conclusion of his war with Toussaint, he embarked for France. When
Napoleon's ill-fated expedition came to St. Domingo, Rigaud returned,
made his appearance at Aux Cayes, and, under his influence, the south
soon rallied in arms against Toussaint. He fought bravely for France
until the subjugation of the blacks and the transportation of their
chief to the mother country, when Napoleon felt that Rigaud, too, was
as dangerous to the peace of St. Domingo as Toussaint, and he was once
more forced to return to France. Here he was imprisoned--not for any
thing that he had done against the government of Bonaparte, but for
fear that the mulatto chief would return to his native island, take
up arms, and assist his race, who were already in rebellion against
Leclerc.
Although the whites and the free colored men were linked together by
the tender ties of nature, there was, nevertheless, a hatred to each
other, even stronger than between the whites and the blacks. In the
earlier stages of the revolution, before the blacks under Toussaint
got the ascendency, several attempts had been made to get rid of the
leaders of the mulattoes, and especially Rigaud. He was hated by the
whites in the same degree as they feared his all-powerful influence
with his race, and the unyielding nature of his character, which gave
firmness and consistency to his policy while controlling the interests
of his brethren. Intrigue and craftiness could avail nothing against
the designs of one who was ever upon the watch, and who had the means
of counteracting all secret attempts against him; and open force, in
the field, could not be successful in destroying a chieftain whose
power was often felt, but whose person was seldom seen. Thus, to
accomplish a design which had long been in meditation, the whites of
Aux Cayes were now secretly preparing a mine for Rigaud, which, though
it was covered with roses, and to be sprung by professed friends, it
was thought would prove a sure and efficacious method of ridding them
of such an opponent, and destroying the pretensions of the mulattoes
forever. It was proposed that the anniversary of the destruction of the
Bastile should be celebrated in the town by both whites and mulattoes,
in union and gratitude. A civic procession marched to the church, where
Te Deum was chanted and an oration pronounced. The _Place d'Armes_ was
crowded with tables of refreshments, at which both whites and mulattoes
seated themselves. But beneath this seeming patriotism and friendship,
a dark and fatal conspiracy lurked, plotting treachery and death. It
had been resolved that, at a preconcerted signal, every white at the
table should plunge his knife into the bosom of the mulatto who was
seated nearest to him. Cannon had been planted around the place of
festivity, that no fugitive from the massacre should have the means
of escaping; and that Rigaud should not fail to be secured as the
first victim of a conspiracy prepared especially against his life,
the commander-in-chief of the National Guard had been placed at his
side, and his murder of the mulatto chieftain was to be the signal for
a general onset upon all his followers. The officer to whom had been
intrusted the assassination of Rigaud, found it no small matter to
screw his courage up to the sticking point, and the expected signal,
which he was to display in blood to his associates, was so long
delayed, that secret messengers began to throng to him from all parts
of the tables, demanding why execution was not done on Rigaud. Urged on
by these successive appeals, the white general at last applied himself
to the fatal task which had been allotted him; but instead of silently
plunging his dagger into the bosom of the mulatto chief, he sprung upon
him with a pistol in his hand, and, with a loud execration, fired it at
his intended victim. But Rigaud remained unharmed, and, in the scuffle
which ensued, the white assassin was disarmed and put to flight. The
astonishment of the mulattoes soon gave way to tumult and indignation,
and this produced a drawn battle, in which both whites and mulattoes,
exasperated as they were to the utmost, fought man to man. The struggle
continued fiercely until the whites were driven from the town, having
lost one hundred and fifty of their number, and slain many of their
opponents.
Tidings of this conspiracy flew rapidly in all directions; and such was
the indignation of the mulattoes at this attack upon their chief, whose
death had even been announced in several places as certain, that they
seized upon all the whites within their reach; and their immediate
massacre was only prevented by the arrival of intelligence that Rigaud
was still alive. Such were the persecutions which the leader of the
mulattoes, now in exile, had experienced in his own land. Napoleon kept
him confined in the prison of the Temple first, and then at the castle
of Joux, where Toussaint had ended his life.
During this time, St. Domingo was undergoing a great change. Leclerc
had died, Rochambeau and his forces had been driven from the island,
Dessalines had reigned and passed away, and Christophe was master
of the north, and Petion of the south. These two generals were at
war with each other, when they were both very much surprised at the
arrival of Rigaud from France. He had escaped from his prison, made
his way to England, and thence to the island by way of the United
States. Petion, the president of the republic in the south, regarded
Rigaud as a more formidable enemy than Christophe. The great mulatto
general was welcomed with enthusiasm by his old adherents; they showed
the most sincere respect and attachment for him, and he journeyed in
triumph to Port au Prince. Though Petion disliked these demonstrations
in favor of a rival, he dared not attempt to interfere, for he well
knew that a single word from Rigaud could raise a revolt among the
mulattoes. Petion, himself a mulatto, had served under the former in
the first stages of the revolution. The people of Aux Cayes welcomed
their chief to his home, and he drew around him all hearts, and in a
short time Rigaud was in full possession of his ancient power. The
government of Petion was divided to make room for the former chief,
and, though the two leaders for a while flew to arms against each
other, they, nevertheless, were driven to an alliance on account of the
encroachments of Christophe.
After a reign that was fraught only with tumult to himself and
followers, Rigaud abdicated his province, retired to his farm, and in a
few weeks died. Thus ended the career of the most distinguished mulatto
general of which St. Domingo could boast.
FRANCES ELLEN WATKINS.
Miss Watkins is a native of Baltimore, where she received her
education. She has been before the public some years as an author and
public lecturer. Her "Poems on Miscellaneous Subjects," published in
a small volume, show a reflective mind and no ordinary culture. Her
"Essay on Christianity" is a beautiful composition. Many of her poems
are soul-stirring, and all are characterized by chaste language and
much thought. The following is entitled
THE SLAVE MOTHER.
'Heard you that shriek? It rose
So wildly on the air,
It seemed as if a burdened heart
Was breaking in despair.
Saw you those hands so sadly clasped,
The bowed and feeble head,
The shuddering of that fragile form,
That look of grief and dread?
Saw you the sad, imploring eye?
Its every glance was pain,
As if a storm of agony
Were sweeping through the brain.
She is a mother pale with fear;
Her boy clings to her side,
And in her kirtle vainly tries
His trembling form to hide.
He is not hers, although she bore
For him a mother's pains;
He is not hers, although her blood
Is coursing through his veins.
He is not hers, for cruel hands
May rudely tear apart
The only wreath of household love
That binds her breaking heart.
His love has been a joyous light
That o'er her pathway smiled,
A fountain, gushing ever new,
Amid life's desert wild.
His lightest word has been a tone
Of music round her heart;
Their lives a streamlet blent in one--
O Father, must they part?
They tear him from her circling arms,
Her last and fond embrace;
O, never more may her sad eyes
Gaze on his mournful face.
No marvel, then, these bitter shrieks
Disturb the listening air;
She is a mother, and her heart
Is breaking in despair.
Miss Watkins's advice to her own sex on the selection of a husband
should be appreciated by all.
Nay, do not blush! I only heard
You had a mind to marry;
I thought I'd speak a friendly word;
So just one moment tarry.
Wed not a man whose merit lies
In things of outward show,
In raven hair or flashing eyes,
That please your fancy so.
But marry one who's good and kind,
And free from all pretence;
Who, if without a gifted mind,
At least has common sense.
Miss Watkins is about thirty years of age, of a fragile form, rather
nervous, keen and witty in conversation, outspoken in her opinions, and
yet appears in all the simplicity of a child.
EX-PRESIDENT ROBERTS.
J. J. Roberts, ex-president of the Republic of Liberia, is a native
of the Old Dominion, and emigrated to his adopted country about
twenty-five years ago. In stature he is tall, slim, and has a
commanding appearance, sharp features, pleasant countenance, and is
what the ladies would call "good looking." Mr. Roberts has much the
bearing of an "English gentleman." He has fine abilities, and his state
papers will compare favorably with the public documents of any of
the presidents of the United States. He is thoroughly devoted to the
interest of the rising republic, and has visited Europe several times
in her behalf.
The following extract from the inaugural address of President Roberts
to the legislature of Liberia, in 1848, on the colonists taking the
entire responsibility of the government, is eloquent and pointed:--
"It must afford the most heartfelt pleasure and satisfaction to
every friend of Liberia, and real lover of liberty, to observe by
what a fortunate train of circumstances and incidents the people of
these colonies have arrived at absolute freedom and independence.
When we look abroad and see by what slow and painful steps, marked
with blood and ills of every kind, other states of the world have
advanced to liberty and independence, we cannot but admire and praise
that all-gracious Providence, who, by his unerring ways, has, with
so few sufferings on our part, compared with other states, led us to
this happy stage in our progress towards those great and important
objects. That it is the will of Heaven that mankind should be free,
is clearly evidenced by the wealth, vigor, virtue, and consequent
happiness of all free states. But the idea that Providence will
establish such governments as he shall deem most fit for his creatures,
and will give them wealth, influence, and happiness without their
efforts, is palpably absurd. God's moral government of the earth is
always performed by the intervention of second causes. Therefore,
fellow-citizens, while with pious gratitude we survey the frequent
interpositions of Heaven in our behalf, we ought to remember, that as
the disbelief of an overruling Providence is atheism, so an absolute
confidence of having our government relieved from every embarrassment,
and its citizens made respectable and happy by the immediate hand of
God, without our own exertions, is the most culpable presumption. Nor
have we any reason to expect, that he will miraculously make Liberia a
paradise, and deliver us, in a moment of time, from all the ills and
inconveniences consequent upon the peculiar circumstances under which
we are placed, merely to convince us that he favors our cause and
government.
"Sufficient indications of his will are always given, and those who
will not then believe, neither would they believe though one should
rise from the dead to inform them. Who can trace the progress of these
colonies, and mark the incidents of the wars in which they have been
engaged, without seeing evident tokens of providential favor. Let us,
therefore, inflexibly persevere in exerting our most strenuous efforts
in a humble and rational dependence on the great Governor of all the
world, and we have the fairest prospects of surmounting all the
difficulties which may be thrown in our way. That we may expect, and
that we shall have, difficulties, sore difficulties, yet to contend
against in our progress to maturity, is certain; and, as the political
happiness or wretchedness of ourselves and our children, and of
generations yet unborn, is in our hands,--nay, more, the redemption of
Africa from the deep degradation, superstition, and idolatry in which
she has so long been involved,--it becomes us to lay our shoulders to
the wheel, and manfully resist every obstacle which may oppose our
progress in the great work which lies before us."
Mr. Roberts, we believe, is extensively engaged in commerce and
agriculture, and, though out of office, makes himself useful in the
moral, social, and intellectual elevation of his brethren. No one is
more respected, or stands higher, in Liberia than he.
ALEXANDER CRUMMELL.
Among the many bright examples of the black man which we present,
one of the foremost is Alexander Crummell. Blood unadulterated, a
tall and manly figure, commanding in appearance, a full and musical
voice, fluent in speech, a graduate of Cambridge University, England,
a mind stored with the richness of English literature, competently
acquainted with the classical authors of Greece and Rome, from the
grave Thucydides to the rhapsodical Lycophron, gentlemanly in all his
movements, language chaste and refined, Mr. Crummell may well be put
forward as one of the best and most favorable representatives of his
race. He is a clergyman of the Episcopal denomination, and deeply
versed in theology. His sermons are always written, but he reads them
as few persons can. In 1848 Mr. Crummell visited England, and delivered
a well-conceived address before the Anti-Slavery Society in London,
where his eloquence and splendid abilities were at once acknowledged
and appreciated. The year before his departure for the old world, he
delivered a "Eulogy on the Life and Character of Thomas Clarkson,"
from which we make the following extract, which is full of meaning and
eloquence:--
"Let us not be unmindful of the prerogatives and obligations arising
from the fact, that the exhibition of the greatest talent, and the
development of the most enlarged philanthropy, in the nineteenth
century, have been bestowed upon our race. The names of the great
lights of the age,--statesmen, poets, and divines,--in all the great
countries of Europe, and in this country too, are inseparably connected
with the cause and destiny of the African race. This has been the
theme whence most of them have reaped honor and immortality. This
cause has produced the development of the most noble character of
modern times--has given the world a Wilberforce and a Clarkson. Lowly
and depressed as we have been, and as we now are, yet _our_ interests
and _our_ welfare have agitated the chief countries of the world,
and are now before all other questions, shaking this nation to its
very centre. The providences of God have placed the negro race before
Europe and America in the most commanding position. From the sight of
us no nation, no statesman, no ecclesiastic, and no ecclesiastical
institution, can escape. And by us and our cause the character and
greatness of individuals and of nations in this day and generation of
the world are to be decided, either for good or evil; and so, in all
coming times, the memory and the fame of the chief actors now on the
stage will be decided by their relation to our cause. The discoveries
of science, the unfoldings of literature, the dazzlings of genius, all
fade before the demands of this cause. This is the age of BROTHERHOOD
AND HUMANITY, and the negro race is its most distinguished test and
criterion.
"And for what are all these providences? For nothing? He who thinks
so must be blinded--must be demented. In these facts are wound up a
most distinct significance, and with them are connected most clear
and emphatic obligations and responsibilities. The clear-minded and
thoughtful colored men of America must mark the significance of these
facts, and begin to feel their weight. For more than two centuries
we have been working our way from the deep and dire degradation into
which slavery had plunged us. We have made considerable headway.
By the vigorous use of the opportunities of our partial freedom we
have been enabled, with the divine blessing, to reach a position
of respectability and character. We have pressed somewhat into the
golden avenues of science, intelligence, and learning. We have made
impressions there; and some few of our footprints have we left behind.
The mild light of religion has illumined our pathway, and superstition
and error have fled apace. The greatest paradoxes are evinced by us.
Amid the decay of nations, a rekindled light starts up in us. Burdens
under which others expire seem to have lost their influence upon us;
and while _they_ are 'driven to the wall,' destruction keeps far
from _us_ its blasting hand. We live in the region of death, yet seem
hardly mortal. We cling to life in the midst of all reverses; and our
nerveful grasp thereon cannot easily be relaxed. History reverses its
mandates in our behalf: our dotage is in the past. 'Time writes not its
wrinkles on our brow;' our juvenescence is in the future. All this, and
the kindly nature which is acknowledgedly ours,--with gifts of freedom
vouchsafed us by the Almighty in this land, in part, and in the West
Indies; with the intellectual desire every where manifesting itself,
and the exceeding interest exhibited for Africa by her own children,
and by the Christian nations of the world, are indications from which
we may not gather a trivial meaning, nor a narrow significance.
"The teaching of God in all these things is, undoubtedly, that ours is
a great destiny, and that we should open our eyes to it. God is telling
us all that, whereas the past has been dark, grim, and repulsive, the
future shall be glorious; that the horrid traffic shall yet be entirely
stopped; that the whips and brands, the shackles and fetters, of
slavery shall be cast down to oblivion; that the shades of ignorance
and superstition that have so long settled down upon the mind of Africa
shall be dispelled; and that all her sons on her own broad continent,
in the Western Isles, and in this Republic, shall yet stand erect
beneath the heavens, 'with freedom chartered on their manly brows;'
their bosoms swelling with its noblest raptures--treading the face of
earth in the links of brotherhood and equality."
We have had a number of our public men to represent us in Europe within
the past twenty-five years; and none have done it more honorably or
with better success to the character and cause of the black man, than
Alexander Crummell. We met him there again and again, and followed in
his track wherever he preached or spoke before public assemblies, and
we know whereof we affirm. In 1852, we believe, he went to Liberia,
where he now resides. At present he and his family are on a visit
to "the States," partly for his health and partly for the purpose
of promoting emigration to Africa. Mr. C. has recently published a
valuable work on Africa, which is highly spoken of by the press;
indeed, it may be regarded as the only finished account of _our mother_
land. Devotedly attached to the interest of the colored man, and having
the moral, social, and intellectual elevation of the natives of Africa
at heart, we do not regret that he considers it his duty to labor in
his _father_ land. Warmly interested in the Republic, and so capable of
filling the highest position that he can be called to, we shall not be
surprised, some day, to hear that Alexander Crummell is president of
Liberia.
ALEXANDRE PETION.