In the Trenches Around Petersburg.
As soon as General Lee's Army was all up and his lines established, we
began to fortify in earnest. The breastworks that were built now were
of a different order to the temporary ones in the Wilderness and at
Cold Harbor. As it was known now that a regular siege had begun, our
breastworks were built proportionately strong. Our lines were moved to
the left to allow a battery to occupy the brow of a hill on our right,
Kershaw's Brigade occupying both slopes of the hills, a ravine cutting
it in two. Field pieces were mounted at intervals along the line with
the infantry, every angle covered by one or more cannon. The enemy
commenced shelling us from mortars from the very beginning of our
work, and kept it up night and day as long as we remained in the
trenches. The day after Kershaw took position Grant began pressing our
picket line and running his parallels nearer and nearer our works. It
was said that Grant won his laurels in the West with picks and shovels
instead of rifles and cannon, but here it looked as if he intended
to use both to an advantage. As soon as he had his lines located, he
opened a fusilade upon Petersburg, throwing shells into the city from
his long-ranged guns, without intermission. It was in the immediate
front of the right of the brigade and the battery on the hill that
the enemy's mine was laid that occasioned the "Battle of the Crater"
a month afterwards. Before we had finished our works, several night
assaults were made upon us, notably the one up the ravine that
separated the Second and Third on the night of the 21st of June. It
was easily repulsed, however, with little loss on our side, the enemy
firing too high. What annoyed the soldiers more than anything else was
the continual dropping of shells in our works or behind them. We could
hear the report of the mortars, and by watching overhead we could see
the shell descending, and no one could tell exactly where it was going
to strike and no chance for dodging. As every old soldier knows, card
playing was the national vice, if vice it could be called, and almost
all participated in it, but mostly for amusement, as the soldiers
scarcely ever had money to hazard at cards. While a quartet was
indulging in this pastime in the trenches, some one yelled, "Lookout,
there comes a shell!" Looking up the disciples of the "Ten Spots" saw
a shell coming down right over their heads. Nothing could be done but
to stretch themselves at full length and await developments. They were
not long in suspense, for the shell dropped right upon the oilcloth on
which they had been playing. There it lay sizzling and spluttering as
the fuse burned lower and lower, the men holding their breath all the
while, the other troops scattering right and left. The thing could not
last; the tension broke, when one of the card-players seized the shell
in his hands and threw it out of the works; just before exploding. It
was the belief in the brigade that those men did not play cards again
for more than thirty days.
Another annoyance was the enemy's sharpshooters, armed with
globe-sighted rifles. These guns had a telescope on top of the barrel,
and objects at a distance could be distinctly seen. Brush screened
their rifle pits, and while they could see plainly any object above
our works, we could not see them. A head uncautiously raised above the
line, would be sure to get a bullet in or near it.
About one hundred yards in our rear, up the ravine, was a good
spring of water. The men could reach this in safety by going down the
breastworks in a stooping posture, then up the ravine to the spring.
A recruit in the Second Regiment had gone to this spring and was
returning. When about twenty paces from the works he undertook,
through a spirit of adventure; or to save a few steps, to run
diagonally across the field to his regiment. It was his last. When
about midway he was caught by a bullet from the enemy's picket, and
only lived long enough to call out, "Oh, mother!" Many lost their
lives here by recklessness or want of caution.
After remaining in the trenches about two weeks, Kershaw's Brigade was
relieved by a part of Hoke's Division and retired to some vacant lots
in the city in good supporting distance of the front line. We were
not out of reach of the shells by any means; they kept up a continual
screaming overhead, bursting in the city. The soldiers got passes
to visit the town on little shopping excursions, notwithstanding
the continual bursting of the shells in the city. The citizens of
Petersburg, white and black, women and children, like the citizens of
Charleston, soon became accustomed to the shelling, and as long as one
did not drop in their immediate vicinity, little attention was paid to
it. One night after a furious bombardment the cry was heard, "The city
is on fire; the city is on fire." A lurid glare shot up out of the
very heart of the city, casting a dim light over the buildings and the
camps near about. Fire bells began ringing, and the old men rushing
like mad to fight the fire. As soon as the enemy discovered that the
city was on fire, they concentrated all their efforts to the burning
buildings. Shells came shrieking from every elevated position on the
enemy's lines, and fell like "showers of meteors on a frolic." Higher
and higher the flames rose until great molten-like tongues seemed to
lick the very clouds. The old men mounted the ladder like boys, and
soon the tops of the surrounding buildings were lined with determined
spirits, and the battle against the flames began in earnest. We could
see their forms against the dark back-ground, running hither and
thither, fighting with all the power and energy of the brave and
fearless men they were. They paid no heed to the screaming, shrieking,
bursting shells all around, but battled bravely to save the city.
After the burning of several contiguous buildings, the flames were
gotten under control, and eventually the fire was extinguished. I have
seen many battles, but never more heroism displayed than by the old
citizens and boys that night in Petersburg. The soldiers were not
allowed to leave their camp, and all the citizens of military age
were away in the army, so the old men and boys had to fight this fire
single-handed and alone, and amid a perfect storm of shot and shell.
Grant had been daily reinforced by recruits and forces from the West.
Butler had received a large reinforcement from Banks, on the lower
Mississippi, and was gradually working his way up to Richmond. A great
number of these troops, to judge from the prisoners we captured,
were foreigners; many could not speak a word of English. Kershaw was
ordered to reinforce the troops on the north side, and on the 13th of
July we crossed the James on a pontoon bridge, near Chaffin's Bluff,
after an all night's march over brush, briars, through field and bog,
and took position on a high ridge running out from the river. In front
of us was a vast swamp of heavy timber and underbrush, called Deep
Bottom. Beyond Deep Bottom the enemy had approached and entrenched,
being supported by gun boats in the James. This position it was
determined to surprise and take by assault. Early at night the brigade
was moved out in this swamp, along a dull road that ran along its
edge, and advanced in the direction of the enemy. No attempt of
assault, was ever more dreaded or looked on with such apprehension,
save, perhaps, our charge on the works at Knoxville, than this night
charge at Deep Bottom. When near the enemy's position, we formed line
of battle, while it was so dark in the dense woods that an object ten
feet away could not be distinguished. We had to take and give commands
in whispers, for fear the enemy would discover our presence. We moved
forward gradually, a few steps at a time, each step a little nearer
the enemy, who lay asleep behind their works. We had advanced,
perhaps, two hundred yards, and as yet had encountered none of the
enemy's pickets or videttes, showing how securely they felt in regard
to a night attack. While halting to adjust our lines, which had to
be done every few paces, Colonel Rutherford and myself were
reconnoitering in front, and discovered a white object a few feet
away. The men saw it, too, and thought it a sheep. The Colonel
advanced and gave it a slight jab with his sword. In a moment a white
blanket was thrown off, and there lay, as nicely coiled up as little
pigs, two of the Yankee sentinels. They threw up their hands in a
dazed kind of way, and to our whispered threats and uplifted
swords, uttered some unintelligible jargon. We soon saw they did
not understand a word of English. So it was we captured almost
their entire picket line, composed of foreigners of Banks' Army, of
Louisiana. Just then, on our right, whether from friend or foe, I
never learned, several discharges of rifles alarmed both armies. It
was too late then to practice secrecy, so the command "charge" was
given. With a tremendous yell, we dashed through the tangled, matted
mass of undergrowth, on towards the enemy's line. Aroused thus
suddenly from their sleep, they made no other resistance than to fire
a few shots over our head, leaving the breastworks in haste. Some lay
still, others ran a few rods in the rear, and remained until captured,
while the greater part scampered away towards their gun boats.
Colonel Henagan, of the Eighth, being in command of the brigade,
ordered breastworks to be thrown up on the opposite side of an old
road, in which the enemy lay and which they had partly fortified. The
next day, about 3 o'clock, the enemy opened upon us a heavy fusilade
with their siege mortars and guns from their gun boats and ironclads
in the James. These were three hundred-pounders, guns we had never
before been accustomed to. Great trees a foot and a half in diameter
were snapped off like pipe-stems. The peculiar frying noise made in
going through the air and their enormous size caused the troops
to give them the name of "camp kettles." They passed through our
earthworks like going through mole hills. The enemy advanced in line
of battle, and a considerable battle ensued, but we were holding our
own, when some watchers that Colonel Henagan had ordered in the tops
of tall trees to watch the progress of the enemy, gave the warning
that a large body of cavalry was advancing around our left and was
gaining our rear. Colonel Henagan gave the command "retreat," but the
great "camp kettles" coming with such rapidity and regularity, our
retreat through this wilderness of shrubbery and tangled undergrowth
would have ended in a rout had not our retreat been impeded by this
swamp morass. We reached the fortification, however, on the bluff, the
enemy being well satisfied with our evacuation of the position so near
their camp.
The brigade, with the exception of marching and counter-marching,
relieving other troops and being relieved, did no further service than
occupying the lines until the 6th of August. The brigade boarded the
train on that day at Chester for destination at that time unknown.
About the first of July the enemy, commanded by General Burnside,
undertook to blow up a portion of our lines by tunneling under the
works at a convenient point suitable for assault, and attempted to
take our troops by surprise. The point selected was that portion of
the line first held by Kershaw's Brigade, near Cemetery Hill, and in
front of Taylor's Creek, near Petersburg. The continual night assaults
on us at that point and the steady advance of their lines were to gain
as much distance as possible. From the base of the hill at Taylor's
Creek they began digging a tunnel one hundred and seventy yards long,
and at its terminus were two laterals, dug in a concave towards our
works, of thirty-seven feet each. In these laterals were placed eight
hundred pounds of powder, with fuse by which all could be exploded at
once.
General Beauregard, who commanded at this point, had been apprised of
this undertaking, and at first had sunk counter-mines. But this was
abandoned, and preparations were made to meet the emergency with arms.
At this point and near the "Crater," as it was afterwards called,
were stationed Colquit's (Ga.), Gracie's (Ala.), and Elliott's (S.C.)
Brigades. Elliott's was posted immediately over it with Pegram's
Battery. Rear lines had been established by which the troops could
take cover, and reinforcements kept under arms night and day, so that
when the explosion did take place, it would find the Confederates
prepared. Batteries were placed at convenient places to bear upon the
line and the place of explosion.
On the morning of the 30th of July, everything being in readiness,
the fuse was placed, and at 3.30 o'clock the light was applied. Before
this terrible "Crater," soon to be a hollocu of human beings,
were massed Ledlie's, Potter's, Wilcox's, and Ferrero's Divisions,
supported by Ames'. In the front was Ferrero's Division of negro
troops, drunk and reeling from the effects of liquor furnished them by
the wagon loads. This body of twenty-three thousand men were all under
the immediate command of Major General Ord. On the left of Burnside,
Warren concentrated ten thousand men, while the Eighteenth Corps, with
that many more, were in the rear to aid and support the movement--the
whole being forty-three thousand men, with eight thousand pounds
of gun-powder to first spring the mine. General Sheridan, with his
cavalry, was to make a demonstration in our front and against the
roads leading to Petersburg. Hancock, too, was to take a part, if all
things proved successful--fifty thousand men were to make a bold dash
for the capture of the city. Immediately over the mine was Elliott's
Brigade, consisting of the Seventeenth, Twenty-sixth, Twenty-third,
Twenty-second, and Eighteenth South Carolina Regiments. At 3.30
o'clock the fuse was lighted, and while the Confederates, all
unconscious of the impending danger, lay asleep, this grand
aggregation of men of Grant's Army waited with bated breath and
anxious eye the fearful explosion that eight thousand pounds of
powder, under a great hill, were to make. Time went on, seconds into
minutes. The nerves of the assaulters were, no doubt, at extreme
tension. Four o'clock came, still all was still and silent. The
Federal commanders held their watches in hand and watched the tiny
steel hands tick the seconds away. The streaks of day came peeping up
over the hills and cast shadows high overhead. The fuse had failed! A
call was made for a volunteer to go down into the mine and relight the
fuse. A Lieutenant and Sergeant bravely step forward and offered to
undertake the perilous mission. They reach the mouth of the tunnel
and peer in. All was dark, silent, sombre, and still. Along they grope
their way with a small lantern in their hands. They reach the barrel
of powder placed at the junction of the main and the laterals. The
fuse had ceased to burn. Hurriedly they pass along to the other
barrels. Expecting every moment to be brown into space, they find all
as the first, out. The thousands massed near the entrance and along
Taylor's Creek, watched with fevered excitement the return of the
brave men who had thus placed their lives in such jeopardy for a cause
they, perhaps, felt no interest. Quickly they placed new fuse, lit
them, and quickly left the gruesome pit. Scarcely had they reached
a place of safety than an explosion like a volcano shook the earth,
while the country round about was lit up with a great flash. The earth
trembled and swayed--great heaps of earth went flying in the air,
carrying with it men, guns, and ammunition. Cannon and carriages were
scattered in every direction, while the sleeping men were thrown high
in the air.
But here I will allow Colonel F.W. McMaster, an eye witness, who
commanded Elliott's Brigade after the fall of that General, to tell
the story of the "Battle of the Crater" in his own words. I copy
his account, by permission, from an article published in one of the
newspapers of the State.
BY COLONEL F.W. McMASTER.
In order to understand an account of the battle of the "Crater," a
short sketch of our fortifications should be given.
Elliott's Brigade extended from a little branch that separated it
from Ransom's Brigade on the north, ran three hundred and fifty yards,
joining Wise's Brigade on the south. Captain Pegram's Virginia Battery
had four guns arranged in a half circle on the top of the hill, and
was separated from the Eighteenth and Twenty-second South Carolina
Regiments by a bank called trench cavalier.
The Federal lines ran parallel to the Confederate. The nearest point
of Pegram's Battery to the Federal lines was eighty yards; the rest
of the lines was about two hundred yards apart. The line called gorge
line was immediately behind the battery, and was the general passage
for the troops. The embankment called trench cavalier was immediately
in rear of the artillery and was constructed for the infantry in case
the battery should be taken by a successful assault.
The general line for the infantry, which has been spoken of as
a wonderful feat of engineering, was constructed under peculiar
circumstances. Beauregard had been driven from the original lines made
for the defense of Petersburg, and apprehensive that the enemy, which
numbered ten to one, would get into the city, directed his engineer,
Colonel Harris, to stake a new line. This place was reached by General
Hancock's troops at dark on the third day's fighting, and our men were
ordered to make a breastwork. Fortifications without spades or shovels
was rather a difficult feat to perform, but our noble soldiers went
to work with bayonets and tin cups, and in one night threw up a bank
three feet high--high enough to cause Hancock to delay his attack.
In the next ten days' time the ditches were enlarged until they were
eight feet high and eight feet wide, with a banquette of eighteen
inches high from which the soldiers could shoot over the breastwork.
Five or six traverses were built perpendicularly from the main trench
to the rear, so as to protect Pegram's guns from the enfilading fire
of the big guns on the Federal lines a mile to the north. Besides
these traverses there were narrow ditches five or six feet deep which
led to the sinks.
The only safe way to Petersburg, a mile off, was to go down to the
spring branch which passed under our lines at the foot of the hill,
then go to the left through the covered way to Petersburg, or to
take the covered way which was half way down the hill to Elliott's
headquarters.
At this point a ravine or more properly a swale ran up the hill
parallel to our breastworks. It was near Elliott's headquarters where
Mahone's troops went in from the covered way and formed in battle
array.
The soldiers slept in the main trench. At times of heavy rains the
lower part of the trench ran a foot deep in water. The officers slept
in burrows dug in the sides of the rear ditches. There were traverses,
narrow ditches, cross ditches and a few mounds over officers' dens,
so that there is no wonder that one of the Federal officers said the
quarters reminded him of the catacombs of Rome.
An ordinary mortal would not select such a place for a three mouths'
summer residence.
About ten days after the battle, and while I was acting Brigadier
General and occupying General Elliott's headquarters, a distinguished
Major General visited me and requested me to go over the lines with
him. I gladly complied with the request. He asked me where the men
rested at night. I pointed out the floor of the ditch. He said, "But
where do the officers sleep?" We happened then to be in the narrow
ditch in front of my quarters, and I pointed it out to him. He
replied, in language not altogether suitable for a Sunday School
teacher, that he would desert before he would submit to such
hardships.
* * * * *
THE "CRATER."
The explosion took place at 4.45 A.M. The "Crater" made by eight
thousand pounds of gun powder was one hundred and thirty-five feet
long, ninety-seven feet broad and thirty feet deep. Two hundred and
seventy-eight men were buried in the debris--Eighteenth Regiment,
eighty-two; Twenty-second, one hundred and seventy, and Pegram's
Battery, twenty-two men.
To add to the terror of the scene the enemy with one hundred and
sixty-four cannon and mortars began a bombardment much greater than
Fort Sumter or battery were ever subjected to. Elliott's Brigade near
the "Crater" was panic stricken, and more than one hundred men of the
Eighteenth Regiment covered with dirt rushed down. Two or three noble
soldiers asked me for muskets. Some climbed the counterscarpe and
made their way for Petersburg. Numbers of the Seventeenth joined the
procession. I saw one soldier scratching at the counterscape of the
ditch like a scared cat. A staunch Lieutenant of Company E. without
hat or coat or shoes ran for dear life way down into Ransom's
trenches. When he came to consciousness he cried out, "What! old Morse
running!" and immediately returned to his place in line.
The same consternation existed in the Federal line. As they saw the
masses descending they broke ranks, and it took a few minutes to
restore order.
* * * * *
FEDERAL CHARGE.
About fifteen minutes after the explosion General Ledlie's Corps
advanced in line. The cheval-de-frise was destroyed for fifty yards.
Soon after General Wilcox's Corps came in line and bore to Ledlie's
left. Then Potter's Corps followed by flanks and was ordered to the
right of Ledlie's troops.
The pall of smoke was so great that we could not see the enemy until
they were in a few feet of our works, and a lively fusillade was
opened by the Seventeenth Regiment on the north side of the "Crater."
I saw Starling Hutto, of Company H, a boy of sixteen, on the top of
the breastworks, firing his musket at the enemy a few yards off with
the coolness of a veteran. As soon as I reached him I dragged him down
by his coat tail and ordered him to shoot from the banquette. On
the south of the "Crater" a few men under Major Shield, of the
Twenty-second, and Captain R.E. White, with the Twenty-third Regiment,
had a hot time in repelling the enemy.
Adjutant Sims and Captain Floyd, of the Eighteenth Regiment, with
about thirty men, were cut off in the gorge line. They held the line
for a few minutes. Adjutant Sims was killed and Captain Floyd and his
men fell back into some of the cross ditches and took their chances
with the Seventeenth.
It was half an hour before the Federals filled the "Crater," the gorge
line and a small space of the northern part of the works not injured
by the explosion. All this time the Federals rarely shot a gun on the
north of the "Crater."
Major J.C. Coit, who commanded Wright's Battery and Pegram's battery,
had come up to look after the condition of the latter. He concluded
that two officers and twenty men were destroyed. Subsequently he
discovered that one man had gone to the spring before the explosion,
that four men were saved by a casemate and captured.
Colonel Coit says he took twenty-five minutes to come from his
quarters and go to Wright's Battery, and thinks it was the first gun
shot on the Federal side. Testimony taken in the court of inquiry
indicate the time at 5.30 A.M.
* * * * *
GENERAL STEPHEN ELLIOTT.
General Stephen Elliott, the hero of Fort Sumter, a fine gentleman and
a superb officer, came up soon after the explosion. He was dressed in
a new uniform, and looked like a game cock. He surveyed the scene for
a few minutes; he disappeared and in a short time he came up to me
accompanied by Colonel A.R. Smith, of the Twenty-sixth, with a few
men, who were working their way through the crowd. He said to me:
"Colonel, I'm going to charge those Yankees out of the 'Crater'; you
follow Smith with your regiment."
He immediately climbed the counter scrape. The gallant Smith followed,
and about half a dozen men followed. And in less than five minutes he
was shot from the "Crater" through his shoulder. I believe it was the
first ball shot that day from the northern side of the "Crater."
He was immediately pulled down into the ditch, and with the utmost
coolness, and no exhibition of pain turned the command over to me, the
next ranking officer. Colonels Benbow and Wallace were both absent on
furlough.
I immediately ordered John Phillips, a brave soldier of Company I, to
go around the "Crater" to inform the commanding officer of the serious
wounding of General Elliott, and to inquire as to the condition of the
brigade on the south side. Major Shield replied that Colonel Fleming
and Adjutant Quattlebaum, with more than half the Twenty-second,
were buried up, but with the remainder of his men and with the
Twenty-third, under Captain White, and a part of Wise's Brigade we had
driven the Yankees back, and intended to keep them back.
Being satisfied that the object of the mine was to make a gap in
our line by which General Meade could rush his troops to the rear, I
ordered Colonel Smith to take his Regiment, and Captain Crawford with
three of my largest Companies, Companies K, E and B, containing nearly
as many men as Smith's, to proceed by Elliott's headquarters up the
ravine to a place immediately in rear of the "Crater"--to make the men
lie down--and if the enemy attempted to rush down to resist them to
the last extremity. This was near 6 o'clock A.M., and the enemy had
not made any advance on the North side of the "Crater."
By this time the "Crater" was packed with men. I counted fourteen
beautiful banners. I saw four or five officers waiving swords and
pointing towards Petersburg, and I supposed they were preparing for a
charge to the crest of the hill.
* * * * *
ELLIOTT'S BRIGADE.
The line and strength of the Brigade from left to right was as
follows:
Twenty-sixth Regiment, two hundred and fifty men;
Seventeenth, four hundred;
Eighteenth, three hundred and fifty;
Twenty-second, three hundred;
Twenty-third, two hundred.
In all one thousand and five hundred men, a full estimate.
* * * * *
BENBOW'S REGIMENT.
The first severe attack of the enemy was on the South of the "Crater,"
which was defended by a part of the Twenty-second under Major Shedd,
and Benbow's Twenty-third under Captain White. The enemy attacked with
fury. Our men fought nobly, but were driven down their ditch. Wise's
Brigade then joined in, and our men rushed back and recovered the
lost space. About this time they shot Colonel Wright, leading the
Thirteenth Minnesota regiment, and then the Federals slacked their
efforts and bore to their right, and multitudes of them climbed the
"Crater" and went to the rear of it and filled the gorge line and
every vacant space on the North side. No serious aggressive attack
was made on the Twenty-third Regiment during the rest of the day. The
principal reason I suppose was the direct line to Cemetery Hill was
through the Seventeenth Regiment. Every Federal officer was directed
over and over again to rush to the crest of the hill.
* * * * *
SEVENTEENTH REGIMENT.
The Federals being checked on the South of the "Crater" charged
Company A, the extreme right Company, next to the "Crater." Captain
W.H. Edwards was absent sick, and a few of the men were covered with
dirt by the explosion and were consequently demoralized. Private
Hoke was ordered to surrender--declared he never would surrender to a
Yankee. He clubbed his musket and knocked down four of his assailants,
and was bayoneted. There were five men killed in Company A. Company
F was the next attacked, and private John Caldwell shot one man and
brained two with the butt of his musket. Lieutenant Samuel Lowry, a
fine young man of twenty years, and four privates were killed. Company
D surrendered in a traverse, and twenty-seven men were killed. Had the
splendid Lieutenant W.G. Stevenson been present the result would have
been different. Fourteen out of twenty-seven of these men died in
prison of scurvy at Elmira, N.Y. Private J.S. Hogan, of Company D,
leaped the traverse. He joined in Mahone's charge, and after the fight
was sickened by the carnage; went to the spring to revive himself,
then went into the charge under General Sanders. After the battle he
procured enough coffee and sugar to last him a month. This young rebel
seemed to have a furor for fighting and robbing Yankees. At the battle
of Fort Steadman he manned a cannon which was turned on the enemy, and
in the retreat from Petersburg he was in every battle. He was always
on the picket line, by choice, where he could kill, wound or capture
the enemy. He feasted well while the other soldiers fed on parched
corn, and surrendered at Appomattox with his haversack filled with
provisions.
Company C, the next Company, had fourteen men killed. Its Captain,
William Dunovant, was only eighteen years of age, and as fine a
Captain as was in Lee's Army. lieutenant C. Pratt, a fine officer not
more than twenty-five years old, was killed. The command devolved on
Sergeant T.J. LaMotte. G and H had two each; I, three; K, five; and B,
one; F, five.
The Federals had the advantage over the Seventeenth because there were
some elevated points near the "Crater" they could shoot from. After
being driven down about fifty yards there was an angle in the ditch,
and Sergeant LaMotte built a barricade, which stopped the advance.
A good part of the fighting was done by two men on each side at a
time--the rest being cut off from view.
* * * * *
LOOKING AFTER SMITH'S MEN.
About 6:30 I went down a narrow ditch to see if Smith and his men
were properly located to keep the enemy from going down to the ravine
before I got back. I saw there was a vacant space in our trench. I
hustled in and saw two muskets poked around an angle, as I got in
the muskets were fired and harmlessly imbedded the balls in the
breastworks. I immediately concluded that it was not very safe for the
commander being on the extreme right of his men and went lower down.
In a short time I again went in a ditch a little lower down the hill,
anxious about the weak point on our line. I was smoking a pipe with a
long tie-tie stem. As I returned I observed a rush down the line. As
I got in the ditch the bowl of the pipe was knocked off. A big brawny
fellow cried out, "Hold on men! the Colonel can't fight without his
pipe!" He wheeled around, stopped the men until he picked up the bowl
and restored it to me. I wish I knew the name of this kind-hearted old
soldier.
The principal fighting was done by the head of the column. A few game
fellows attempted to cross the breastworks. A Captain Sims and a negro
officer were bayoneted close together on our breastworks, but hundreds
of the enemy for hours stuck like glue to our outer bank.
* * * * *
A LONG AND LAZY FIGHT.
The sun was oppressively hot. There was very little musketry, the
cannonading had closed; it was after 7 o'clock, and the soldiers on
both sides, as there was not much shooting going on, seemed to resort
to devices to pass the time. I saw Captain Steele throwing bayonets
over a traverse. I saw Lamotte on one knee on the ground, and asked
what he was doing. He whispered, "I'm trying to get the drop on a
fellow on the other side." They would throw clods of clay at each
other over the bank. As an Irishman threw over a lump of clay I
heard him say, "Tak thart, Johnny." We all wished that Beauregard had
supplied us with hand grenades, for the battle had simmered down to a
little row in the trenches.
* * * * *
THE BATTLE THAT CONQUERED MEADE.
At 8.10 A.M. Ferrero's four thousand three hundred negroes rushed
over and reached the right flank of the Seventeenth. This horde of
barbarians added greatly to the thousands of white men that packed
themselves to the safe side of the breastworks. Thousands rushed down
the hill side. Ransom's Twenty-sixth and Twenty-fifth Regiments were
crazy to get hold of the negroes. "Niggers" had been scarce around
there during the morning, now they were packed in an acre of ground
and in close range. The firing was great all down the hill side, but
when it got down to the branch the musketry was terrific, and Wright's
Battery two hundred yards off poured in its shells. About half past
8 o'clock, at the height of the battle, there was a landslide amongst
the negroes. Colonel Carr says two thousand negroes rushed back and
lifted him from his feet and swept him to the rear. General Delavan
Bates, who was shot through the face, said at that time that Ransom's
Brigade was reported to occupy those lines.
When the battle was at its highest the Seventeenth was forced down
its line about thirty yards. Lieutenant Colonel Fleming, of Ransom's
Forty-ninth Regiment, came up to me and pointed out a good place to
build another barricade. I requested him to build it with his own men,
as mine were almost exhausted by the labors of the day. He cheerfully
assented, stepped on a banquette to get around me, and was shot in the
neck and dropped at my feet.
At this moment of time an aide of General Bushrod Johnson told me
that the General requested me to come out to Elliott's headquarters. I
immediately proceeded to the place, and General Mahone came up. I was
introduced to him, and suggested to him when his men came in to form
them on Smith's men who were lying down in the ravine. A few minutes
afterwards, by order of General Johnson, Captain Steele brought out
the remnant of the Seventeenth Regiment, and they marched in the
ravine back of Mahone's men.
* * * * *
MAHONE'S CHARGE.
By this time General Mahone's Brigade of Virginians, eight hundred men
strong, was coming in one by one, and were formed a few steps to the
left and a little in advance of Smith's and Crawford's men. I was
standing with General Johnson, close to Elliott's headquarters, and
could see everything that transpired in the ravine. It took Mahone so
long to arrange his men I was apprehensive that the enemy would make a
charge before he was ready. A few Federal officers began to climb out
of the main ditch until they numbered perhaps twenty-five men. General
Mahone was on the extreme right it seemed to me busy with some men--I
have heard since they were some Georgians. Captain Girardey had gone
to Colonel Weisinger, who was worried with the delay, and told him
General Mahone was anxious to take some of the Georgians with him. But
the threatening attitude of the enemy precipitated the charge.
The noble old Roman, Colonel Weisinger, cried out "Forward!" and eight
hundred brave Virginians sprung to their feet and rushed two hundred
yards up the hill. It had not the precision of a West Point drill, but
it exhibited the pluck of Grecians at Thermopylae. The men disappeared
irregularly as they reached the numerous ditches that led to the main
ditch until all were hid from view. The firing was not very great for
the bayonet and butt of the muskets did more damage than the barrel.
If any one desires a graphic description of a hand to hand fight I beg
him to read the graphic detailed account given by Mr. Bernard in his
"War Talks of Confederate Veterans."
In a few minutes the enemy in the ditches up to fifty yards of the
"Crater" were killed or captured. The whole battlefield of three acres
of ground became suddenly quiet comparatively.
Mahone in an hour's time sent in the Georgia Brigade, under General
Wright. There was such a heavy fire from the "Crater" the brigade was
forced to oblique to the left and banked on Mahone's men. In a few
minutes after they landed at the foot of the "Crater" in their second
charge.
Sanders' Alabama Brigade came up at this time. Besides his Alabamians
were Elliott's Brigade and Clingman's Sixty-first North Carolina.
The charge was made about one o'clock P.M., and the Federal artillery
poured all its fire on the "Crater" for some minutes, slaughtering
many of their own men. At this charge Lieutenant Colonel Gulp, who was
absent at the explosion, being a member of a courtmartial, came up and
took charge of the Seventeenth in the ravine, where Captain Steele had
them. In the charge of the "Crater" under Sanders were Colonel
Gulp, Colonel Smith and Lieutenant Colonel J.H. Hudson with the
Twenty-sixth, and a large number of privates, especially from the
Seventeenth Regiment, which also had a good many in Mahone's charge.
A good many of the Twenty-third joined in the charge, and Private W.H.
Dunlap, Company C, Twenty-third Regiment, now of Columbia, was the
first man who got in the "Crater" on the south side.
While the men were piled up around the "Crater" Adjutant Fant heard
some Alabama soldiers picking out the fine banners within, and he was
lucky to get two of them. He laid them down, and in a minute they were
spirited away.
A little incident recited by Honorable George Clark Sanders, Adjutant
General, illustrates how true politeness smoothes the wrinkled brow of
war. He says that he saw a fine looking Federal officer making his
way out of the "Crater" with much pain, using two reversed muskets for
crutches, seeing one leg was shot off. He said I'm very sorry to
see you in so much pain. The soldier replied the pain occurred at
Spottsylvania a year ago. This is a wooden leg shot off to-day--then
gave his name as General Bartlett, but Colonel Sanders kindly helped
him out.
The horrors of war are sometimes relieved with incidents which amuse
us. Adjutant Fant tells an amusing incident of Joe Free, a member of
Company B. The Adjutant had gone In the afternoon to the wagon yard
to be refreshed after the labors of the day. There was a group of men
reciting incidents. The Adjutant overheard Free say He had gone into
an officer's den for a few minutes to shade his head from the heat of
the sun, as he was suffering from an intense headache, and as he began
to creep out he saw the trench full of negroes. He dodged back again.
Joe says he was scared almost to death, and that he "prayed until
great drops of sweat poured down my face." The Adjutant knew that his
education was defective and said, "What did you say, Joe?" "I said
Lord have mercy on me! and keep them damned niggers from killing me!"
It was an earnest and effective prayer, for Mahone's men in an hour
afterwards released him.
In a recent letter received from Captain E.A. Crawford, he says the
enemy formed three times to charge, but we gave them a well directed
volley each time and sent them into the rear line in our trench. When
Mahone came in and formed my three companies charged with him.
Colonel Smith told me they charged four times. Cusack Moore, a very
intelligent private of Company K, said they charged five times. After
the charge Captain Crawford requested General Mahone to give him
permission to report to his regiment, and he ordered him to report to
General Sanders, and he joined in that charge with his men. Company
K had fifty-three men, Captain Cherry; Company E, forty, and Captain
Burley, Company B, twenty-five; in all, one hundred and eighteen men.
Lieutenant Colonel Culp was a member of a military court doing duty in
Petersburg at the time of the explosion, and could not get back until
he reported to me at Elliott's headquarters. I made some extracts from
his letter recently received: "I recollect well that in the charge
(the final one) which we made that model soldier and Christian
gentleman, Sergeant Williams, of Company K, was killed, and that one
of the Crowders, of Company B, was killed in elbow touch of me after
we got into the works. These casualties, I think, well established the
fact that Companies K and B were with me in the charge, and, as far
as I know now, at least a portion of all the companies were with me.
I recollect that poor Fant was with as very distinctly, and that
he rendered very efficient service after we got to the 'Crater' in
ferreting out hidden Federals, who had taken shelter there, and who,
for the most part, seemed very loath to leave their biding places. I
feel quite confident that Capt. Crawford was also there, but there is
nothing that I can recall at this late day to fasten the fact of his
presence on my mind, except that he was always ready for duty, however
perilous it might be, and I am sure his company was there, in part at
least. So, too, this will apply to all of the officers of our regiment
whose duty it was to be there on that occasion, and who were not
unavoidably kept away. In the charge that we made we were to be
supported by the Sixty-first North Carolina. They were on our left,
and I suppose entered the works entirely to the left of the 'Crater,'
for I am sure that our regiment, small as it was, covered the
'Crater,' and when I reached the old line with my command we found
ourselves in the very midst of the old fort, which, I may say, had
been blown to atoms in the early morning. When we arrived the Federals
began, in some instances, to surrender to us voluntarily, others, as
before intimated, had to be pulled out of their hiding places. And
with these prisoners we captured quite a number of colors, probably
as many as a dozen, certainly not less than eight or ten. I was so
occupied in trying to clear the trenches of the enemy that I gave no
attention to these colors after they fell into the hands of our men,
and afterwards learned, to my sorrow, that they had fallen into hands
which were not entitled to them. Suffice it to say that few, if any
of them, could be found. After perfect quiet had been restored, and we
were thus robbed of these significant trophies of our triumph at which
we felt quite a keen disappointment, it is pleasing to me to say that
I think that every man of our regiment who was present acted his part
nobly in the performance of the hazardous duty assigned us on that
memorable occasion. You gave me the order to make the final charge
already referred to."
* * * * *
THE ARTILLERY.
The Confederates only had twenty-six cannon, and only three of them
were conspicuous. The Federals had one hundred and sixty-four cannon
and mortars. They fired five thousand and seventy-five rounds. They
had only one man killed and two wounded.
General Hunt and others spoke slightingly of our guns, with two
exceptions, Wright's Battery and Davenport's, which is mentioned
as the two-gun battery. General Hunt the day before had accurately
prepared to silence all these guns, except the Davenport Battery.
General Hunt said he expected a company of infantry would take us
in fifteen minutes after Pegram's Battery was gone. But the Wright
Battery was a complete surprise. It was constructed just behind
Ransom's Brigade, about one hundred yards. General Hunt never could
locate the place, and shot at short range above five hundred shells
doing no damage, but honeycombing the surrounding ground.
Wright's Battery was in five hundred yards of the "Crater," and
Colonel Coit informed me he shot about six hundred rounds of shell and
shrapnel at short range.
In my opinion it did more damage than all our guns put together. Its
concealed location gave it a great advantage overall other guns.
Davidson's Battery had only one gun, which only could shoot in one
line. But it created more anxiety amongst the enemy than any other.
The infantry officers constantly alluded to its destructive power,
and they dug a trench to guard against its fire. Major Hampton Gibbes
commanded it until he was wounded, and then Captain D.N. Walker for
the rest of the day did his duty nobly, and no doubt killed many
Federals. General Warren was ordered to capture this gun about 8.30,
but at 8.45 he was ordered to do nothing "but reconnoitre." This was
before Mahone came up.
The most interesting of our guns were the two coehorns of Major John
C. Haskell, because all of his shells were emptied into the "Crater,"
which was packed with men. General Mahone says: "In the meantime
Colonel Haskell, a brilliant officer of our artillery, hunting a place
where he could strike a blow at our adversary, presented himself for
any service which I could advise. There were two coehorn mortars in
the depression already referred to, and I suggested to him that he
could serve them. I would have them taken up to the outside of the
'Crater,' at which place he could employ himself until one o'clock,
as perhaps no such opportunity had ever occurred or would be likely
to occur for effective employment of these little implements of war.
Colonel Haskell adopted the suggestion, and the mortars being removed
to a ditch within a few feet of the 'Crater,' they were quickly at
work emptying their contents upon the crowded mass of men in this
horrible pit."
Lieutenant Bowley, a Federal officer, says: "A mortar battery also
opened on us. After a few shots they got our range so well that the
shells fell directly among us. Many of them did not explode at all,
but a few burst directly over us and cut the men down cruelly."
He also speaks of a few Indians from Michigan. "Some of them were
mortally wounded, and, drawing their blouses over their faces, they
chanted a death song and died--four of them in a group."
* * * * *
A FEAST AFTER A FAMINE.
About 3 o'clock p.m. absolute quietness prevailed over the battlefield
where the carnage of war rioted a few hours before. My Orderly, M.C.
Heath, a boy of sixteen, who now is a distinguished physician of
Lexington, Ky., came to me at Elliott's headquarters and told me
that the Lieutenant Colonel and Adjutant sent their compliments and
requested me to come to dinner at my den in the trench. I went, and
had to step over the dead bodies--all negroes. A narrow ditch led to a
plaza six feet square, where a half dozen men, in fine weather, could
sit on campstools. On the breastworks hung a dead negro. In the ditch
I had to step over another dead negro. As I got to my plaza I saw two
more negroes badly wounded in a cell two feet deeper than the plaza
where I slept. One of the negroes was resting his bloody head on a
fine copy of Paley's philosophy, which I came across in my wanderings.
Heath's big basket was well stored with good viands, and we ate with
the ferocity of starving men, regaling ourselves with the incidents
of battle, without any expressions of sorrow for our friends, Colonel
David Fleming and Adjutant Quattlebaum, who a few yards above were
entombed in our old sleeping place in the "Crater" which we occupied
as our quarters until they succeeded us ten days before, or any
lamentations for the hundreds of dead and dying on the hillside
around.
The joy of the glorious victory drowned out all sentiments of grief
for a season, and it seemed a weird holiday.
* * * * *
A BLUNDER IN BEAUREGARD'S BOOK.
Mr. Barnard, in his interesting article on the "Crater," criticises a
remarkable paragraph in Colonel Roman's work, "basing his statements
made by General Bushrod Johnson and Colonel McMaster." The only
objection to my statement was I said Mahone's charge was at 10 o'clock
a.m.
The paragraph is as follows:
"Such was the situation. The Federals unable to advance
and fearing to retreat, when, at 10 o'clock, General Mahone
arrived with a part of his men, who had laid down in the
shallow ravine to the rear of Elliott's salient held by the
forces under Colonel Smith, there to await the remainder
of the Division, but a movement having occurred among the
Federals, which seemed to menace an advance, General Mahone
then forwarded his Brigade with the Sixty-first North
Carolina, of Hoke's Division, which had now also come up.
The Twenty-fifth and Forty-ninth North Carolina, and the
Seventeenth South Carolina, all under Smith, which were formed
on Mahone's left, likewise formed in the 'Crater' movement,
and three-fourths of the gorge line was carried with that
part of the trench on the left of the 'Crater' occupied by the
Federals. Many of the latter, white and black, abandoned
the breach and fled under a scourging flank fire of Wise's
Brigade."
This is confusion worse confounded. It is difficult to find a
paragraph containing so many blunders as the report of General Johnson
to Colonel Roman.
The Sixty-first North Carolina of Hoke's Brigade was not present
during the day, except at Sander's charge two hours afterwards. The
Twenty-fifth and Forty-ninth North Carolina were not present at all,
but remained in their trench on the front line.
Smith's men on the extreme right did not as a body go into Mahone's
charge. Captain Crawford with one hundred and eighteen men did charge
with Mahone. In fact he commanded his own men separate from Smith,
although he was close by.
Colonel Roman's account taken from General Johnson's statement is
unintelligible.
* * * * *
TIME OF MAHONE'S CHARGE.
I dislike to differ with Mr. Bernard, who has been so courteous to me,
and with my friend, Colonel Venable, for we literally carried muskets
side by side as privates in dear old Captain Casson's company, the
Governor's Guards, in Colonel Kershaw's Regiment, at the first battle
of Manassas, and I shot thirteen times at Ellsworth's Zouaves. Venable
was knocked down with a spent ball and I only had a bloody mouth. And
the rainy night which followed the battle we sheltered ourselves under
the same oilcloth. But I can't help thinking of these gentlemen as
being like all Virginians, which is illustrated by a remark of a great
Massachusetts man, old John Adams, in answering some opponent, said:
"Virginians are all fine fellows. The only objection I have to you is,
in Virginia every goose is a swan."
Colonel Venable says: "I am confident the charge of the Virginians was
made before 9 o'clock a.m." Mr. Bernard says, in speaking of the time:
"Mahone's Brigade left the plank road and took to the covered way."
"It is now half-past 8 o'clock." In a note he says: "probably between
8.15 and 8.30." "At the angle where the enemy could see a moving
column with ease the men were ordered to run quickly by, one man at a
time, which was done for the double purpose of concealing the approach
of a body of troops and of lessening the danger of passing rifle balls
at these points."
It took Mahone's Brigade, above eight hundred men, to walk at least
five hundred yards down this covered way and gulch, one by one,
occasionally interrupted by wounded men going to the rear, at least
twenty minutes. At a very low estimate it took them half an hour to
form in the ravine, to listen to two short speeches, and the parley
between Weisinger and Girardey. With the most liberal allowance this
will bring the charge at 9.15 A.M., but it took more time than that.
Captain Whitner investigated the time of the charge in less than a
month after the battle. I extract the following, page 795, 40th "War
of Rebellion:" "There is a great diversity of opinion as to the time
the first charge was made by General Mahone * * * But one officer of
the division spoke with certainty, Colonel McMaster, Seventeenth South
Carolina Volunteers. His written statement is enclosed." Unluckily the
paper was "not found." But there is no doubt I repeatedly said it was
about ten o'clock A.M.
General Mahone took no note of the time, but says: "According to
the records the charge must have been before nine o'clock. General
Burnside in his report fixes the time of the charge and recapture of
our works at 8.45 A.M." 40th "War of Rebellion," page 528. He is badly
mistaken. General Burnside says: "The enemy regained a portion of his
line on the right. This was about 8.45 A.M., but not all the colored
troops retired. Some held pits from behind which they had advanced
severely checking the enemy until they were nearly all killed."
[Illustration: James Evans, Major and Surgeon, 3d S.C. Regiment.]
[Illustration: Capt. D.A. Dickert, Co. H, 3d S.C. Regiment. (Age 15
years when he first entered service.)]
[Illustration: Capt. L.P. Foster, Co. K, 3d S.C. Regiment.]
[Illustration: J.E. Tuesdale, Co. G, 2d S.C. Regiment.]
"At 9.15 I received, with regret, a peremptory order from the General
commanding to withdraw my troops from the enemy's lines."
Now this battle indicated as at 8:45 was a continuation, of the one
that many officers said was about half-past eight o'clock. And both
Mahone and Mr. Bernard were mistaken in stating that the great firing
and retreat of soldiers was the result of the Virginian's charge,
whereas at this time Mahone's Brigade was at the Jerusalem plank road.
Moreover, when Mahone did come up his eight hundred men could not
create one-fourth of the reverberation of the Seventeenth Regiment,
Ransom's Brigade, and the thousands of the enemy. Besides Mahone's
men's fighting was confined to the ditches, and they used mostly the
butts and bayonets instead of the barrels of their muskets. No it
was the fire of Elliott's men, Ransom's men, the torrent of shells
of Wright's Battery and the enemy, Ord's men, and the four thousand
negroes, all of them in an area of one hundred yards. The part of the
line spoken of by Generals Delavan Bates and Turner and others as
the Confederate line were mere rifle pits which the Confederates held
until they had perfected the main line, and then gave up the pits.
They were in the hollow, where the branch passes through to the
breastworks.
Now the tumultuous outburst of musketry, Federal and Confederate, and
the landslide of the Federals, was beyond doubt before I went out to
Elliott's headquarters on the order of General Johnson.
For two hours before this Meade had been urging Burnside to rush to
the crest of the hill until General B. was irritated beyond measure,
and replied to a dispatch: "Were it not insubordination I would say
that the latter remark was unofficer like and ungentlemanly." Before
this time Grant, Meade and Ord had given up hope. They had agreed
to withdraw, hence the positive order to withdraw my troops from the
enemy's line at 9.15.
Now this must have been before Mahone came up, for there is no
allusion to a charge by any Federal General at the court of inquiry.
With the 8.30 charge made at the hollow, there was a synchronous
movement made by General Warren on the south of the "Crater," but at
8.45 he was informed that it was intended alone for a reconnoissance
of the two-gun battery.
At 9.15 General Warren sends dispatch: "Just before receiving your
dispatch to assault the battery on the left of the 'Crater' occupied
by General Burnside the enemy drove his troops out of the place and I
think now hold it. I can find no one who for certainty knows, or seems
willing to admit, but I think I saw a Rebel flag in it just now, and
shots coming from it this way. I am, therefore, if this (be) true no
more able to take this battery now than I was this time yesterday. All
our advantages are lost."
The advantages certainly were not lost on account of Mahone's men, but
on account of the losses two hundred yards down the hill, of which he
had doubtless been advised. He saw what he thought was a "Rebel
flag," but for a half an hour he had heard of the terrific castigation
inflicted on the Federals down the hill.
But here is something from the court of inquiry that approximates the
time of Mahone's charge.
General Griffen, of Potter's Ninth Corps, in reply to the question
by the court: "When the troops retired from the 'Crater' was it
compulsory from the enemy's operations, or by orders from your
commanders?" Answer. "Partly both. We retired because we had orders.
At the same time a column of troops came up to attack the 'Crater,'
and we retired instead of stopping to fight. This force of the enemy
came out of a ravine, and we did not see them till they appeared on
the rising ground."
"What was the force that came out to attack you? The force that was
exposed in the open?" Answer, "five or six hundred soldiers were all
that we could see. I did not see either the right or left of the line.
I saw the center of the line as it appeared to me. It was a good line
of battle. Probably if we had not been under orders to evacuate we
should have fought them, and tried to hold our position, but according
to the orders we withdrew."
General Hartranft, of Ninth Corps, says in answer to the question
"Driven out?" "They were driven out the same time, the same time I had
passed the word to retire. It was a simultaneous thing. When they saw
the assaulting column within probably one hundred feet of the works I
passed the word as well as it could be passed for everybody to retire.
And I left myself at that time. General Griffen and myself were
together at that time. The order to retire we had endorsed to the
effect that we thought we could not withdraw the troops that were
there on account of the enfilading fire over the ground between our
rifle pits and the 'Crater' without losing a great portion of them,
that ground being enfiladed with artillery and infantry fire. They
had at that time brought their infantry down along their pits on both
sides of the 'Crater,' so that their sharpshooters had good range, and
were in good position. Accordingly we requested that our lines should
open with artillery and infantry, bearing on the right and left of
the 'Crater,' under which fire we would be able to withdraw a greater
portion of our troops, and, in fact, everyone that could get away.
While we were in waiting for the approach of that endorsement and the
opening of the fire, this assaulting column of the enemy came up and
we concluded--General Griffin and myself--that there was no use in
holding it any longer, and so we retired."
This proves beyond doubt that Mahone's charge was after 9.15. It
probably took Burnside some minutes to receive this order and some
minutes for him and Griffin to send it down the line, and to send
orders to the artillery to open on their flanks to protect them. This
would bring Mahone's charge to 9.30 or 9.45.
* * * * *
SMITH AND CRAWFORD SAVE PETERSBURG.
I ordered Smith to take his regiment, the Twenty-sixth, and Crawford
with Companies K, E, and B, to lie down in the ravine. Every General
was ordered to charge to the crest. Had the enemy gotten beyond
Smith's line fifty yards they could have marched in the covered way to
Petersburg; not a cannon or a gun intervened. General Potter says
his men charged two hundred yards beyond the "Crater," when they
were driven back. Colonel Thomas said he led a charge which was not
successful; he went three or four hundred yards and was driven back.
General Griffin says he went about two hundred yards and was driven
back. Colonel Russell says he went about fifty yards towards Cemetery
Hill and "was driven back by two to four hundred infantry, which rose
up from a little ravine and charged us." Some officer said he went
five hundred yards beyond the "Crater." There was the greatest
confusion about distances. General Russell is about right when he said
he went about fifty yards behind the "Crater." When they talk of two
or three hundred yards they must mean outside the breastworks towards
Ransom's Brigade.
From the character of our breastworks, or rather our cross ditches, it
was impracticable to charge down the rear of our breastworks. The only
chance of reaching Petersburg was through the "Crater" to the rear.
Smith and Crawford, whose combined commands did not exceed two hundred
and fifty men, forced them back. Had either Potter, Russell, Thomas,
or Griffin charged down one hundred yards farther than they did, the
great victory would have been won, and Beauregard and Lee would have
been deprived of the great honor of being victors of the great battle
of the "Crater."
* * * * *
ELLIOTT'S BRIGADE.
After the explosion, with less than one thousand two hundred men, and
with the co-operation of Wright's Battery and Davenport's Battery, and
a few men of Wise's Brigade, resisted nine thousand of the enemy from
five to eight o'clock. Then four thousand five hundred blacks rushed
over, and the Forty-ninth and Twenty-fifth North Carolina, Elliott's
Brigade, welcomed them to hospitable graves at 9 o'clock A.M.
At about 9.30 A.M. old Virginia--that never tires in good works--with
eight hundred heroes rushed into the trench of the Seventeenth and
slaughtered hundreds of whites and blacks, with decided preference for
the Ethiopians.
Captain Geo. B. Lake, of Company B, Twenty-second South Carolina, who
was himself buried beneath the debris, and afterwards captured, gives
a graphic description of his experience and the scenes around the
famous "Crater." He says in a newspaper article:
BY CAPTAIN GEORGE B. LAKE.
The evening before the mine was sprung, or possibly two evenings
before, Colonel David Fleming, in command of the Twenty-second South
Carolina Regiment--I don't know whether by command of General
Stephen Elliott or not--ordered me to move my company, Company B,
Twenty-second South Carolina, into the rear line, immediately in rear
of Pegram's four guns. I had in my company one officer, Lieutenant
W.J. Lake, of Newberry, S.C., and thirty-four enlisted men. This rear
line was so constructed that I could fire over Pegram's men on the
attacking enemy.
The enemy in our front had two lines of works. He had more men in his
line nearest our works than we had in his front. From this nearest
line he tunnelled to and under Pegram's salient, and deposited in a
magazine prepared for it not less than four tons of powder, some of
their officers say it was six tons. We knew the enemy were mining, and
we sunk a shaft on each side of the four-gun battery, ten feet or more
deep, and then extended the tunnel some distance to our front. We were
on a high hill, however, and the enemy five hundred and ten feet in
our front, where they began their work, consequently their mine was
far under the shaft we sunk. At night when everything was still, we
could hear the enemy's miners at work. While war means kill, the idea
of being blown into eternity without any warning was anything but
pleasant.
* * * * *
THAT TERRIBLE SATURDAY MORNING.
On that terrible Saturday morning, July 30, 1864, before day had yet
dawned, after the enemy had massed a large number of troops in front
of our guns, the fuse which was to ignite the mine was fired. The
enemy waited fully an hour, but there was one explanation, the fuse
had gone out. A brave Federal officer, whose name I do not know,
volunteered to enter the tunnel and fire it again, which he did.
A minute later there was a report which was heard for miles, and the
earth trembled for miles around. A "Crater" one hundred and thirty
feet long, ninety-seven feet in breadth, and thirty feet deep, was
blown out. Of the brave artillery company, twenty-two officers and
men were killed and wounded, most of them killed. Hundreds of tons of
earth were thrown back on the rear line, in which my command was.
* * * * *
A WHOLE COMPANY BURIED.
Here was the greatest loss suffered by any command on either side
in the war, myself, my only Lieutenant, W.J. Lake, and thirty-four
enlisted men were all buried, and of that little band thirty-one were
killed. Lieutenant Lake and myself and three enlisted men were taken
out of the ground two hours after the explosion by some brave New
Yorkers. These men worked like beavers, a portion of the time under
perpetual fire.
* * * * *
BURIED THIRTY FEET DEEP.
Colonel Dave Fleming and his Adjutant, Dick Quattlebaum, were also in
the rear line, only a few feet to my left, and were buried thirty
feet deep; their bodies are still there. I do not know how many of
the Federal troops stormed the works, but I do know the Confederates
captured from them nineteen flags. The attacking columns were composed
of white men and negroes; sober men and men who were drunk; brave men
and cowards.
One of the latter was an officer high in command. I have lost his
name, if I ever knew it. He asked me how many lines of works we had
between the "Crater" and Petersburg, when I replied, "Three." He asked
me if they were all manned. I said, "Yes." He then said, "Don't you
know that I know you are telling a d----d lie?" I said to him. "Don't
you know that I am not going to give you information that will be of
any service to you?" He then threatened to have me shot, and I believe
but that for the interference of a Federal officer he would have done
so.
* * * * *
DEATH TO ADVANCE AND DEATH TO RETREAT.
I had just seen several of our officers and men killed with bayonets
after they had surrendered, when the enemy, who had gone through the
"Crater" towards Petersburg, had been repulsed, and fell back in
the "Crater" for protection. There was not room in the "Crater" for
another man. It was death to go forward or death to retreat to their
own lines. It is said there were three thousand Yankees in and around
the "Crater," besides those in portions of our works adjacent thereto.
Then the Coshorn mortars of the brave Major Haskell and other
commanders of batteries turned loose their shells on the "Crater." The
firing was rapid and accurate. Some of these mortars were brought up
as near as fifty yards to the "Crater." Such a scene has never before
nor never will be witnessed again. The Yankees at the same time
were using one hundred and forty pieces of cannon against our works
occupied by Confederate troops.
Elliott's Brigade in the day's fight lost two hundred and
seventy-eight officers and men. Major General B.R. Johnson's Division,
Elliott's Brigade included, lost in the day, nine hundred and
thirty-two officers and men. This was the most of the Confederate
loss.
* * * * *
FEDERAL TOTAL LOSS OVER FIVE THOUSAND.
While the enemy acknowledged a loss of from five to six thousand
men--and that I am sure is far below their real loss--I make another
quotation from Major General B.R. Johnson's official report:
"It is believed that for each buried companion they have taken a
tenfold vengeance on the enemy, and have taught them a lesson that
will be remembered as long as the history of our wrongs and this great
revolution endures."
Virginians, Georgians, North Carolinians, South Carolinians and others
who may have fought at the "Crater," none of you have the right to
claim deeds of more conspicuous daring over your Confederate brethren
engaged that day. Every man acted well his part.
What about the four cannons blown up? you ask. One piece fell about
half way between the opposing armies, another fell in front of our
lines, not so near, however, to the enemy, a third was thrown from the
carriage and was standing on end, half buried in the ground inside the
"Crater," the fourth was still attached to the carriage, but turned
bottom side up, the wheels in the air, and turned against our own men
when the enemy captured it. That day, however, they all fell into the
hands of the Confederates, except the one thrown so near the enemy's
works, and in time we regained that also.
* * * * *
CAPTAIN LAKE A PRISONER.
Before the fighting was over the Yankee officer who could curse a
prisoner so gallantly ordered two soldiers to take charge and carry me
to their lines, no doubt believing that the Confederates would succeed
in recapturing the "Crater." We had to cross a plain five hundred and
ten feet wide that was being raked by rifle balls, cannon shot and
shell, grape and canister. It was not a very inviting place to go, but
still not a great deal worse than Haskell's mortar shells that were
raining in the center. I had the pleasure of seeing one of my guards
die. The other conducted me safely to General Patrick's headquarters.
Patrick was the Yankee provost marshall.
When I was placed under guard near his quarters he sent a staff
officer to the front to learn the result of the battle.
After a short absence he galloped up to General Patrick and yelled out
"We have whipped them!"
Patrick said: "I want no foolishness, sir!"
The staff officer then said: "General, if you want the truth, they
have whipped us like hell."
* * * * *