CHAPTER VI

Vienna--Flint Hill--Duel Sports--July to October.

Much discussion has taken place since the rout at Manassas as to

reasons for not following up the victory so gloriously won, and for

not pushing on to Washington at once. It is enough to say the two

commanders at the time and on the field saw difficulties and dangers

sufficient in the way to rest on their spoils. The President, who was

in council with them, after due consideration was convinced of

the impracticability of a forward movement. In the first place, no

preparation had been made for such an event; that the spoils were

so out of proportion to their most sanguine expectations; that the

transportation for the troops had to be employed in its removal;

that no thought of a forward movement or invasion had ever been

contemplated; so there were no plans or specifications at hand. Then

again, the dead and wounded of both armies had to be attended to,

which crippled our medical department so as to render it powerless

should another engagement take place. And again, a large portion of

our people thought this total defeat of the enemy at the very outset

of the war would render the design of coercion by force of arms

impracticable. The South was conservative, and did not wish to inflame

the minds of the people of the Union by entering their territory or

destroying their capital. Knowing there was a large party at the

North opposed to the war, some of our leaders had reason to think

this shattering of their first grand army would so strengthen their

feelings and party that the whole North would call for peace. They

further hugged that fatal delusion to their breast, a delusion that

eventually shattered the foundation of our government and betrayed the

confidence of the troops, "foreign intervention." They reasoned that a

great victory by the South would cause our government to be recognized

by the foreign powers and the South given a footing as a distinct,

separate, and independent nation among all other great nations of

the earth. That the South would no longer be looked upon as an

"Insurrectionary Faction," "Erring Sisters," or "Rebellious Children."

Our ports had been ordered closed by the North, and an imaginary

blockade, a nominal fleet, stood out in front of our harbors. Our

people thought the world's desire for the South's cotton would so

influence the commercial and laboring people of Europe that the powers

would force the North to declare her blockade off. Such were some of

the feelings and hopes of a large body of our troops, as well as

the citizens of the country at large. But it all was a fallacy, a

delusion, an ignis fatuus. The North was aroused to double her former

fury, her energies renewed and strengthened, tensions drawn, her

ardor largely increased, her feelings doubly embittered, and the

whole spirit of the North on fire. Now the cry was in earnest, "On to

Richmond," "Down with the rebellion," "Peace and unity." The Northern

press was in a perfect blaze, the men wild with excitement, and every

art and device was resorted to to arouse the people to arms. The

stain of defeat must now be wiped out; a stigma had been put upon the

nation, her flag disgraced, her people dishonored. Large bounties were

offered for volunteers, and the recruiting was earnest and energetic.

Lincoln called for 300,000 more troops, and the same question was

asked at the South, "Where will he get them and how pay them?"

We were moved out near Centerville, and a few days afterwards took up

camp at Vienna, a small station on the Baltimore and Ohio railroad.

The day after our arrival all of the troops, with the exception of the

ordinary detail, were put to work tearing up the railroad track. It

being Sunday, loud complaints were made against this desecration of

the Lord's Day, but we were told there was no difference in days in

times of war. The railroad was a good one and well built on a roadbed

of gravel and chips of granite, with solid heart pine or chestnut

ties, laid with "T" rails. The cross-ties were piled in heaps, on

these were laid the rails, and all set on fire; then for miles and

miles up and down the road the crackling flames, the black smoke

twining around the trees and curling upward, shrouded the whole earth

with a canopy of black and blue, and told of the destruction that

was going on. Here the troops suffered as seldom during the war for

provisions, especially breadstuff. Loud murmurings were heard on all

sides against the commissary department, and the commissary complained

of the Quartermaster for not furnishing transportation. The troops on

one occasion here had to go three days and at hard work without one

mouthful of bread, except what little they could buy or beg of the

citizens of the thinly settled country. Meat was plentiful, but no

bread, and any one who has ever felt the tortures of bread hunger may

imagine the sufferings of the men. For want of bread the meats became

nauseating and repulsive. The whole fault lay in having too many

bosses and red tape in the Department at Richmond. By order of these

officials, all commissary supplies, even gathered in sight of the

camps, had to be first sent to Richmond and issued out only on

requisitions to the head of the departments. The railroad facilities

were bad, irregular, and blocked, while our wagons and teams were

limited to one for each one hundred men for all purposes. General

Beauregard, now second in command, and directly in command of the

First Army Corps of the Army of the Potomac, of which our brigade

formed a part, wishing to concentrate his troops, ordered all to

Flint Hill, three miles west of Fairfax Court House. General Johnston,

Commander-in-Chief, directed the movements of the whole army, but more

directly the Second Army Corps, or the Army of the Shenandoah. The

army up to this time had not been put into divisions, commanded

by Major Generals, nor corps, by Lieutenant Generals, but the two

commanders divided nominally the army into two corps, each commanded

by a full General--Brigadier General Beauregard having been raised to

the rank of full General the day after his signal victory at Manassas

by President Davis.

[Illustration: Brig. Gen. James Connor Adjt.]

[Illustration: Y.J. Pope, Acting Asst. Adjt. Genl. of

Kershaw's Brigade]

[Illustration: Brig. Gen. John D. Kennedy.]

[Illustration: Dr. Thos. W. Salmond Surgeon of Kershaw's Brigade.]

In the Confederate Army the grades of the Generals were different to

those in the United States Army. A brigade consisted of a number of

regiments joined together as one body and commanded by a Brigadier

General, the lowest in rank. Four, more or less, brigades constituted

a division, commanded by a Major General. Three or four divisions

constituted a corps, commanded by a Lieutenant General, and a separate

army, as two or more corps, was commanded by a General, the highest

in rank. Their rank is the same, but the Seniors are those whose

commissions had been granted first, and take precedence where two are

together. So it is with all officers in the army--age is not taken

into consideration, but the date of commission. Where a brigade,

from any cause, temporarily loses its commander, the Colonel with the

oldest commission takes the command; where a division loses its Major

General, the Senior Brigadier in that division immediately assumes

command; and the same way in the corps and the army. The Major General

takes command of the corps where its commander is absent, and in case

of absence, either temporary or permanent, of the Commander-in-Chief

of an army, the ranking Lieutenant General takes command until a

full General relieves him. In no case can an officer of inferior rank

command one of superior rank. Rank gives command whether ordered

or not. In any case of absence, whether in battle, march, or camp,

whenever an officer finds himself Senior in his organization, he is

commander and so held without further orders.

The soldiers had rather a good time at Flint Hill, doing a little

drilling and occasional picket duty out in the direction of Munson and

Mason Hill. The Commanding General wished to advance his pickets

to Munson Hill, a few miles from Washington, and to do this it was

necessary to dislodge the enemy, who had possession there. The

Second Regiment, under Colonel Kershaw, was sent out, and after a

considerable brush he succeeded in driving the enemy away. After this

one regiment at a time was sent out to do picket duty. When our South

Carolina regiments would go out orders were given to be quiet, and

during our stay at Mason and Munson Hill the utmost secrecy prevailed,

but when Wheat's Louisiana Battalion had to relieve a regiment we

could hear the beating of their drums, the loud shouts of the men on

their way out, and all would rush to the side of the road to see the

"tigers" pass. Down the road they would come, banners waving, the

swinging step of the men keeping time to the shrill notes of the fife

and the rattle of the drums. Their large flowing pants, their gaudy

striped long hose, made quite an imposing spectacle. This was a noted

band of men for a time, but their brave commander, Wheat, and almost

all of his men, were killed in the battles that followed around

Richmond. Major Wheat had been in the Turkish Army when that nation

was at war with Russia, and in several other foreign wars, as well as

the Mexican War. When his State seceded he returned to Louisiana

and raised a battalion of the hardest set of men in New Orleans.

The soldiers called them "wharf rats," "sailors," "longshoremen,"

"cutthroats," and "gutter snipes." They knew no subordination and

defied law and military discipline. While in camp here several of them

were shot at the stake. Major Wheat had asked to be allowed to manage

his men as he saw best, and had a law unto himself. For some mutiny

and insubordination he had several of them shot. Afterwards, when the

soldiers heard a volley fired, the word would go out, "Wheat is having

another tiger shot."

The fields were green with the great waving corn, just in roasting

ears, and it was a sight to see hundreds of men in these fields early

in the morning plucking the fine ears for breakfast. In most cases the

owners had abandoned their fields and homes, taking what was movable

to other places in Virginia. What was left the soldiers were at

liberty to "slay and eat." At first it was determined to protect the

stock, but the soldiers agreed that what the Southern soldiers left

the enemy would be sure to take. I remember the first theft I was

engaged in during the war. I say "first" advisedly. Now soldiers

have different views as to rights of property to that of the average

citizen. What he finds that will add to his comfort or welfare, or his

wants dictate, or a liability of the property falling into the hands

of the enemy, he takes without compunction or disposition to rob--and

more often he robs in a spirit of mischief. A few fine hogs had been

left to roam at will through the fields by the refugee farmers, and

orders were given not to kill or molest them, to eat as much corn

as we wished, but to spare the hogs. When the regiments were sent on

pickets, a detail was left in camp as guard, also to watch around the

fields to prevent trespass. While our regiment was on its three days'

picket, I was left as one of the detail to guard the camp. Some one

reported a fine hog in the yard of a house some distance away. It was

agreed to kill it, divide it up, and have a rare treat for the weary

pickets when they returned. How to kill it without attracting the

attention of the other guards was a question of importance, because

the report of a rifle and the proverbial squeal of a hog would be sure

to bring down upon us the guard. One of the men had a pistol, still

we were afraid to trust this. A cellar door stood temptingly open.

We tried to drive the hog into it, but with a hog's perverseness it

refused to be driven, and after rushing around the yard several times

with no results, it was decided to shoot it. The man claimed to be a

good shot, and declared that no hog would squeal after being shot by

him, but, as Burns says, "The best laid plans of mice and men aft'

gang a glee." So with us. After shooting, the porker cut desperate

antics, and set up a frightful noise, but the unexpected always

happens, and the hog took refuge in the cellar, or rather the basement

of the dwelling, to our great relief. We were proceeding finely,

skinning away, the only method the soldiers had of cleaning a hog,

when to our astonishment and dismay, in walked the much dreaded guard.

Now there something peculiar about the soldier's idea of duty, the

effects of military training, and the stern obedience to orders. The

first lesson he learns is obedience, and the longer in service the

more convinced he is of its necessity. While he may break ranks, pass

guards, rob roosts, or pilfer fruits and vegetables himself, yet put a

gun in his hand, place him on duty, order him to guard or protect

men or property, and his integrity in that respect is as unyielding,

inflexible, and stern as if his life depended upon his faithful

performance. The Roman soldiers' obedience to orders made them

immortal, and their nation the greatest on earth. But to resume the

thread of my story. When the guard came in we thought ourselves lost.

To be punished for hog stealing, and it published at home, was more

than our patriotism could stand. The guard questioned us about the

killing, said it was against orders to fire a gun within range of

camp, and furthermore against orders to molest private property. We

tried to convince the guard that it was contraband, that the owners

had left it, and to crown the argument, insisted that if we did not

take the hog the Yankees would. This was the argument always last

resorted to to ease conscience and evade the law. In this case,

strange to say, it had its effect. After some parleying, it was agreed

to share the booty equally between the guard and ourselves. They

helped us cut brush and cover it nicely, and after tattoo all were to

return and divide up. We did not know the guards personally, but knew

their command. And so we returned to the camp to await the return of

our pickets and night. It was soon noised in camp that there was

a fine fat porker to be distributed after tattoo, and no little

eagerness and inquisitiveness were manifested, as all wished a piece.

Armed with a crocus-sack, we returned to the house; all was dark and

still. We whistled the signal, but no answer. It was repeated, but

still no reply. The guard had not come. Sitting down on the door step,

we began our long wait. Moments passed into minutes, minutes into

hours, until at last we began to have some forebodings and misgivings.

Had we been betrayed? Would we be reported and our tents searched next

day? Hardly; a soldier could not be so treacherous. We entered the

cellar and began to fumble around without results, a match was struck,

and to our unspeakable dismay not a vestige of hog remained. Stuck

against the side of the wall was a piece of paper, on which was

written: "No mercy for the hog rogue." Such swearing, such stamping

and beating the air with our fists, in imitation of the punishment

that would be given the treacherous rascals if present; the atmosphere

was perfectly sulphurous with the venom spit out against the foul

party. Here was a true verification of the old adage, "Set a rogue

to catch a rogue." Dejected and crestfallen, we returned to camp,

but dared not tell of our misfortune, for fear of the jeers of our

comrades.

Measles and jaundice began to scourge the camp; the green corn, it was

said, did the army more damage than the enemy did in battle. Wagons

and ambulances went out daily loaded with the sick; the hospitals

were being crowded in Richmond and other cities; hotels, colleges, and

churches were appropriated for hospital service, and the good people

of Virginia can never be forgotten, nor amply rewarded for the

self-sacrifices and aid rendered to the sick soldiers. Private houses

were thrown open to the sick when their homes were far distant, or

where they could not reach it. The soldier was never too dirty or

ragged to be received into palatial homes; all found a ready welcome

and the best attention.

Generals Johnston and Beauregard had now concentrated all their forces

in supporting distance around Fairfax Court House, and were preparing

for a movement across the Potomac. Bonham's Brigade was at Flint Hill,

Cox's at Centerville, Jones's at Germantown, Hampton and Early on the

Occoquon, the Louisiana Brigade at Bull Run, and Longstreet at Fairfax

Court House. The troops were all in easy distance, and a gigantic plan

of General Beauregard, with the doubtful approval of General Johnston

and others, was for a formidable invasion of the North. General

Johnston evinced that same disposition in military tactics that he

followed during the war, "a purely defensive war." In none of his

campaigns did he exhibit any desire to take advantage of the enemy by

bold moves; his one idea seemed to be "defensive," and in that he was

a genius--in retreat, his was a mastermind; in defense, masterly. In

the end it may have proven the better policy to have remained on the

defensive. But the quick, impulsive temperament of Beauregard was ever

on the alert for some bold stroke or sudden attack upon the

enemy's weaker points. His idea coincided with Longstreet's in this

particular, that the North, Kentucky, Tennessee, or Maryland should

be the theatre of war and the battleground of the Confederacy. General

Lee, according to the ideas of one of his most trusted lieutenants,

was more in accordance with the views of General Johnston, that is,

"the South should fight a defensive war"--and it was only when in the

immediate presence of the enemy, or when he observed a weak point

in his opponent, or a strategic move, that he could not resist the

temptation to strike a blow. In several of his great battles it is

reported of Lee that he intended to await the attack of the enemy, but

could not control his impatience when the enemy began to press him;

then all the fire of his warlike nature came to the surface, and he

sprang upon his adversary with the ferocity of a wild beast. But Lee

in battle was not the Lee in camp.

The middle of summer the two commanding Generals called President

Davis to Fairfax Court House to enter a conference in regard to the

projected invasion. The plans were all carefully laid before him.

First a demonstration was to be made above Washington; then with the

whole army cross below, strike Washington on the east, crush the enemy

in their camps, march through Maryland, hoist the standard of revolt

in that State, make a call for all Southern sympathizers to flock to

their banners, and to overawe the North by this sudden onslaught. But

President Davis turned a deaf ear to all such overtures; pleaded the

want of transportation and the necessary equipment for invasion. It

was the feeling of the South even at this late day that much could yet

be done by diplomacy and mild measures; that a great body of the North

could be won over by fears of a prolonged war; and the South did not

wish to exasperate the more conservative element by any overt act. We

all naturally looked for peace; we fully expected the war would end

during the fall and winter, and it was not too much to say that many

of our leaders hugged this delusion to their breast.

While in camp here an incident occurred which showed that the men

had not yet fully recognized the importance of military restraint and

discipline. It is well known that private broils or feuds of any

kind are strictly forbidden by army regulations. The French manner

of settling disputes or vindicating personal honor according to code

duello was not countenanced by our military laws; still the hot

blood and fiery temper of the proud South Carolinians could brook

no restraint at this time when an affront was given or his honor

assailed. Captain Elbert Bland, of Edgefield, and Major Emett Seibles,

both of the Seventh Regiment, were engaged in a friendly game of

chess, a difference arose, then a dispute, hot words, and at last

insult given that could not be recalled nor allowed to pass unnoticed.

Challenge is offered and accepted, seconds appointed, pistols chosen;

distance, twenty paces; time, sunrise next morning on a hillside near

the outskirts of the camp. Early next morning a lone ambulance is seen

moving out of camp, followed by two surgeons, then the principals with

their seconds at a respectful distance. On reaching the spot chosen

lots were cast for choice of stations. This fell to Captain Bland.

The distance was measured with mechanical exactness, dueling pistols

produced, each second loading that of his principal. The regular

dueling pistol is a costly affair and of the very finest material.

Long slim rifle barrel with hammer underneath, the stock finely

chiseled and elaborately ornamented with silver or gold; the whole

about ten inches in length and carrying a bullet of 22 calibre. The

seconds took their places at an equal distance from each other and

midway between the principals. Captain Bland takes his position at

the west end of the field, and Major Seibles the east. Both stood

confronting each other, not fierce nor glaring like two men roused in

passion, or that either wished the blood of the other, but bold, calm,

and defiant; an insult to be wiped out and honor to be sustained. They

turned, facing the rear, hands down, with pistols in the right.

The seconds call out in calm, deliberate tones: "Gentlemen, are

you ready?" Then, "Ready, aim, fire!" "One, two, three, stop." The

shooting must take place between the words "fire" and "stop," or

during the count of one, two, three. If the principal fires before or

after this command it is murder, and he is at once shot down by the

second of his opponent. Or if in any case the principals fail to

respond at the hour set, the second promptly takes his place. But no

danger of such possibilities where two such men as Major Seibles and

Captain Bland are interested. There was a matter at issue dearer than

country, wife or child. It was honor, and a true South Carolinian of

the old stock would make any sacrifice, give or take life, to uphold

his name unsullied or the honor of his family untarnished. As the word

fire was given the opponents wheeled and two pistol shots rang out

on the stillness of the morning. Captain Bland stands still erect,

commanding and motionless as a statue. Major Seibles remains steady

for a moment, then sways a little to the left, staggers and falls

into the arms of his second and surgeon. A hasty examination is made.

"Blood," calls out the second of Major Seibles. A nod of satisfaction

is given and acknowledged by both seconds. Captain Bland retires on

the arm of his friend, while the Major, now bleeding profusely from

a wound in the chest, is lifted in the ambulance and carried to

his tent. It was many months before Major Seibles was sufficiently

recovered from his wound to return to duty. The matter was kept quiet

and no action taken. Major Seibles died the following year, while the

gallant Bland was killed at Chickamauga while leading as Colonel the

Seventh Regiment in battle.

While at Flint Hill, another stirring scene took place of quite a

different nature. In front of the Third Regiment was a beautiful

stretch of road, and this was selected as a course for a race to be

run between the horse of Captain Mitchell of the Louisiana Tigers and

that of the Colonel of a Virginia regiment of cavalry. The troops now

so long inactive, nothing to break the monotony between drills, guard

duty, and picketing, waited with no little anxiety the coming of the

day that was to test the metal of the little grey from the Pelican

State and the sorrel from the Old Dominion. Word had gone out among

all the troopers that a race was up, and all lovers of the sport came

in groups, companies, and regiments to the place of rendezvous. Men

seemed to come from everywhere, captains, colonels, and even generals

graced the occasion with their presence. Never before in our army

had so many distinguished individuals congregated for so trivial an

occasion. There was Wheat, fat, clean shaven, and jolly, his every

feature indicating the man he was--bold as a lion, fearless, full of

life and frolic as a school boy, but who had seen war in almost every

clime under the sun. There was Turner Ashby, his eyes flashing fire

from under his shaggy eyebrows, his long black beard and flowing

locks, looking more like a brigand than one of the most daring

cavaliers of the Confederate Army. Fitzhugh Lee, too, was there, with

colonels, majors, and captains without number. Nothing seemed farther

from the horizon of these jolly men than thoughts of the triumphs of

war. Captain Mitchell's horse was more on the pony order than a racer,

but it was said by those who knew that on more occasions than one

the pony had thrown dirt into the eyes of the fastest horse in the

Crescent City, and the Louisianans were betting on him to a man. The

wiry sorrel was equally a favorite with the Virginians, while the

South Carolinians were divided between the two. After a great amount

of jockeying, usual on such occasions, judges were appointed, distance

measured, horses and riders in their places, and hundreds of men

stretched along the side of the road to witness the heated race.

No little amount of Confederate money had been put upon the race,

although it was understood to be merely a friendly one, and for

amusement only. When the drum sounded, the two horses almost leaped

into the air, and sped away like the wind, "little grey" shooting

away from her larger adversary like a bullet, and came flying down the

track like a streak, about a length ahead of the Virginia horse. The

favorites on the Louisianan rent the air with their yells, hats went

into the air, while the friends of the Virginian shouted like mad to

the rider: "Let him out, let him out." When the distance was about

half run he was "let out;" the rowels went into the side and the whip

came down upon the flanks of the thoroughly aroused racer, and the

Virginian began forging to the front, gaining at every leap. Now he is

neck and neck, spur and whip are used without stint, he goes ahead and

is leaving the "grey" far in the rear; Captain Mitchell is leaning

far over on the withers of the faithful little pony, never sparing

the whip for a moment, but all could see that he was running a losing

race. When about the commencement of the last quarter the "grey"

leaves the track, and off to the right he plunges through the trees,

dashing headlong by the groups of men, till at last the Captain brings

him up with one rein broken. A great crowd surround him, questioning,

swearing, and jeering, but the Captain sat as silent, immovable, and

inattentive as a statue, pointing to the broken rein. It had been cut

with a knife. The Captain and his friends claimed that the friends of

the Virginian had, unnoticed by him, cut the leather to a bare thread,

while the friends of the other party, with equal persistency, charged

the Captain with cutting it himself. That when he saw the race lost,

he reached over and cut the rein about six inches from the bit, thus

throwing the horse out of the track and saving its credit, if not the

money. No one ever knew how it happened, but that there had been a

trick played and foul means employed were evident. A great many had

lost their money, and their curses were loud and deep, while the

winners went away as merry as "marriage bells."

* * * * *

History of Kershaw's Brigade With Complete Roll of Companies, Biographical Sketches, Incidents, Anecdotes, etc. · 第 6 / 45 章