up the conquered West
Indian settlements on the restoration of peace, still Trinidad will
remain to us; and that large and fertile island would of itself be
sufficient to furnish such an immense quantity of fresh colonial produce
as almost to consummate the ruin at least of our more ancient and less
fertile colonies.
To resume the discussion in which I was lately engaged. Let me again
declare, that so much do I ascribe to the effects of that party spirit
of which I have treated so largely, that I am convinced, if the colonial
proprietors were not warped by prejudice, and heated by _esprit de
corps_, such of them as are really well acquainted with the subject in
it’s various parts and bearings, would be in favour of abolition; they
would agree with me, that, excepting only some particular interests, the
present West Indian system, and, above all, the Slave Trade, as it’s
basis and ground-work, are contrary to sound policy, no less than to
justice and humanity. In truth, this question has been already decided;
for, we have been assured by the same respectable gentleman who was
before alluded to, that, above thirty years ago, the following question
was discussed in Kingston, the capital of Jamaica, in a society formed
of the first characters of the place, “Whether the Trade to Africa for
Slaves was consistent with sound policy, the laws of nature and
morality.”—The discussion occupied several meetings, and at last was
determined, by a majority, that the Trade to Africa for Slaves was
neither consistent with sound policy, the laws of nature, or
morality[46].
“The chief ground on which the advocates for the Slave Trade rested
their opinion (he thinks) was, that God had formed some of the human
race inferior to others in intellect, and that Negroes appeared to have
been intended for Slaves; or to that purpose.”
Let this incident, and the conclusions which it suggests, be well
considered. It deserves to have the more weight, on account both of the
understanding and character of the individual who gave the account of
it; for, no man living was ever less likely to confound any hasty
expressions of men of warm and feeling minds, or of men of speculation
or ingenuity, who might like to defend a paradox, with the real
deliberate judgment of men of reflection, practical knowledge, and
personal experience. Observe, the only ground on which the Slave Trade
was defended, even in Jamaica, was that of the Negroes being an inferior
species. This opinion, as I formerly remarked, was the original
foundation of the Slave Trade, and it is the only ground on which it can
be rested with the smallest pretence to reason, justice, or humanity.
Happily, the friends of these wretched beings have, at length, obtained
the recognition of their human nature; but as yet it is a barren and
unprofitable right, if, while we grant them to be men, we treat them as
if we still deemed them of an inferior species. But still more this
incident shews, that they, who, from their local circumstances and
pursuits were most conversant with this great subject in all it’s parts,
had adopted, above thirty years ago, the position which Mr. Pitt
asserted so confidently, and proved so unanswerably, that the Slave
Trade was contrary not to justice and humanity only, but to sound policy
also; and if even so long ago they entertained this opinion; what, if
relieved from the blinding effects of prejudice and party, would be
their judgment now, when all the facts and principles, on which the
Slave Trade system must have been proved impolitic, have received an
almost unspeakable accession of force, and when the arguments, by which
it’s policy could alone be contended for, have since been almost
entirely done away: I regret that I have not time for enlarging on this
topic. But any man who has obtained any insight into this question will
readily discern the several considerations to which I allude.
[Sidenote: The hope of West Indian body’s opposition ceasing.]
But notwithstanding I ascribe so much of the opposition which has been
made to us, to the operation of party spirit, yet I dare not hope that
the flame is likely to become weaker, or at length to die away. On the
contrary, there is a store of aliment fully sufficient to maintain it in
continual and even interminable vigour. For after all that I have
stated, of it’s being rather the spirit of party, or at the utmost a
mistaken apprehension of loss, than a just sense of interest, which
animates the efforts of the great mass of West Indian Proprietors, yet
there are many who, it cannot be denied, are prompted by a true
persuasion that the abolition of the Slave Trade will materially lessen
their gains. Of this number is that great, respectable, affluent, and,
as we have fatally experienced; most powerful body, the West Indian
Merchants. I cannot deny that many, perhaps almost all of this class,
may have a direct interest in the extension of West Indian cultivation.
Though planting speculations may not answer to the immediate
undertakers, they may answer to the merchant in this country; and he
might gain by the cultivation being pushed to an extent which would
utterly ruin the planters. He pays himself in the first instance both
for the articles furnished for the supply of the estate, and for his
profits on the importations from abroad; and if he have prudence
sufficient, which however is seldom the case, to prevent his advancing
too much on any one estate, so as to compel him to become the proprietor
of it, he is certainly engaged in an advantageous branch of business.
Hence he is always the foremost to petition against the abolition.
Together with the merchants, I must except also that considerable body,
often of respectable men, who have gone over to the West Indian islands
in inferior capacities, and who mean to engage in planting undertakings.
The stoppage of the importations from Africa would retard, at least, if
not destroy these speculations. This is a class of men, in whose
interests I confess I take a lively interest; but not an interest
sufficient to induce me to sanction the destruction of thousands of my
fellow creatures annually, for the sake of allowing them more convenient
opportunities of rising in life. I confess their interest is a matter of
much more concern to me than those of the greater and more adventurous
speculators. I ought, perhaps, also to except the last-mentioned class
of persons. Though, in common, to afford them the opportunity of
engaging in these West Indian speculations, be only to afford them an
occasion of accomplishing their own ruin; yet they conceive they have an
interest in the continuance of the Slave Trade, and therefore they are
not actuated only by party spirit. This class is likely to increase. The
few great prizes in the West Indian lottery will tempt adventurers to
engage in it; and it is in vain to hope that the colonists will ever
concur in the abolition of the Slave Trade, so long as there is room
left for new speculations; that is, so long as there remains, in the
Western hemisphere, any unsettled land capable of cultivation, and as
any Negroes can be brought from Africa to work it. So long as there is
any scope left for new speculations, so long there will be a set of new
speculators residing in the islands, who will form the real instigators
of the opposition to the proposal for abolishing the Slave Trade; and
these, joined by the great mercantile body at home, will carry along
with them the bulk of their brethren, the colonial proprietors resident
in this country.
It is for the benefit of these classes, not for that of our old colonial
proprietors, that the Slave Trade is in reality carried on. For it is
undeniably true, nor will it, I presume, be contested, that by far the
larger proportion of all the Slaves we import, have always been and will
ever be destined to the formation of new settlements, not in maintaining
and keeping up estates which had been already completed.
But surely the question has ere now occurred to you, When or where is
this system to terminate? Is it to go on till our colonial settlements
are brought into a state of complete cultivation? It may be worth while
to spend a few moments in examining the consequences of such an
admission; they were traced out by a high authority, who stated, that,
even of the great island of Jamaica itself, the quantity of uncultivated
land was two-thirds more than that already in cultivation.[47] To
suffice for the cultivation of the other parts, the complete number of
600,000 more Negroes, living at the same time, would be necessary, in
addition to 256,000 now there. The calculation went on to consider the
numbers which must be imported, and the length of time which, under all
the waste of human life which attends the present destructive system,
must elapse, in bringing the Island of Jamaica into complete cultivation
by Slaves. It was found that, supposing the rate at which the
cultivation and population would increase in future, to be the same as
that at which they had increased hitherto, that it would not be
accomplished in less than two hundred and twenty years, and it would
require the exportation from Africa of greatly more than a million of
our fellow creatures. For reasons which could be stated, the period here
mentioned is much too short. But besides the Island of Jamaica, there
are St. Vincents, Grenada, Dominica, above all, Trinidad, and the
unknown extent of our future continental acquisitions, which would claim
just the same right to have their cultivation completed.
Such must be admitted to be the fair consequences of prosecuting the
Slave Trade, for the purpose, plainly enough avowed by the colonists in
Jamaica, of bringing into cultivation the whole of the land which is
still uncultivated. Would even the most determined friends of the West
Indians on this side of the water go this length? I speak not of those,
if any such there be, who love the Slave Trade on account of its own
inherent excellencies; nor of the West Indian merchants, nor yet of the
African trader. But would the less devoted friends of the Slave Trade go
the length of admitting this principle? I trust they would not. Must
they not then concede, that the only principle on which they can act
consistently, must be that of carrying on the importation of Slaves for
the sole purpose of keeping up, not of extending the cultivation.
Indeed, when this great cause was argued in the House of Commons in
1792, all, I believe, of our opponents, excepting only those who were
personally connected with the Slave Trade, admitted fully and frankly
the principle of not opening new lands. They objected not to the ground
which was taken by that great man to whom I have already so often
alluded. Would the most attached friend, he asked, of the Slave Trade,
think of founding a new colony, or of setting up a new Slave Trade? And
it was justly and undeniably argued, nor was the position contested,
that the formation of new settlements in our old islands was just as
much the planting of a new colony, as if the same settlements were made
in any newly discovered country. There was no difference in principle
between the two cases. It was a new and voluntary establishment, made
with our eyes open to all the guilt which the enterprise would involve,
and all the horrors of which we professed to be sensible. The force of
these arguments, when used in 1792, was granted to be irresistible; but,
as if it were in absolute contempt of them, and of the practical
conclusions to which they lead, we are plainly warned by the colonists,
against supposing that they will ever consent to stop the importations
from Africa, so long as any vacant and cultivable land remains on which
to plant them. These facts, with the aweful considerations which result
from them, let me most seriously urge on the conscientious deliberations
of those who, contrary alas! to the expectation indulged by that great
man whom I have before so often mentioned; by their fatal proposal of
gradual, [Sidenote: The gradual abolitionists especially bound to
consider these facts.] instead of immediate abolition, dashed the cup of
happiness from the lips of the wretched African, at the very moment when
at last he appeared likely to taste it, and who thus proved in fact the
most efficient supporters of the Slave Trade. A vast majority in
Parliament were then so much alive to the principles of justice and
humanity, that all direct opposition would have been utterly
ineffectual. But this kind of half measure, however unintentionally,
exactly answered the purpose of our enemies, by giving time for the zeal
of men to cool, and providing an expedient by which, aided by a little
of that self deception which we are all apt to practice on ourselves on
suitable occasions, they might feel the complacencies arising from an
act of justice and humanity, without paying the price or making the
sacrifice which those principles required.