History of the Græco-Roman Church during the
Second and Third Centuries (A.D. 70-323).[18]
§ 20. CONTENT, DISTRIBUTION AND BOUNDARIES
OF THIS PERIOD.[19]
As the history of the beginnings of the church has been treated by
us under two divisions, so also the first period of the history of
its development may be similarly divided into the =Post-Apostolic Age=,
which reaches down to the middle of the second century, and the =Age
of the Old Catholic Church=, which ends with the establishment of the
church under and by Constantine, and at that point passes over into the
Age of the œcumenical Catholic or Byzantine-Roman Imperial Church.--As
the Post-Apostolic Age was occupied with an endeavour to appropriate
and possess in a fuller and more vigorous manner the saving truths
transmitted by the Apostles, and presents as the result of its struggles,
errors, and victories, the Old Catholic Church as a unity, firmly bound
from within, strictly free of all compulsion from without, so on the
basis thus gained, the Old Catholic Church goes forward to new conflicts,
failures, and successes, by means of which the foundations are laid for
the future perfecting of it through its establishment by the state into
the Œcumenical Catholic Imperial Church.[20]
§ 20.1. =The Post-Apostolic Age.=--The peril to which the church
was exposed from the introduction of Judaistic and Pagan elements
with her new converts was much more serious not only than the
Jewish spirit of persecution, crushed as it was into impotence
through the overthrow of Jewish national independence, but also
than the persecution of anti-Christian paganism which at this
time was only engaged upon sporadically. All the more threatening
was this peril from the peculiar position of the church during
this age. Since the removal of the personal guidance of the
Apostles that control was wanting which only at a subsequent
period was won again by the establishment of a New Testament
canon and the laying down of a normative rule of faith, as well
as by the formation of a hierarchical-episcopal constitution. In
all the conflicts, then, that occupied this age, the first and
main point was to guard the integrity and purity of traditional
Apostolic Christianity against the anti-Christian Jewish and
Pagan ideas which new converts endeavoured to import into it from
their earlier religious life. Those Judaic ideas thus imported
gave rise to Ebionism; those Pagan ideas gave rise to Gnosticism
(§§ 26-28). And just as the Pauline Gentile Christianity, in so
far as it was embraced under this period (§ 30, 2), secured the
victory over the moderate and non-heretical Jewish Christianity,
this latter became more and more assimilated to the former, and
gradually passed over into it (§ 28, 1). Add to this the need,
ever more pressingly felt, of a sifting of the not yet uniformly
recognised early Christian literature that had passed into
ecclesiastical use (§ 36, 7, 8) by means of the establishment
of a New Testament =canon=; that is, the need of a collection of
writings admitted to be of Apostolic origin to occupy henceforth
the first rank as a standard and foundation for the purposes of
teaching and worship, and to form a bulwark against the flood
of heretical and non-heretical =Pseudepigraphs= that menaced the
purity of doctrine (§ 32). Further, the no less pressing need for
the construction of a universally valid =rule of faith= (§ 35, 2),
as an intellectual bond of union and mark of recognition for
all churches and believers scattered over the earth’s surface.
Then again, in the victory that was being secured by Episcopacy
over Presbyterianism, and in the introduction of a Synodal
constitution for counsel and resolution, the first stage
in the formation of a hierarchical organization was reached
(§ 34). Finally, the last dissolving action of this age was the
suppression of the fanatical prophetic and fanatical rigorist
spirit, which, reaching its climax in =Montanism=, directed
itself mainly against the tendency already appearing on many
sides to tone down the unflinching severity of ecclesiastical
discipline, to make modifications in constitution, life and
conversation in accordance with the social customs of the world,
and to settle down through disregard of the speedy return of
the Lord, so confidently expected by the early Christians, into
an easy satisfaction in the enjoyment of earthly possessions
(§ 40, 5).
§ 20.2. =The Age of the Old Catholic Church.=--The designation
of the universal Christian church as Catholic dates from the time
of Irenæus, that is, from the beginning of this second part of
our first period. This name characterizes the church as the one
universally (καθ’ ὅλου) spread and recognised from the time of
the Apostles, and so stigmatizes every opposition to the one
church that alone stands on the sure foundation of holy scripture
and pure apostolic tradition, as belonging to the manifold
particularistic heretical and schismatical sects. The church
of this particular age, however, has been designated the Old
Catholic Church as distinguished from the œcumenical Catholic
church of the following period, as well as from the Roman
Catholic and Greek Catholic churches, into which afterwards the
œcumenical Catholic church was divided.
At the beginning of this age, the heretical as well as the
non-heretical Ebionism may be regarded as virtually suppressed,
although some scanty remnants of it might yet be found. The most
brilliant period of Gnosticism, too, when the most serious danger
from Paganism within the Christian pale in the form of Hellenic
and Syro-Chaldaic Theosophy and Mysteriosophy threatened the
church, was already past. But in Manichæism (§ 29) there appeared,
during the second half of the third century, a new peril of a
no less threatening kind, inspired by Parseeism and Buddhism,
which, however, the church on the ground of the solid foundations
already laid was able to resist with powerful weapons. On the
other hand the Pagan element within the church asserted itself
more and more decidedly (§ 39, 6) by means of the intrusion of
magico-theurgical superstition into the catholic doctrine of
the efficacy of the church sacraments and sacramental acts
(§ 58). But now also, with Marcus Aurelius, Paganism outside
of Christianity as embodied in the Roman state, begins the
war of extermination against the church that was ever more and
more extending her boundaries. Such manifestation of hostility,
however, was not able to subdue the church, but rather led, under
and through Constantine the Great, to the Christianizing of the
state and the establishment of the church. During the same time
the episcopal and synodal-hierarchical organization of the church
was more fully developed by the introduction of an order of
Metropolitans, and then in the following period it reached its
climax in the oligarchical Pentarchy of Patriarchs (§ 46, 1),
and in the institution of œcumenical Synods (§ 43, 2). By the
condemnation and expulsion of Montanism, in which the inner
development of the Post-Apostolic Age reached its special and
distinctive conclusion, the endeavour to naturalize Christianity
among the social customs of the worldly life was certainly
legitimized by the church, and could now be unrestrictedly
carried out in a wider and more comprehensive way. In the
Trinitarian controversies, too, in which several prominent
theologians engaged, the first step was taken in that
œcumenical-ecclesiastical elaboration of doctrine which occupied
and dominated the whole of the following period (§§ 49-52).
§ 20.3. =The Point of Transition from the One Age to the Other=
may unhesitatingly be set down at A.D. 170. The following are the
most important data in regard thereto. The death about A.D. 165
of Justin Martyr, who marks the highest point reached in the
Post-Apostolic Age, and forms also the transition to the Old
Catholic Age; and Irenæus, flourishing somewhere about A.D. 170,
who was the real inaugurator of this latter age. Besides these
we come upon the beginnings of the Trinitarian controversies
about the year 170. Finally, the rejection of Montanism from the
universal Catholic church was effected about the year 170 by means
of the Synodal institution called into existence for that very
purpose.
I. THE RELATIONSHIP OF EXTRA-CHRISTIAN PAGANISM AND
JUDAISM TO THE CHURCH.[21]
§ 21. THE SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY.
Amid all the persecutions which the church during this period had to
suffer it spread with rapid strides throughout the whole Roman empire,
and even far beyond its limits. Edessa, the capital of the kingdom of
Osrhoëne in Mesopotamia, had, as early as A.D. 170, a Christian prince,
named =Abgar Bar Maanu=, whose coins were the first to bear the sign
of the cross. We find Christianity gaining a footing contemporaneously
in Persia, Media, Bactria, and Parthia. In the third century we find
traces of its presence in Armenia. Paul himself made his way into
Arabia (Gal. i. 17). In the third century Origen received an invitation
from a ἡγούμενος τῆς Ἀραβίας, who wished to receive information about
Christianity. At another time he accepted a call from that country in
order to settle an ecclesiastical dispute (§ 33, 6). From Alexandria,
where Mark had exercised his ministry, the Christian faith spread out
into other portions of Africa, into Cyrene and among the Coptic races,
neighbouring upon the Egyptians properly so-called. The church of
proconsular Africa, with Carthage for its capital, stood in close
connection with Rome. Mauretania and Numidia had, even in the third
century, so many churches, that Cyprian could bring together at Carthage
a Synod of eighty-seven bishops. In Gaul there were several flourishing
churches composed of colonies and teachers from Asia Minor, such as
the churches of Lyons, Vienne, etc. At a later period seven missionary
teachers of the Christian faith came out of Italy into Gaul, among whom
was Dionysius, known as St. Denis, the founder of the church at Paris.
The Roman colonies in the provinces of the Rhine and the Danube had
several flourishing congregations as early as the third century.
The emptiness and corruption of paganism was the negative, the divine
power of the gospel was the positive, means of this wonderful extension.
This divine power was manifested in the zeal and self-denial of
Christian teachers and missionaries (§ 34, 1), in the life and
walk of Christians, in the brotherly love which they showed, in
the steadfastness and confidence of their faith, and above all in
the joyfulness with which they met the cruellest of deaths by martyrdom.
The blood of the martyrs was the seed of the church, and it was not
an unheard-of circumstance that the executioners of those Christian
witnesses became their successors in the noble army of confessors.
§ 22. PERSECUTIONS OF THE CHRISTIANS IN THE
ROMAN EMPIRE.[22]
The Law of the Twelve Tables had already forbidden the exercise
of foreign modes of worship within the Roman empire (_Religiones
peregrinæ_, _Collegia illicita_), for religion was exclusively an affair
of the state and entered most intimately into all civil and municipal
relations, and on this account whatever endangered the national religion
was regarded as necessarily imperilling the state itself. Political
considerations, however, led to the granting to conquered nations
the free use of their own forms of worship. This concession did not
materially help Christianity after it had ceased, in the time of Nero,
to be regularly confounded by the Roman authorities with Judaism,
as had been the case in the time of Claudius, and Judaism, after
the destruction of Jerusalem, had been sharply distinguished from
it. It publicly proclaimed its intention to completely dislodge all
other religions, and the rapidity with which it spread showed how
energetically its intentions were carried out. The close fellowship
and brotherliness that prevailed among Christians, as well as their
exclusive, and during times of persecution even secret assemblies,
aroused the suspicion that they had political tendencies. Their
withdrawal from civil and military services on account of the pagan
ceremonies connected with them, especially their refusal to burn incense
before the statues of the emperor, also the steadfastness of their
faith, which was proof against all violence and persuasion alike, their
retiredness from the world, etc., were regarded as evidence of their
indifference or hostility to the general well-being of the state, as
invincible stiff-neckedness, as contumacy, sedition, and high treason.
The heathen populace saw in the Christians the sacrilegious enemies and
despisers of their gods; and the Christian religion, which was without
temples, altars and sacrifices, seemed to them pure Atheism. The most
horrible calumnies, that in their assemblies (_Agapæ_) the vilest
immoralities were practised (_Concubitus Œdipodei_), children slain
and human flesh eaten (_Epulæ Thyesteæ_, comp. § 36, 5), were readily
believed. All public misfortunes were thus attributed to the wrath
of the gods against the Christians, who treated them with contempt.
_Non pluit Deus, duc ad Christianos!_ The heathen priests also, the
temple servants and the image makers were always ready in their own
common interests to stir up the suspicions of the people. Under such
circumstances it is not to be wondered at that the fire of persecution
on the part of the heathen people and the heathen state continued to
rage for centuries.
§ 22.1. =Claudius, Nero and Domitian.=--Regarding the Emperor
=Tiberius= (A.D. 14-37), we meet in Tertullian with the
undoubtedly baseless tradition, that, impressed by the story
told him by Pilate, he proposed to the Senate to introduce Christ
among the gods, and on the rejection of this proposal, threatened
the accusers of the Christians with punishment. The statement
in Acts xviii. 2, that the Emperor =Claudius= (A.D. 41-54)
expelled from Rome all Jews and with them many Christians also,
is illustrated in a very circumstantial manner by Suetonius:
_Claudius Judæos impulsore Chresto assidue tumultuantes Roma
expulit_. The tumults, therefore, between the Jews and the
Christians, occurring about the year 51 or 52, gave occasion to
this decree. The first persecution of the Christians proceeding
from a Roman ruler which was directed against the Christians as
such, was carried out by the Emperor =Nero= (A.D. 54-68) in the
year 64, in consequence of a nine days’ conflagration in Rome,
the origin of which was commonly ascribed by the people to the
Emperor himself. Nero, however, laid the blame upon the hated
Christians, and perpetrated upon them the most ingeniously
devised cruelties. Sewn up in skins of wild animals they were
cast out to be devoured of dogs; others were crucified, or wrapt
in tow and besmeared with pitch, they were fixed upon sharp
spikes in the imperial gardens where the people gathered to
behold gorgeous spectacles, and set on fire to lighten up
the night (Tac., _Ann._, xv. 44). After the death of Nero the
legend spread among the Christians, that he was not dead but had
withdrawn beyond the Euphrates, soon to return as Antichrist.
Nero’s persecution seems to have been limited to Rome, and to
have ended with his death.--It was under =Domitian= (A.D. 81-96)
that individual Christians were for the first time subjected
to confiscation of goods and banishment for godlessness or the
refusal to conform to the national religion. Probably also, the
execution of his own cousin, the Consul Flavius Clemens [Clement],
on account of his ἀθεότης and his ἐξοκέλλειν εἰς τὰ τῶν Ἰουδαίων
ἔθη (Dio Cass., lxvii. 14), as well as the banishment of Clemens’
[Clement’s] wife, Flavia Domitilla (A.D. 93), was really on
account of their attachment to the Christian faith (§ 30, 3). The
latter at least is proved by two inscriptions in the catacombs to
have been undoubtedly a Christian. Domitian insisted upon having
information as to the political significance of the kingdom of
Christ, and brought from Palestine to Rome two relatives of Jesus,
grandsons of Jude, the brother of the Lord, but their hands horny
with labour satisfied him that his suspicions had been unfounded.
The philanthropic Emperor =Nerva= (A.D. 96-98) recalled the
exiles and did not listen to those who clamoured bitterly against
the Christians, but Christianity continued after as well as
before a _Religo illicita_, or rather was now reckoned such,
after it had been more distinctly separated from Judaism.[23]
§ 22.2. =Trajan and Hadrian.=--With =Trajan= (A.D. 98-117),
whom historians rightly describe as a just, earnest, and mild
ruler, the persecutions of the Christians enter upon a new
stage. He renewed the old strict prohibition of secret societies,
_hetæræ_, which could easily be made to apply to the Christians.
In consequence of this law the younger Pliny, as Governor
of Bithynia, punished with death those who were accused as
Christians, if they would not abjure Christianity. But his
doubts being awakened by the great number of every rank and age
and of both sexes against whom accusations were brought, and in
consequence of a careful examination, which showed the Christians
to be morally pure and politically undeserving of suspicion and
to be guilty only of stubborn attachment to their superstition,
he asked definite instructions from the Emperor. Trajan approved
of what he had done and what he proposed; the Christians were
not to be sought after and anonymous accusations were not to
be regarded, but those formally complained of and convicted, if
they stubbornly refused to sacrifice to the gods and burn incense
before the statues of the Emperor were to be punished with death
(A.D. 112). This imperial rescript continued for a long time
the legal standard for judicial procedure with reference to the
Christians. The persecution under Trajan extended even to Syria
and Palestine. In Jerusalem the aged bishop Simeon, the successor
of James, accused as a Christian and a descendant of David, after
being cruelly scourged, died a martyr’s death on the cross in
A.D. 107. The martyrdom, too, of the Antiochean bishop, Ignatius,
in all probability took place during the reign of Trajan (§ 30, 5).
An edict of toleration supposed to have been issued at a later
period by Trajan, a copy of which exists in Syriac and Armenian,
is now proved to be apocryphal.--During the reign of =Hadrian=
(A.D. 117-138), the people began to carry out in a tumultuous
way the execution of the Christians on the occasion of the
heathen festivals. On the representation of the proconsul of Asia,
Serenius Granianus, Hadrian issued a rescript addressed to his
successor, Minucius Fundanus, against such acts of violence, but
executions still continued carried out according to the forms of
law. The genuineness of the rescript, however, as given at the
close of the first Apology of Justin Martyr, has been recently
disputed by many. In Rome itself, between A.D. 135 and A.D. 137,
bishop Telesphorus, with many other Christians, fell as victims
of the persecution. The tradition of the fourth century, that
Hadrian wished to build a temple to Christ, is utterly without
historical foundation. His unfavourable disposition toward the
Christians clearly appears from this, that he caused a temple of
Venus to be built upon the spot where Christ was crucified, and a
statue of Jupiter to be erected on the rock of the sepulchre, in
order to pollute those places which Christians held most sacred.
§ 22.3. =Antoninus Pius and Marcus Aurelius.=--Under =Antoninus
Pius= (A.D.138-161), the tumultuous charges of the people against
the Christians, on account of visitations of pestilence in many
places, were renewed, but the mildly disposed emperor sought to
protect them as much as possible from violence. The rescript,
however, _Ad Commune Asiæ_, which bears his name is very probably
of Christian authorship.--The persecutions again took a new turn
under =Marcus Aurelius= (A.D. 161-180) who was, both as a man and
a ruler, one of the noblest figures of antiquity. In the pride
of his stoical wisdom, however, despising utterly the enthusiasm
of the Christians, he not only allowed free scope to the popular
hatred, but also introduced the system of espionage, giving to
informers the confiscated property of the Christians, and even
permitting the use of torture, in order to compel them to recant,
and thus gave occasion to unexampled triumphs of Christian
heroism. At Rome, the noble Apologist Justin Martyr, denounced
by his opponent the philosopher Crescens, after cruel and bloody
scourging, died under the executioner’s axe about A.D. 165
(§ 30, 9).--In regard to a very severe persecution endured by
the church of Smyrna, we possess an original report of it sent
from that church to one closely related to it, embellished
with legendary details or interpolated, which Eusebius has
incorporated in his Church History. The substance of it is a
description of the glorious martyr death of their aged bishop
Polycarp (§ 30, 6), who, because he refused to curse the Lord
whom he had served for eighty-six years, was made to mount the
funeral pile, and while rejoicing in the midst of the flames,
received the crown of martyrdom. According to the story the
flames gathered around him like a wind-filled sail, and when a
soldier pierced him with his sword, suddenly a white dove flew
up; moreover the glorified spirit also appeared to a member of
the church in a vision, clothed in a white garment. Eusebius
places the date of Polycarp’s death shortly before A.D. 166.
But since it has been shown by Waddington, on the basis of
an examination of recently discovered inscriptions, that the
proconsul of Asia, Statius Quadratus, mentioned in the report
of the church of Smyrna, did not hold that office in A.D. 166,
but in A.D. 155-156, the most important authorities have come to
regard either A.D. 155 or A.D. 156 as the date of his martyrdom.
Still some whose opinions are worthy of respect refuse to
accept this view, pointing out the absence of that chronological
statement from the report in Eusebius and to its irreconcilability
with the otherwise well-supported facts, that Polycarp was on
a visit to Rome in A.D. 155 (§ 37, 2), and that the reckoning
of the day of his death in the report as ὄντος σαββάτου μεγάλου
would suit indeed the Easter of A.D. 155, as well as that of
A.D. 166, but not that of A.D. 156. [24] The legend of the _Legio
fulminatrix_, that in the war against the Marcomanni in A.D. 174
the prayers of the Christian soldiers of this legion called forth
rain and thunder, and thus saved the Emperor and his army from
the danger of perishing by thirst, whereupon this modified law
against the accusers of the Christians was issued, has, so far
as the first part is concerned, its foundation in history, only
that the heathen on the other hand ascribed the miracle to their
prayer to _Jupiter Pluvius_. [25]--Regarding the persecution
at Lyons and Vienne in A.D. 177, we also possess a contemporary
report from the Christian church of these places (§ 32, 8).
Bishop Pothinus, in his ninetieth year, sank under the effects
of tortures continued during many days in a loathsome prison.
The young and tender slave-girl Blandina was scourged, her
body scorched upon a red-hot iron chair, her limbs torn by wild
beasts and at last her life taken; but under all her tortures she
continued to repeat her joyful confession: “I am a Christian and
nothing wicked is tolerated among us.” Under similar agonies the
boy Ponticus, in his fifteenth year, showed similar heroism. The
dead bodies of the martyrs were laid in heaps upon the streets,
until at last they were burnt and their ashes strewn upon the
Rhone. =Commodus= (A.D. 180-192), the son of Marcus Aurelius, who
in every other respect was utterly disreputable, influenced by
his mistress Marcia, showed himself inclined, by the exercise
of his clemency, to remit the sentences of the Christians. The
persecution at Scillita in North Africa, during the first year
of the reign of Commodus, in which the martyr Speratus suffered,
together with eleven companions, was carried out in accordance
with the edict of Marcus Aurelius.
§ 22.4. =Septimius Severus and Maximinus Thrax.=--=Septimius
Severus= (A.D. 193-211), whom a Christian slave, Proculus,
had healed of a sickness by anointing with oil, was at first
decidedly favourable to the Christians. Even in A.D. 197, after
his triumphal entrance into Rome, he took them under his personal
protection when the popular clamour, which such a celebration
was fitted to excite, was raised against them. The judicial
persecution, too, which some years later, A.D. 200, his deputy
in North Africa carried on against the Christians on the basis
of existing laws because they refused to sacrifice to the genius
of the Emperor, he may not have been able to prevent. On the
other hand, he did himself, in A.D. 202, issue an edict which
forbade conversions to Judaism and Christianity. The storm of
persecution thereby excited was directed therefore first of all
and especially against the catechumens and the neophytes, but
frequently also, overstepping the letter of the edict, it was
turned against the older Christians. The persecution seems
to have been limited to Egypt and North Africa. At Alexandria
Leonidas, the father of Origen, was beheaded. The female slave,
Potamiæna, celebrated as much for her moral purity as for her
beauty, was accused by her master, whose evil passions she had
refused to gratify, as a Christian, and was given over to the
gladiators to be abused. She succeeded, however, in defending
herself from pollution, and was then, along with her mother
Marcella, slowly dipped into boiling pitch. The soldier,
Basilides by name, who should have executed the sentence himself
embraced Christianity, and was beheaded. The persecution raged
with equal violence and cruelty in Carthage. A young woman of
a noble family, Perpetua, in her twenty-second year, in spite
of imprisonment and torture, and though the infant in her arms
and her weeping pagan father appealed to her heart’s affections,
continued true to her faith, and was thrown to be tossed on the
horns of a wild cow, and to die from the dagger of a gladiator.
The slave girl Felicitas who, in the same prison, became a mother,
showed similar courage amid similar sufferings. Persecution
smouldered on throughout the reign of Septimius, showing itself
in separate sporadic outbursts, but was not renewed under his son
and successor =Caracalla= (A.D. 211-217), who in other respects
during his reign stained with manifold cruelties, did little to
the honour of those Christian influences by which in his earliest
youth he had been surrounded (“_lacte Christiano educatus_,”
Tert.).--That Christianity should have a place given it among the
senseless religions favoured by =Elagabalus= or =Heliogabalus=
(A.D. 218-222), was an absurdity which nevertheless secured for
it toleration and quiet. His second wife, Severina or Severa, to
whom Hippolytus dedicated his treatise Περὶ ἀναστάσεως, was the
first empress friendly to the Christians. =Alexander Severus=
(A.D. 222-235), embracing a noble eclecticism, placed among his
household gods the image of Christ, along with those of Abraham,
Orpheus, and Apollonius of Tyana, and showed himself well
disposed toward the Christians; while at the same time his mother,
Julia Mammæa, encouraged and furthered the scholarly studies of
Origen. The golden saying of Christ, Luke vi. 31, was inscribed
upon the gateway of his palace. His murderer, =Maximinus Thrax=
(A.D. 235-238), from very opposition to his predecessor, became
at once the enemy of the Christians. Clearly perceiving the
high importance of the clergy for the continued existence of the
church, his persecuting edict was directed solely against them.
The imperial position which he had usurped, however, was not
sufficiently secure to allow him to carry out his intentions
to extremities. Under =Gordianus= the Christians had rest, and
=Philip the Arabian= (A.D. 244-249) favoured them so openly and
decidedly, that it came to be thought that he himself had been a
Christian.
§ 22.5. =Decius, Gallus and Valerianus [Valerian].=--Soon after
the accession of =Decius= (A.D. 249-251), in the year 250, a new
persecution broke out that lasted without interruption for ten
years. This was the first general persecution and was directed at
first against the recognised heads of the churches, but by-and-by
was extended more widely to all ranks, and exceeded all previous
persecutions by its extent, the deliberateness of its plan,
the rigid determination with which it was conducted, and the
cruelties of its execution. Decius was a prudent ruler, an
earnest man of the old school, endued with an indomitable
will. But it was just this that drove him to the conclusion
that Christianity, as a godless system and one opposed to
the interests of the state, must be summarily suppressed. All
possible means, such as confiscation of goods, banishment, severe
tortures, or death, were tried in order to induce the Christians
to yield. Very many spoiled by the long peace that they had
enjoyed gave way, but on the other hand crowds of Christians,
impelled by a yearning after the crown of martyrdom, gave
themselves up joyfully to the prison and the stake. Those who
fell away, the _lapsi_, were classified as the _Thurificati_
or _Sacrificati_, who to save their lives had burnt incense or
sacrificed to the gods, and _Libellatici_, who without doing
this had purchased a certificate from the magistrates that they
had done so, and _Acta facientes_, who had issued documents
giving false statements regarding their Christianity. Those were
called _Confessores_ who publicly professed Christ and remained
steadfast under persecution, but escaped with their lives; those
were called _Martyrs_ who witnessing with their blood, suffered
death for the faith they professed. The Roman church could
boast of a whole series of bishops who fell victims to the storm
of persecution: Fabianus [Fabian] in A.D. 250, and Cornelius
in A.D. 253, probably also Lucius in A.D. 254, and Stephanus in
A.D. 257. And as in Rome, so also in the provinces, whole troops
of confessors and martyrs met a joyful death, not only from
among the clergy, but also from among the general members of
the church.--Then again, under =Gallus= (A.D. 251-253), the
persecution continued, excited anew by plagues and famine,
but was in many ways restricted by political embarrassment.
=Valerianus= [Valerian] (A.D. 253-260), from being a favourer of
the Christians, began from A.D. 257, under the influence of his
favourite Macrianus, to show himself a determined persecutor. The
Christian pastors were at first banished, and since this had not
the desired effect, they were afterwards punished with death. At
this time, too, the bishop of Carthage, Cyprian, who under Decius
had for a short season withdrawn by flight into the wilderness,
won for himself the martyr’s crown. So, likewise, in A.D. 258,
suffered Sixtus II. of Rome. The Roman bishop was soon followed
by his deacon Laurentius, a hero among Christian martyrs, who
pointed the avaricious governor to the sick, the poor and the
orphans of the congregation as the treasures of the church, and
was then burnt alive on a fire of glowing coal. But Valerian’s
son, =Gallienus= (A.D. 260-268), by an edict addressed to the
bishops, abolished the special persecuting statutes issued by his
father, without, however, as he is often erroneously said to have
done, formally recognising Christianity as a _Religio licita_.
The Christians after this enjoyed a forty years’ rest; for
the commonly reported cruel persecution of Christians under
=Claudius II.=, (A.D. 268-270) has been proved to be a pure
fable of apocryphal Acts of the Martyrs; and also the persecution
planned by =Aurelian= (A.D. 270-275), toward the close of his
reign, was prevented by his assassination committed by a pagan
officer.
§ 22.6. =Diocletian and Galerius.=--When =Diocletian=
(A.D. 284-305) was proclaimed Emperor by the army in Chalcedon, he
chose Nicomedia in Bithynia as his residence, and transferred the
conduct of the war to the general Maximianus [Maximian] Herculius
with the title of Cæsar, who, after the campaign had been closed
successfully in A.D. 286, was raised to the rank of Augustus or
joint-Emperor. New harassments from within and from without led
the two Emperors in A.D. 286 to name two Cæsars, or sub-Emperors,
who by their being adopted were assured of succession to imperial
rank. Diocletian assumed the administration of the East, and
gave up Illyricum as far as Pontus to his Cæsar and son-in-law
Galerius. Maximian undertook the government of the West, and
surrendered Gaul, Spain and Britain to his Cæsar, Constantius
Chlorus. According to Martyrologies, there was a whole legion,
called =Legio Thebaica=, that consisted of Christian soldiers.
This legion was originally stationed in the East, but was sent
into the war against the Gauls, because its members refused to
take part in the persecution of their brethren. After suffering
decimation twice over without any result, it is said that
=Maximian= left this legion, consisting of 6,600 men, along
with its commander St. Maurice, to be hewn down in the pass of
Agaunum, now called St. Moritz, in the Canton Valais. According to
Rettberg,[26] the historical germ of this consists in a tradition
reported by Theodoret as originating during the fifth or sixth
century, in a letter of Eucherius bishop of Lyons, about the
martyrdom of St. Maurice, who as _Tribunus Militum_ was executed
at Apamea along with seventy soldiers, by the orders of Maximian.
=Diocletian=, as the elder and supreme Emperor, was an active,
benevolent, clear-sighted statesman and ruler, but also a zealous
adherent of the old religion as regenerated by Neo-platonic
influences (§ 24, 2), and as such was inclined to hold
Christianity responsible for many of the internal troubles
of his kingdom. He was restrained from interfering with the
Christians, however, by the policy of toleration which had
prevailed since the time of Gallienus, as well as by his
own benevolent disposition, and not least by the political
consideration of the vast numbers of the Christian population.
His own wife Prisca and his daughter Valeria had themselves
embraced Christianity, as well as very many, and these the truest
and most trustworthy, of the members of his household. Yet the
incessant importunities and whispered suspicions of Galerius were
not without success. In A.D. 298 he issued the decree, that all
soldiers should take part in the sacrificial rites, and thus
obliged all Christian soldiers to withdraw from the army. During
a long sojourn in Nicomedia he finally prevailed upon the Emperor
to order a second general persecution; yet even then Diocletian
persisted, that in it no blood should be shed. This persecution
opened in A.D. 303 with the imperial command to destroy the
stately church of Nicomedia. Soon after an edict was issued
forbidding all Christian assemblies, ordering the destruction of
the churches, the burning of the sacred scriptures, and depriving
Christians of their offices and of their civil rights. A
Christian tore up the edict and was executed. Fire broke out
in the imperial palace and Galerius blamed the Christians for
the fire, and also charged them with a conspiracy against the
life of the Emperor. A persecution then began to rage throughout
the whole Roman empire, Gaul, Spain and Britain alone entirely
escaping owing to the favour of Constantius Chlorus who governed
these regions. All conceivable tortures and modes of death were
practised, and new and more horrible devices were invented from
day to day. Diocletian, who survived to A.D. 313, and Maximian,
abdicated the imperial rank which they had jointly held in
A.D. 305. Their places were filled by those who had been
previously their Cæsars, and Galerius as now the chief Augustus
proclaimed as Cæsars, =Severus= and =Maximinus Daza=, the most
furious enemies of the Christians that could be found, so that the
storm of persecution which had already begun in some measure to
abate, was again revived in Italy by Severus and in the East by
Maximinus. Then in order to bring all Christians into inevitable
contact with idolatrous rites, Galerius in A.D. 308 had all
victuals in the markets sprinkled with wine or water that
had been offered to idols. Seized with a terrible illness,
mortification beginning in his living body, he finally admitted
the uselessness of all his efforts to root out Christianity, and
shortly before his death, in common with his colleague, he issued
in A.D. 311, a formal =edict of toleration=, which permitted to
all Christians the free exercise of their religion and claimed in
return their intercession for the emperor and the empire.--During
this persecution of unexampled cruelty, lasting without
intermission for eight years, many noble proofs were given of
Christian heroism and of the joyousness that martyrdom inspired.
The number of the _Lapsi_, though still considerable, was in
proportion very much less than under the Decian persecution. How
much truth, if any, there may have been in the later assertion of
the Donatists (§ 63, 1), that even the Roman bishop, Marcellinus
[Marcellus] (A.D. 296-304), and his presbyters, Melchiades,
Marcellus and Sylvester, who were also his successors in the
bishopric, had denied Christ and sacrificed to idols, cannot
now be ascertained. Augustine denies the charge, but even
the Felician Catalogue of the Popes reports that Marcellinus
[Marcellus] during the persecution became a _Thurificatus_,
adding, however, the extenuation, that he soon thereafter, seized
with deep penitence, suffered martyrdom. The command to deliver
up the sacred writings gave rise to a new order of apostates,
the so-called _Traditores_. Many had recourse to a subterfuge by
surrendering heretical writings instead of the sacred books and
as such, but the earnest spirit of the age treated these as no
better than _traditors_.[27]
§ 22.7. =Maximinus Daza, Maxentius and Licinius.=--After the
death of Galerius his place was taken by the Dacian Licinius,
who shared with Maximinus the government of the East, the former
taking the European, the latter the Asiatic part along with
Egypt. Constantius Chlorus had died in A.D. 306, and Galerius
had given to the Cæsar Severus the empire of the West. But the
army proclaimed Constantine, son of Constantius, as Emperor.
He also established himself in Gaul, Spain and Britain. Then
also Maxentius, son of the abdicated emperor Maximian, claimed
the Western Empire, was proclaimed Augustus by the Prætorians,
recognised by the Roman senate, and after the overthrow of
Severus, ruled in Italy and Africa.--The pagan fanaticism of
=Maximinus= prevailed against the toleration edict of Galerian.
He heartily supported the attempted expulsion of Christians on
the part of several prominent cities, and commended the measure
on brazen tablets. He forbade the building of churches, punished
many with fines and dishonour, inflicted in some cases bodily
pains and even death, and gave official sanction to perpetrating
upon them all sorts of scandalous enormities. The _Acta Pilati_,
a pagan pseudepigraph filled with the grossest slanders about the
passion of Christ, was widely circulated by him and introduced as
a reading-book for the young in the public schools. =Constantine=,
who had inherited from his father along with his Neo-platonic
eclecticism his toleration of the Christians, secured to the
professors of the Christian faith in his realm the most perfect
quiet. =Maxentius=, too, at first let them alone; but the rivalry
and enmity that was daily increasing between him and Constantine,
the favourer of the Christians, drew him into close connection
with the pagan party, and into sympathy with their persecuting
spirit. In A.D. 312 Constantine led his army over the Alps.
Maxentius opposed him with an army drawn up in three divisions;
but Constantine pressed on victoriously, and shattered his
opponent’s forces before the gates of Rome. Betaking himself to
flight, Maxentius was drowned in the Tiber, and Constantine was
then sole ruler over the entire Western Empire. At Milan he had a
conference with Licinius, to whom he gave in marriage his sister
Constantia. They jointly issued an edict in A.D. 313, which
gave toleration to all forms of worship throughout the empire,
expressly permitting conversion to Christianity, and ordering the
restoration to the Christians of all the churches that had been
taken from them. Soon thereafter a decisive battle was fought
between Maximinus and Licinius. The former was defeated and took
to flight. The friendly relations that had subsisted between
=Constantine= and =Licinius= gave way gradually to estrangement
and were at last succeeded by open hostility. Licinius by
manifesting zeal as a persecutor identified himself with the
pagan party, and Constantine threw in his lot with the Christians.
In A.D. 323 a war broke out between these two, like a struggle
for life and death between Paganism and Christianity. Licinius
was overthrown and Constantine was master of the whole empire
(§ 42, 2). Eusebius in his _Vita Constantini_ reports, on the
basis probably of a sworn statement of the emperor, that during
the expedition against Maxentius in A.D. 312, after praying for
the aid of the higher powers, when the sun was going down, he saw
in heaven a shining cross in the sun with a bright inscription:
τούτῳ νίκα. During the night Christ appeared to him in a dream,
and commanded him to take the cross as his standard in battle
and with it to go into battle confident of victory. In his Church
History, Eusebius makes no mention of this tradition of the
vision. On the other hand there is here the fact, contested
indeed by critics, that after the victory over Maxentius the
emperor had erected his statue in the Roman Forum, with the
cross in his hand, and bearing the inscription: “By this sign of
salvation have I delivered your city from the yoke of the tyrant.
” This only is certain, that the imperial standard, which had the
unexplained name Labarum, bore the sign of the cross with the
monogram of the name of Christ.
§ 23. CONTROVERSIAL WRITINGS OF PAGANISM.
Pagan writers in their published works passed spiteful and
contemptuous judgments upon Christians and Christianity (Tacitus, Pliny,
Marcus Aurelius, and the physician Galen), or, like the rhetorician
Fronto, argued against them with violent invective; while popular wit
ran riot in representing Christianity by word and picture as the devout
worship of an ass. But even the talented satirist Lucian of Samosata was
satisfied with ridiculing the Christians as senseless fools. The first
and also the most important of all really pagan advocates was Celsus,
who in the second century, with brilliant subtlety and scathing sarcasm
sought to prove that the religion of the Christians was the very climax
of unreason. In respect of ability, keenness and bitterness of polemic
he is closely followed by the Neo-platonist Porphyry. Far beneath both
stands Hierocles, governor of Bithynia. Against such attacks the most
famous Christian teachers took the field as Apologists. They disproved
the calumnies and charges of the pagans, demanded fair play for the
Christians, vindicated Christianity by the demonstration of its inner
truth, the witness borne to it by the life and walk of Christians,
its establishment by miracles and prophecies, its agreement with the
utterances and longings of the most profound philosophers, whose wisdom
they traced mediately or immediately from the Old Testament, and on the
other hand, they sought to show the nothingness of the heathen gods, and
the religious as well as moral perversity of paganism.
§ 23.1. =Lucian’s Satire _De Morte Peregrini_= takes the form
of an account given by Lucian to his friend Cronius of the Cynic
Peregrinus Proteus’ burning of himself during the Olympic games
of A.D. 165, of which he himself was a witness. Peregrinus is
described as a low, contemptible man, a parricide and guilty
of adultery, unnatural vice and drunkenness, who having fled
from his home in Palestine joined the Christians, learnt their
θαυμαστὴ σοφία, became their prophet (§ 34, 1), Thiasarch (§ 17, 3)
and Synagogeus, and as such expounded their sacred writings,
even himself composed and addressed to the most celebrated Greek
cities many epistles containing new ordinances and laws. When
cast into prison he was the subject of the most extravagant
attentions on the part of the Christians. Their γραΐδια and χῆραι
(deaconesses) nursed him most carefully, δεῖπνα ποικίλα and λόγοι
ἱεροί (Agapæ) were celebrated in his prison, they loaded him with
presents, etc. Nevertheless on leaving prison, on account of his
having eaten a forbidden kind of meat (flesh offered to idols)
he was expelled by them. He now cast himself into the arms of
the Cynics, travelled as the apostle of their views through the
whole world, and ended his life in his mad thirst for fame by
voluntarily casting himself upon the funeral pile. Lucian tells
with scornful sneer how the superstitious people supposed that
there had been an earthquake and that an eagle flew up from
his ashes crying out: The earth I have lost, to Olympus I fly.
This fable was believed, and even yet it is said that sometimes
Peregrinus will be seen in a white garment as a spirit.--It is
undoubtedly recorded by Aulus Gellius that a Cynic Peregrinus
lived at this time whom he describes as _vir gravis et constans_.
This too is told by the Apologist Tatian, who in him mocks at the
pretension on the part of heathen philosophers to emancipation
from all wants. But neither of them knows anything about his
Christianity or his death by fire. It is nevertheless conceivable
that Peregrinus had for some time connection with Christianity;
but without this assumption it seems likely that Lucian in a
satire which, under the combined influence of personal and class
antipathies, aimed first and chiefly at stigmatizing Cynicism
in the person of Peregrinus, should place Christianity alongside
of it as what seemed to him with its contempt of the world and
self-denial to be a new, perhaps a nobler, but still nothing more
than a species of Cynicism. Many features in the caricature which
he gives of the life, doings and death of Peregrinus seem to have
been derived by him from the life of the Apostle Paul as well as
from the account of the martyrdom of Ignatius, and especially
from that of Polycarp (§ 22, 3).[28]
§ 23.2. =Worshippers of an Ass= (Asinarii) was a term of
reproach that was originally and from early times applied to the
Jews. They now sought to have it transferred to the Christians.
Tertullian tells of a picture publicly exhibited in Carthage
which represented a man clothed in a toga, with the ears and hoof
of an ass, holding a book in his hand, and had this inscription:
_Deus Christianorum Onochoetes_. This name is variously read. If
read as ὄνου χοητής it means _asini sacerdos_. Alongside of this
we may place the picture, belonging probably to the third century,
discovered in A.D. 1858 scratched on a wall among the ruins
of a school for the imperial slaves, that were then excavated.
It represents a man with an ass’s head hanging on a cross, and
beneath it the caricature of a worshipper with the words written
in a schoolboy’s hand; Alexamenos worships God (A. σεβετε θεον);
evidently the derision of a Christian youth by a pagan companion.
The scratching on another wall gives us probably the answer of
the Christian: _Alexamenos fidelis_.
§ 23.3. =Polemic properly so-called.=--
(a) The Λόγος ἀληθής of =Celsus= is in great part preserved in
the answer of Origen (§ 31, 5). He identifies the author
with that Celsus to whom Lucian dedicated the little work
_Alexander or Pseudomantis_ in which he so extols the
philosophy of Epicurus that it seems he must be regarded as
an Epicurean. Since, however, the philosophical standpoint
of our Celsus is that of a Platonist the assumption of the
identity of the two has been regarded as untenable. But
even our Celsus does not seem to have been a pure Platonist
but an Eclectic, and as such might also show a certain
measure of favour to the philosophy of Epicurus. Their
age is at least the same. Lucian wrote that treatise soon
after A.D. 180, and according to Keim, the Λόγος ἀληθής was
probably composed about A.D. 178. Almost everything that
modern opponents down to our own day have advanced against
the gospel history and doctrine is found here wrought out
with original force and subtlety, inspired with burning
hatred and bitter irony, and highly spiced with invective,
mockery, and wit. First of all the author introduces
a Jew who repeats the slanders current among the Jews,
representing Jesus as a vagabond impostor, His mother
as an adulteress, His miracles and resurrection as lying
fables; then enters a heathen philosopher who proves that
both Judaism and Christianity are absurd; and finally, the
conditions are set forth under which alone the Christians
might claim indulgence: the abandonment of their exclusive
attitude toward the national religion and the recognition
of it by their taking part in the sacrifices appointed by
the state.[29]
(b) The Neo-platonist Porphyry, about A.D. 270, as reported by
Jerome, in the XV. Book of his Κατὰ Χριστιανῶν points to a
number of supposed contradictions in holy scripture, calls
attention to the conflict between Paul and Peter (Gal. ii.),
explains Daniel’s prophecies as _Vaticinia post eventum_,
and censures the allegorical interpretation of the
Christians. Although even among the Christians themselves
Porphyry as a philosopher was highly esteemed, and
notwithstanding contact at certain points between his
ethical and religious view of the world and that of the
Christians, perhaps just because of this, he is the worst
and most dangerous of all their pagan assailants. Against
his controversial writings, therefore, the edict of
Theodosius II. ordering them to be burnt was directed
in A.D. 448 (§ 42, 4), and owing to the zeal with which
his works were destroyed the greater part of the treatises
which quoted from it for purposes of controversy also
perished with it--the writings of Methodius of Tyre
(§ 31, 9), Eusebius of Cæsarea (§ 47, 2), Philostorgius
(§ 5, 1) and Apollinaris the younger (§ 47, 5). Of these
according to Jerome those of the last named were the
most important. In the recently discovered controversial
treatise of Macarius Magnes (§ 47, 6) an unnamed pagan
philosopher is combated whose attacks, chiefly directed
against the Gospels, to all appearance verbally agree with
the treatise of Porphyry, or rather, perhaps, with that of
his plagiarist Hierocles.
(c) =Hierocles= who as governor of Bithynia took an active
part in the persecution of Galerius, wrote two books
Λόγοι φιλαλήθεις against the Christians, about A.D. 305,
which have also perished. Eusebius’ reply refers only
to his repudiation of the equality assigned to Christ
and Apollonius of Tyana (§ 24, 1). While the title of
his treatise is borrowed from that of Celsus, he has also
according to the testimony of Eusebius in great part copied
the very words of both of his predecessors.
§ 24. Attempted Reconstruction of Paganism.
All its own more thoughtful adherents had long acknowledged that
paganism must undergo a thorough reform and reconstruction if it were to
continue any longer in existence. In the Augustan Age an effort was made
to bolster up Neopythagoreanism by means of theurgy and magic. The chief
representative of this movement was Apollonius of Tyana. In the second
century an attempt was made to revivify the secret rites of the ancient
mysteries, of Dea Syra, and Mithras. Yet all this was not enough. What
was needed was the setting up of a pagan system which would meet the
religious cravings of men in the same measure as Christianity with its
supernaturalism, monotheism and universalism had done, and would have
the absurdities and impurities that had disfigured the popular religion
stripped off. Such a regeneration of paganism was undertaken in the
beginning of the third century by Neoplatonism. But even this was no
more able than pagan polemics had been to check the victorious career
of Christianity.
§ 24.1. =Apollonius of Tyana= in Cappadocia, a contemporary of
Christ and the Apostles, was a philosopher, ascetic and magician
esteemed among the people as a worker of miracles. As an earnest
adherent of the doctrine of Pythagoras, whom he also imitated
in his dress and manner of life, claiming the possession of the
gifts of prophecy and miracle working, he assumed the role of a
moral and religious reformer of the pagan religion of his fathers.
Accompanied by numerous scholars, teaching and working miracles,
he travelled through the whole of the then known world until
he reached the wonderland of India. He settled down at last in
Ephesus where he died at an advanced age, having at least passed
his ninety-sixth year. At the wish of the Empress Julia, wife
of Septimius Severus, in the third century, Philostratus the
elder composed in the form of a romance in eight books based upon
written and oral sources, a biography of Apollonius, in which
he is represented as a heathen counterpart of Christ, who is
otherwise completely ignored, excelling Him in completeness of
life, doctrine and miraculous powers.[30]
§ 24.2. In =Neo-platonism=, by the combination of all that was
noblest and best in the exoteric and esoteric religion, in the
philosophy, theosophy and theurgy of earlier and later times
in East and West, we are presented with a universal religion
in which faith and knowledge, philosophy and theology, theory
and practice, were so perfectly united and reconciled, and all
religious needs so fully met, that in comparison with its wealth
and fulness, the gnosis as well as the faith, the worship and
the mysteries of the Christians must have seemed one-sided,
commonplace and incomplete. The first to introduce and commend
this tendency, which was carried out in three successive schools
of philosophy, the Alexandrian-Roman, the Syrian and the Athenian,
was the Alexandrian =Ammonius Saccas=,--this surname being
derived from his occupation as a porter. He lived and taught in
Alexandria till about A.D. 250. He sought to combine in a higher
unity the Platonic and the Aristotelian philosophies, giving
to the former a normative authority, and he did not hesitate to
enrich his system by the incorporation of Christian ideas. His
knowledge of Christianity came from Clement of Alexandria and
from Origen, whose teacher in philosophy he had been. Porphyry
indeed affirms that he had previously been himself a Christian,
but had at a later period of life returned to paganism.--The most
distinguished of his scholars, and also the most talented and
profound of all the Neo-platonists, was =Plotinus=, who was in
A.D. 254 a teacher of philosophy at Rome, and died in A.D. 270.
His philosophico-theological system in its characteristic features
is a combination of the Platonic antithesis of the finite world
of sense and the eternal world of ideas with the stoical doctrine
of the world soul. The eternal ground of all being is the one
supramundane, unintelligible and indescribable good (τὸ ἕν, τὸ
ἀγαθόν), from which all stages of being are radiated forth; first;
spirit or the world of ideas (νοῦς, κόσμος νοητός), the eternal
type of all being; and then, from this the world soul (ψυχή);
and from this, finally, the world of phenomena. The outermost
fringe of this evolution, the forms of which the further they are
removed from the original ground become more and more imperfect,
is matter, just as the shadow is the outermost fringe of the
light. It is conceived of as the finite, the fleeting, even as
evil in itself. But imperfect as the world of sense is, it is
nevertheless the vehicle of the ideal world and in many ways
penetrated by the ideas, and the lighting up imparted by the
ideas affords it its beauty. In consequence of those rays shining
in from the realm of ideas, a whole vast hierarchy of divine
forms has arisen, with countless dæmons good and bad, which give
room for the incorporation of all the divine beings of the Greek
and oriental mythologies. In this way myths that were partly
immoral and partly fantastic can be rehabilitated as symbolical
coverings of speculative ideas. The souls of men, too, originate
from the eternal world soul. By their transition, however, into
the world of sense they are hampered and fettered by corporeity.
They themselves complete their redemption through emancipation
from the bonds of sense by means of asceticism and the practice
of virtue. In this way they secure a return into the ideal world
and the vision of the highest good, sometimes as moments of
ecstatic mystical union with that world, even during this earthly
life, but an eternally unbroken continuance thereof is only
attained unto after complete emancipation from all the bonds of
matter.[31]--Plotinus’ most celebrated scholar, who also wrote
his life, and collected and arranged his literary remains, was
=Porphyry=. He also taught in Rome and died there in A.D. 304.
His ἐκ τῶν λογίων φιλοσοφία, a collection of oracular utterances,
was a positive supplement to his polemic against Christianity
(§ 23, 3), and afforded to paganism a book of revelation, a
heathen bible, as Philostratus had before sought to portray a
heathen saviour. Of greater importance for the development of
mediæval scholasticism was his Commentary on the logical works
of Aristotle, published in several editions of the Aristotelian
Organon.--His scholar =Iamblichus= of Chalcis in Cœle-Syria,
who died A.D. 333, was the founder of the Syrian school. The
development which he gave to the Neo-platonic doctrine consisted
chiefly in the incorporation of a fantastic oriental mythology
and theurgy. This also brought him the reputation of being a
magician.--Finally, the Athenian school had in =Proclus=, who
died in A.D. 485, its most distinguished representative. While
on the one hand, he proceeded along the path opened by Iamblichus
to develop vagaries about dæmons and theurgical fancies, on the
other hand, he gave to his school an impulse in the direction of
scholarly and encyclopædic culture.--The Neo-platonic speculation
exercised no small influence on the development of Christian
philosophy. The philosophizing church fathers, whose darling
was Plato, got acquaintance with his philosophical views from
its relatively pure reproduction met with in the works of the
older Neo-platonists. The influence of their mystico-theosophic
doctrine, especially as conveyed in the writings of the
Pseudo-Dionysius (§ 47, 11), is particularly discernible in
the Christian mysticism of the middle ages, and has been thence
transmitted to modern times.[32]
§ 25. Jewish and Samaritan Reaction.
The Judaism of the Apostolic Age in its most characteristic form was
thoroughly hostile to Christianity. The Pharisees and the mass of the
people with their expectation of a political Messiah, took offence at a
Messiah crucified by the Gentiles (1 Cor. i. 13); their national pride
was wounded by the granting of equality to Samaritans and heathens,
while their legal righteousness and sham piety were exposed and censured
by the teachings of Christianity. On the other side, the Sadducees felt
no less called upon to fight to the death against Christianity with its
doctrine of the resurrection (Acts iv. 2; xxiii. 6). The same hostile
feeling generally prevailed among the dispersion. The Jewish community
at Berea (Acts xvii. 2) is praised as a pleasing exception to the
general rule. Finally, in A.D. 70 destruction fell upon the covenant
people and the holy city. The Christian church of Jerusalem, acting upon
a warning uttered by the Lord (Matt. xxiv. 16), found a place of refuge
in the mountain city of Pella, on the other side of Jordan. But when
the Pseudo-Messiah, Bar-Cochba (Son of a Star, Num. xxiv. 17), roused
all Palestine against the Roman rule, in A.D. 132, the Palestinian
Christians who refused to assist or recognise the false Messiah,
had again to endure a bloody persecution. Bar-Cochba was defeated in
A.D. 135. Hadrian now commanded that upon pain of death no Jew should
enter Ælia Capitolina, the Roman colony founded by him on the ruins
of Jerusalem. From that time they were deprived of all power and
opportunity for direct persecution of the Christians. All the greater
was their pleasure at the persecutions by the heathens and their zeal
in urging the pagans to extreme measures. In their seminaries they gave
currency to the most horrible lies and calumnies about Christ and the
Christians, which also issued thence among the heathens. On the other
hand, however, they intensified their own anti-Christian attitude
and sought protection against the advancing tide of Christianity
by strangling all spiritual movement under a mass of traditional
interpretations and judgments of men. The Schools of Tiberias and
Babylon were the nurseries of this movement, and the _Talmud_, the first
part of which, the _Mishna_, had its origin during this period, marks
the completion of this anti-Christian self-petrifaction of Judaism. The
disciples of John, too, assumed a hostile attitude toward Christianity,
and formed a distinct set under the name of Hemerobaptists.
Contemporaneously with the first successes of the Apostolic mission, a
current set in among the Samaritans calculated to checkmate Christianity
by the setting up of new religions. Dositheus, Simon Magus and Menander
here made their appearance with claims to the Messiahship, and were at a
later period designated heresiarchs by the church fathers, who believed
that in them they found the germs of the Gnostic heresy (§§ 26 ff.).
§ 25.1. =Disciples of John.=--Even after their master had been
beheaded the disciples of John the Baptist maintained a separate
society of their own, and reproached the disciples of Jesus
because of their want of strict ascetic discipline (Matt. ix. 14,
etc.). The disciples of John in the Acts (xviii. 25; xix. 1-7)
were probably Hellenist Jews, who on their visits to the feasts
had been pointed by John to Christ, announced by him as Messiah,
without having any information as to the further developments of
the Christian community. About the middle of the second century,
however, the Clementine Homilies (§ 28, 3), in which John the
Baptist is designated a ἡμεροβαπτίστης, speaks of gnosticizing
disciples of John, who may be identical with the =Hemerobaptists=,
that is, those who practise baptism daily, of Eusebius (_Hist.
Eccl._, iv. 22). They originated probably from a coalition of
Essenes (§ 8, 4) and disciples of the Baptist who when orphaned
by the death of John persistently refused to join the disciples
of Christ.--We hear no more of them till the Carmelite missionary
John a Jesu in Persia came upon a sect erroneously called
Christians of St. John or Nazoreans.[33] Authentic information
about the doctrine, worship and constitution of this sect that
still numbers some hundred families, was first obtained in the
19th century by an examination of their very comprehensive sacred
literature, written in an Aramaic dialect very similar to that of
the Babylonian Talmud. The most important of those writings the
so-called Great Book (_Sidra rabba_), also called _Ginza_, that
is, thesaurus, has been faithfully reproduced by Petermann under
the title _Thesaurus s. Liber magnus_, etc., 2 vols., Berl.,
1867.--Among themselves the adherents of this sect were styled
=Mandæans=, after one of their numerous divine beings or æons,
_Manda de chaje_, meaning γνῶσις τῆς ζωῆς. In their extremely
complicated religious system, resembling in many respects the
Ophite Gnosis (§ 27, 6) and Manicheism (§ 29), this Æon takes the
place of the heavenly mediator in the salvation of the earthly
world. Among those without, however, they called themselves
Subba, =Sabeans= from צבא or צבע to baptize. Although they
cannot be identified right off with the Disciples of John and
Hemerobaptists, a historical connection between them, carrying
with it gnostic and oriental-heathen influences, is highly
probable. The name Sabean itself suggests this, but still more
the position they assign to John the Baptist as the only true
prophet over against Abraham, Moses, Jesus, and Mohammed. As
adherents of John the Baptist rejected by the Jews the old
Disciples of John had an anti-Jewish character, and by their
own rejection of Christ an anti-Christian character. By shifting
their residence to Babylon, however, they became so dependent
on the Syro-Chaldean mythology, theosophy and theurgy, that they
sank completely into paganism, and so their opposition to Judaism
and Christianity increased into fanatical hatred and horrid
calumniation.[34]
§ 25.2. =The Samaritan Heresiarchs.=
(a) =Dositheus= was according to Origen a contemporary of
Jesus and the Apostles, and gave himself out as the
prophet promised in Deut. xviii. 18. He insisted upon a
curiously strict observance of the Sabbath, and according
to Epiphanius he perished miserably in a cave in consequence
of an ostentatiously prolonged fast. Purely fabulous are
the stories of the Pseudo-Clementine writings (§ 28, 3)
which bring him into contact with John the Baptist as his
scholar and successor, and with Simon Magus as his defeated
rival. More credible is the account of an Arabic-Samaritan
Chronicle,[35] according to which the sect of the
Dostanians at the time of Simon Maccabæus traced their
descent from a Samaritan tribe, while also the Catholic
heresiologies (§ 26, 4) reckon the Dositheans among the
pre-Christian sects. According to a statement of Eulogius
of Alexandria recorded by Photius, the Dositheans and
Samaritans in Egypt in A.D. 588 disputed as to the meaning
of Deut. xviii. 18.
(b) =Simon Magus=, born, according to Justin Martyr, at Gitta
in Samaria, appeared in his native country as a soothsayer
with such success that the infatuated people hailed him as
the δύναμις τοῦ θεοῦ ἡ καλουμένη μεγάλη. When Philip the
Deacon preached the gospel in Samaria, Simon also received
baptism from him, but was sternly denounced by Peter from
whom he wished to buy the gift of communicating the Spirit
(Acts viii). As to the identity of this man with Simon
the Magician, according to Josephus hailing from Cyprus,
who induced the Herodian Drusilla to quit her husband and
become the wife of the Governor Felix (Acts xxiv. 24), it
can scarcely claim to be more than a probability. A vast
collection of fabulous legends soon grew up around the
name of Simon Magus, not only from the Gentile-Christian
and Catholic side, but also from the Jewish-Christian and
heretical side; the latter to be still met with in the
_Pseudo-Clementine Homilies and Recognitions_, while in the
_Acta Petri et Pauli_, we have the Catholic revision and
reproduction of the no longer extant Ebionistic _Acts of
Peter_ (§ 32, 6). These Judaizing heretics particularly
amused themselves by making a very slightly veiled
vile caricature of the great Apostle of the Gentiles by
transferring to the name of the magician many distorted
representations of occurrences in the life and works of the
Apostle Paul. This representation, however, was recognised
in the Acts above referred to and by the church fathers
as originally descriptive of Simon Magus. On the basis of
this legendary conglomerate Irenæus, after the example of
Justin, describes him as _Magister ac progenitor omnium
hæreticorum_. From a house of ill fame in Tyre he bought
a slave girl Helena, to whom he assigned the role of the
world creating Ἔννοια of God. The angels born of her for
the purpose of creating the world had rebelled against her;
she was enslaved, and was imprisoned, sometimes in this,
sometimes in that, human body; at one time in the body of
Helen of Troy, and at last in that of the Tyrian prostitute.
In order to redeem her and with her the world enslaved by
the rebel angels, the supreme God (ὁ ἐστώς) Himself came
down and assumed the form of man, was born unbegotten of
man, suffered in appearance in Judea, and reveals Himself
to the Samaritans as Father, to the Jews as Son, and to the
Gentiles as the Holy Spirit. The salvation of man consists
simply in acknowledging Simon and his Helena as the supreme
gods. By faith only, not by works, is man justified. The
law originated with the evil angels and was devised by them
merely to keep men in bondage under them. This last point
is evidently transferred to the magician partly from the
Apostle Paul, partly from Marcion (§ 27, 11), and is copied
from Ebionite sources. The Simon myth is specially rich in
legends about the magician’s residence in Rome, to which
place he had betaken himself after being often defeated
in disputation by the Apostle Peter, and where he was so
successful that the Romans erected a column in his honour
on an island in the Tiber, which Justin Martyr himself is
said to have seen, bearing the inscription: _Simoni sancto
Deo_. The discovery in A.D. 1574 of the column dedicated
to the Sabine god of oaths, inscribed “_Semoni Sanco Deo
Fidio_,” explains how such a legend may have arisen out
of a misunderstanding. Although by a successful piece of
jugglery--decapitation and rising again the third day,
having substituted for himself a goat whom he had bewitched
to assume his appearance, whose head was cut off--he won
the special favour of Nero, he was thereafter in public
disputation before the emperor unmasked by Peter. In order
to rehabilitate himself he offered to prove his divine
power by ascending up into heaven. For this purpose he
mounted a high tower. Peter adjured the angel of Satan,
which carried him through the air, and the magician
fell with a crash to the ground. Probably there is here
transferred to one magician what is told by Suetonius
(_Nero_, xii.) and Juvenal (_Sat._ iii. 79 ff.) as
happening to a soothsayer in Nero’s time who made an
attempt to fly. The school of Baur (§ 182, 7), after Baur
himself had discovered in the Simon Magus of the Clementine
Homilies a caricature of the Apostle Paul, has come to
question the existence of the magician altogether, and
has attempted to account for the myth as originating from
the hatred of the Jewish Christians to the Apostle of the
Gentiles. Support for this view is sought from Acts viii.,
the offering of money by the magician being regarded as a
maliciously distorted account of the contribution conveyed
by Paul to the church at Jerusalem.[36] Recently, however,
Hilgenfeld, who previously maintained this view, has again
recognised as well grounded the tradition of the Church
Fathers, that Simon was the real author of the ψευδώνυμος
γνῶσις, and has carried out this idea in his
“Ketzergeschichte.”
(c) =Menander= was, according to Justin Martyr, a disciple of
Simon. Subsequently he undertook to play the part of the
Saviour of the world. In doing so, however, he was always,
as Irenæus remarks, modest enough not to give himself out
as the supreme god, but only as the Messiah sent by Him.
He taught, however, that any one who should receive his
baptism would never become old or die.[37]
II. DANGER TO THE CHURCH FROM PAGAN AND JEWISH
ELEMENTS WITHIN ITS OWN PALE.
§ 26. GNOSTICISM IN GENERAL.[38]
The Judaism and paganism imported into the church proved more
dangerous to it than the storm of persecution raging against it from
without. Ebionism (§ 28) was the result of the attempt to incorporate
into Christianity the narrow particularism of Judaism; Heretical Gnosis
or Gnosticism was the result of the attempt to blend with Christianity
the religious notions of pagan mythology, mysteriology, theosophy and
philosophy. These two tendencies, moreover, were combined in a Gnostic
Ebionism, in the direction of which Essenism may be regarded as a
transitional stage (§ 8, 4). In many respects Manichæism (§ 29), which
sprang up at a later period, is related to the Gnosticism of Gentile
Christianity, but also in character and tendency widely different from
it. The church had to employ all her powers to preserve herself from
this medley of religious fancies and to purify her fields from the
weeds that were being sown on every side. In regard to Ebionism and
its gnosticizing developments this was a comparatively easy task. The
Gnosticism of Gentile Christianity was much more difficult to deal with,
and although the church succeeded in overcoming the weed in her fields,
yet many of its seeds continued hidden for centuries, from which sprouts
grew up now and again quite unexpectedly (§§ 54, 71, 108). This struggle
has nevertheless led to the furtherance of the church in many ways,
awakening in it a sense of scientific requirements, stirring it up
to more vigorous battling for the truth, and endowing it with a more
generous and liberal spirit. It had learnt to put a Christian gnosis in
the place of the heretical, a right and wholesome use of speculation and
philosophy, of poetry and art, in place of their misuse, and thus
enabled Christianity to realise its universal destination.
§ 26.1. =Gnosticism= was deeply rooted in a powerful and
characteristic intellectual tendency of the first century. A
persistent conviction that the ancient world had exhausted itself
and was no longer able to resist its threatened overthrow, now
prevailed and drove the deepest thinkers to adopt the boldest and
grandest Syncretism the world has ever beheld, in the blending of
all the previously isolated and heterogeneous elements of culture
as a final attempt at the rejuvenating of that which had become
old (§ 25). Even within the borders of the church this Syncretism
favoured by the prevailing spirit of the age influenced those of
superior culture, to whom the church doctrine of that age did not
seem to make enough of theosophical principles and speculative
thought, while the worship of the church seemed dry and barren.
Out of the fusing of cosmological myths and philosophemes of
oriental and Greek paganism with Christian historical elements in
the crucible of its own speculation, there arose numerous systems
of a higher fantastic sort of religious philosophy, which were
included under the common name of Gnosticism. The pagan element
is upon the whole the prevailing one, inasmuch as in most Gnostic
systems Christianity is not represented as the conclusion and
completion of the development of salvation given in the Old
Testament, but often merely as the continuation and climax of
the pagan religion of nature and the pagan mystery worship.
The attitude of this heretical gnosis toward holy scripture was
various. By means of allegorical interpretation some endeavoured
to prove their system from it; others preferred to depreciate the
Apostles as falsifiers of the original purely gnostic doctrine
of Christ, or to remodel the apostolic writings in accordance
with their own views, or even to produce a bible of their own
after the principles of their own schools in the form of gnostic
pseudepigraphs. With them, however, for the most part the
tradition of ancient wisdom as the communicated secret doctrine
stood higher than holy scripture. Over against the heretical
gnosis, an ecclesiastical gnosis was developed, especially in the
Alexandrian school of theology (Clement and Origen, § 31, 4, 5),
which, according to 1 Cor. xii. 8, 9; xiii. 2, was esteemed
and striven after as, in contradistinction to faith, a higher
stage in the development of the religious consciousness. The
essential distinction between the two consisted in this, that
the latter was determined, inspired and governed by the believing
consciousness of the universal church, as gradually formulated in
the church confession, whereas the former, completely emancipated
therefrom, disported itself in the unrestricted arbitrariness of
fantastic speculation.
§ 26.2. =The Problems of Gnostic Speculation= are: the origin
of the world and of evil, as well as the task, means and end of
the world’s development. In solving these problems the Gnostics
borrowed mostly from paganism the theory of the world’s origin,
and from Christianity the idea of redemption. At the basis
of almost all Gnostic systems there lies the dualism of God
and matter (ὕλη); only that matter is regarded sometimes in a
Platonic sense as non-essential and non-substantial (=μὴ ὄν)
and hence without hostile opposition to the godhead, sometimes
more in the Parsee sense as inspired and dominated by an evil
principle, and hence in violent opposition to the good God.
In working out the theosophical and cosmological process it is
mainly the idea of emanation (προβολή) that is called into play,
whereby from the hidden God is derived a long series of divine
essences (αἰῶνες), whose inherent divine power diminishes in
proportion as they are removed to a distance from the original
source of being. These æons then make their appearance as
intermediaries in the creation, development and redemption of the
world. The substratum out of which the world is created consists
in a mixture of the elements of the world of light (πλήρωμα)
with the elements of matter (κένωμα) by means of nature, chance
or conflict. One of the least and weakest of the æons, who is
usually designated Δημιουργός, after the example of Plato in
the _Timæus_, is brought forward as the creator of the world.
Creation is the first step toward redemption. But the Demiurge
cannot or will not carry it out, and so finally there appears in
the fulness of the times one of the highest æons as redeemer, in
order to secure perfect emancipation to the imprisoned elements
of light by the communication of the γνῶσις. Seeing that matter
is derived from the evil, he appears in a seeming body or at
baptism identifies himself with the psychical Messiah sent by
the Demiurge. The death on the cross is either only an optical
illusion, or the heavenly Christ, returning to the pleroma,
quits the man Jesus, or gives His form to some other man
(Simon of Cyrene, Matt. xxvii. 32) so that he is crucified
instead of Him (Docetism). The souls of men, according as the
pleromatic or hylic predominates in them, are in their nature,
either _Pneumatic_, which alone are capable of the γνῶσις, or
_Psychical_, which can only aspire to πίστις, or finally, _Hylic_
(χοϊκοί, σαρκικοί), to which class the great majority belongs,
which, subject to Satanic influences, serve only their lower
desires. Redemption consists in the conquest and exclusion
of matter, and is accomplished through knowledge (γνῶσις) and
asceticism. It is therefore a chemical, rather than an ethical
process. Seeing that the original seat of evil is in matter,
sanctification is driven from the ethical domain into the
physical, and consists in battling with matter and withholding
from material enjoyments. The Gnostics were thus originally very
strict in their moral discipline, but often they rushed to the
other extreme, to libertinism and antinomianism, in consequence
partly of the depreciation of the law of the Demiurge, partly
of the tendency to rebound from one extreme to the other, and
justified their conduct on the ground of παραχρῆσθαι τῇ σαρκί.
§ 26.3. =Distribution.=--_Gieseler_ groups the Gentile Christian
Gnostics according to their native countries into Egyptian or
Alexandrian, whose emanationist and dualistic theories were
coloured by Platonism, and the Syrian, whose views were affected
by Parseeism.--_Neander_ divides Gnostic systems into Judaistic
and Anti-Jewish, subdividing the latter into such as incline to
Paganism, and such as strive to apprehend Christianity in its
purity and simplicity.--_Hase_ arranges them as Oriental, Greek
and Christian.--_Baur_ classifies the Gnostic systems as those
which endeavour to combine Judaism and paganism with Christianity,
and those which oppose Christianity to these.--_Lipsius_ marks
three stages in the development of Gnosticism: the blending
of Asiatic myths with a Jewish and Christian basis which took
place in Syria; the further addition to this of Greek philosophy
either Stoicism or Platonism which was carried out in Egypt;
and recurrence to the ethical principles of Christianity, the
elevation of πίστις above γνῶσις.--_Hilgenfeld_ arranges his
discussion of these systems in accordance with their place in
the early heresiologies.--But none of these arrangements can
be regarded as in every respect satisfactory, and indeed it
may be impossible to lay down any principle of distribution of
such a kind. There are so many fundamental elements and these
of so diverse a character, that no one scheme of division
may suffice for an adequate classification of all Gnostic
systems. The difficulty was further enhanced by the contradiction,
approximation, and confusion of systems, and by their
construction and reconstruction, of which Rome as the capital
of the world was the great centre.
§ 26.4. =Sources of Information.=--Abundant as the literary
productions were which assumed the name or else without the name
developed the principles of Gnosticism, comparatively little of
this literature has been preserved. We are thus mainly dependent
upon the representations of its catholic opponents, and to them
also we owe the preservation of many authentic fragments. The
first church teacher who _ex professo_ deals with Gnosticism is
Justin Martyr (§ 30, 9), whose controversial treatise, however,
as well as that of Hegesippus (§ 31, 7), has been lost. The most
important of extant treatises of this kind are those of Irenæus
in five books _Adv. hæreses_, and of Hippolytus Ἔλεγχος κατὰ
πασῶν αἱρέσεων, the so-called _Philosophoumena_ (§ 31, 3). The
Σύνταγμα κ. π. αἱρ. of Hippolytus is no longer extant in the
original; a Latin translation of it apparently exists in the
_Libellus adv. omnes hæreses_, which has been attributed to
Tertullian. Together with the work of Irenæus, it formed a
query for the later heresiologists, Epiphanius and Philaster
(§ 47, 10, 14), who were apparently unacquainted with the later
written but more important and complete _Elenchus_. Besides these
should be mentioned the writings of Tertullian (§ 31, 10) and
Theodoret (§ 47, 9) referring to this controversy, the _Stromata_
of Clement of Alexandria, and the published discussions of Origen
(§ 31, 4, 5), especially in his Commentary on John, also the five
Dialogues of the Pseudo-Origen (Adamantius) against the Gnostics
from the beginning of the fourth century;[39] and finally many
notices in the Church History of Eusebius. The still extant
fragments of the Gnostic Apocryphal historian of the Apostles
afford information about the teaching and forms of worship of
the later syncretic vulgar Gnosticism, and also from the very
defective representations of them in the works of their Catholic
opponents.
§ 27. THE GENTILE CHRISTIAN GNOSTICISM.
In the older heretical Gnosticism (§ 18, 3), Jewish, pagan,
and Christian elements are found, which are kept distinct, or are
amalgamated or after examination are rejected, what remains being
developed, consolidated and distributed, but in a confused blending.
This is the case with Cerinthus. In Basilides again, who attaches
himself to the doctrines of Stoicism, we have Gnosticism developed under
the influence of Alexandrian culture; and soon thereafter in Valentinus,
who builds on Plato’s philosophy, it attains its richest, most profound
and noblest expression. From the blending of Syro-Chaldæan mythology
with Greek and Hellenistic-Gnostic theories issue the divers Ophite
systems. Antinomian Gnosticism with loose practical morality was an
outgrowth from the contempt shown to the Jewish God that created the
world and gave the law. The genuinely Syrian Gnosticism with its
Parseeist-dualistic ruggedness was most purely represented by Saturninus,
while in Marcion and his scholars the exaggeration of the Pauline
opposition of law and grace led to a dualistic contrast of the God of
the Old Testament and of the New. From the middle of the second century
onwards there appears in the historical development of Gnosticism an
ever-increasing tendency to come to terms with the doctrine of the
church. This is shown by the founders of new sects, Marcion, Tatian,
Hermogenes; and also by many elaborators of early systems, by Heracleon,
Ptolomæus and Bardesanes who developed the Valentinian system, in the
so-called Pistis Sophia, as the exposition of the Ophite system. This
tendency to seek reconciliation with the church is also shown in a
kind of syncretic popular or vulgar Gnosticism which sought to attach
itself more closely to the church by the composition of apocryphal
and pseudepigraphic Gospels and Acts of Apostles under biblical names
and dates (§ 32, 4-6).--The most brilliant period in the history of
Gnosticism was the second century, commencing with the age of Hadrian.
At the beginning of the third century there was scarcely one of the
more cultured congregations throughout the whole of the Roman empire and
beyond this as far as Edessa, that was not affected by it. Yet we never
find the numbers of regular Gnostic congregations exceeding that of the
Catholic. Soon thereafter the season of decay set in. Its productive
power was exhausted, and while, on the one side, it was driven back by
the Catholic ecclesiastical reaction, on the other hand, in respect of
congregational organization it was outrun and outbidden by Manichæism,
and also by Marcionism.
§ 27.1. =Cerinthus=, as Irenæus says, resting on the testimony
of Polycarp, was a younger contemporary of the Apostle John in
Asia Minor; the Apostle meeting the heretic in a bath hastened
out lest the building should fall upon the enemy of the truth.
In his Gnosticism, resting according to Hippolytus on a basis
of Alexandrian-Greek culture, we have the transition from the
Jewish-Christian to a more Gentile than Jewish-Christian Gnostic
standpoint. The continued hold of the former is seen according
to Epiphanius in the maintaining of the necessity of circumcision
and of the observances by Christians of the law given by
disposition of angels, as also, according to Caius of Rome, who
regards him as the author of the New Testament Apocalypse, in
chiliastic expectations. Both of these, however, were probably
intended only in the allegorical and spiritual sense. At the
same time, according to Irenæus and Theodoret, the essentially
Gnostic figure of the Demiurge already appears in his writings,
who without knowing the supreme God is yet useful to Him as
the creator of the world. Even Jesus, the son of Joseph and
Mary, knew him not, until the ἄνω Χριστός descended upon him at
his baptism. Before the crucifixion, which was a merely human
mischance without any redemptive significance, the Christ had
again withdrawn from him.
§ 27.2. =The Gnosticism of Basilides.=--=Basilides= (Βασιλείδης)
was a teacher in Alexandria about A.D. 120-130. He pretends to
derive the gnostic system from the notes of the esoteric teaching
of Christ taken down by the Apostle Matthew and an amanuensis
of Peter called Glaucias. He also made use of John’s Gospel and
Paul’s Epistles to the Romans, Corinthians and Ephesians. He
himself left behind 24 books Ἐξηγητικά and his equally talented
son Isidorus has left a treatise under the title Ἠθικά. Fragments
of both are found in Clement of Alexandria, two passages from
the first are given also in the “Acts of Disputation,” by
Archelaus of Cascar (§ 29, 1). Irenæus, i. 24, who refers to him
as a disciple of Menander (§ 25, 2), and the Pseudo-Tertullian,
c. 41, Epiphanius, 21, and Theodoret, i. 4, describe his system
as grossly dualistic and decidedly emanationist. Hippolytus,
vii. 14 ff., on the other hand, with whom Clement seems
to agree, describes it as a thoroughly monistic system, in
which the theogony is developed not by emanation from above
downwards but by evolution from below upwards. This latter view
which undoubtedly presents this system in a more favourable
light,--according to Baur, Uhlhorn, Jacobi, Möller, Funk, etc.,
its original form: according to Hilgenfeld, Lipsius, Volkmar,
etc., a later form influenced by later interpolations of Greek
pantheistic ideas,--makes the development of God and the world
begin with pure nothing: ἦν ὅτε ἦν οὐδέν. The principle of all
development is ὁ οὐκ ὢν θεός, who out of Himself (ἐξ οὐκ ὄντων)
calls chaos into being. This chaos was still itself an οὐκ ὄν,
but yet also the πανσπερμία τοῦ κόσμου upon which now the οὐκ ὢν
θεός as ἀκίνητος κινητής operated attractively by his beauty. The
pneumatic element in the newly created chaos is represented in a
threefold sonship (υἱότης τριμερής) of which the first and most
perfect immediately after creation with the swiftness of thought
takes its flight to the happy realm of non-existence, the Pleroma.
The second less perfect sonship struggles after the first (hence
called, μιμητική), but must, on reaching the borders of the
happy realm, cast aside the less perfect part of its being, which
now as the Holy Spirit (μεθόριον πνεῦμα) forms the vestibule
(στερέωμα) or boundary line between the Pleroma (τὰ ὑπερκόσμια)
and the cosmos, and although severed from the sonship, still,
like a vessel out of which sweet ointment has been taken, it
bears to this lower world some of the perfume adhering to it.
The third sonship being in need of purifying must still remain in
the Panspermia, and is as such the subject of future redemption.
On the other hand, the greatest archon as the most complete
concentration of all wisdom, might and glory which was found
in the psychical elements of chaos, flew up to the firmament as
ἀῤῥητῶν ἀῤῥητότερος. He now fancied himself to be the Supreme God
and ruler of all things, and begot a son, who according to the
predetermination of the non-existing excelled him in insight and
wisdom. For himself and Son, having with them besides six other
unnamed principalities, he founded the higher heavens, the so-
called Ogdoas. After him there arose of chaos a second inferior
Archon with the predicate ἄῤῥητος, who likewise begat a son
mightier than himself, and founded a lower heavenly realm,
the so-called Hebdomas, the planetary heavens. The rest of the
Panspermia was the developed κατὰ φύσιν, that is, in accordance
with the natural principle implanted in it by the non-existent
“at our stage” (τὸ διάστημα τὸ καθ’ ἡμᾶς). As the time drew near
for the manifestation of the children of God, that is, of men
whose pneumatical endowment was derived from the third sonship,
the son of the great Archon through the mediation of the μεθόριον
πνεῦμα first devised the saving plan of the Pleroma. With fear
and trembling now the great Archon too acknowledged his error,
repented of this self-exaltation and with the whole Ogdoas
rejoiced in the scheme of salvation. Through him also the son of
the second Archon is enlightened, and he instructs his father,
who now as the God of the Old Testament prepares the way for the
development of salvation by the law and prophecy. The beginning
is made by Jesus, son of the virgin Mary, who first himself
absorbed the ray of the higher light, and as “the firstborn
of the children of God” became also the Saviour (σωτήρ) of
his brethren. His sufferings were necessary for removing the
psychical and somatical elements of the Panspermia adhering to
him. They were therefore actual, not mere seeming sufferings. His
bodily part returned to the formlessness out of which it sprang;
his psychical part arose from the grave, but in his ascension
returned into the Hebdomas, while his pneumatic being belonging
to the third sonship went up to the happy seat of the οὐκ ὢν θεός.
And as he, the firstborn, so also all the children of God, have
afterwards to perform their task of securing the highest possible
development and perfection of the groaning creation (Rom. viii.
19), that is, of all souls which by their nature are eternally
bound “to our stage.” Then finally, God will pour over all
ranks of being beginning from the lowest the great ignorance
(τὴν μεγάλην ἄγνοιαν) so that no one may be disturbed in their
blessedness by the knowledge of a higher. Thus the restitution of
all things is accomplished.--The mild spirit which pervades this
dogmatic system preserved from extravagances of a rigoristic or
libertine sort the ethical system resulting from it. Marriage was
honoured and regarded as holy, though celibacy was admitted to be
helpful in freeing the soul from the thraldom of fleshly lusts.
§ 27.3. The system set forth by Irenæus and others, as that of
Basilides, represents the Supreme God as _Pater innatus_ or θεὸς
ἄῤῥητος. From him emanates the Νοῦς, from this again the Λόγος,
from this the Φρόνησις, who brings forth Σοφία and Δύναμις. From
the two last named spring the Ἀρχαί, Ἐξουσίαι and Ἄγγελοι, who
with number seven of the higher gods, the primal father, at their
head, constitute the highest heaven. From this as its ἀντίτυπος
radiates forth a second spiritual world, and the emanation
continues in this way, until it is completed and exhausts itself
in the number of 365 spiritual worlds or heavens under the mystic
name Ἀβραξάς or Ἀβρασάξ which has in its letters the numerical
value referred to. This last and most imperfect of these
spiritual worlds with its seven planet spirits forms the heaven
visible to us. Through this three hundred and sixty-five times
repeated emanation the Pleroma approaches the borders of the hyle,
a seething mass of forces wildly tossing against one another.
These rush wildly against it, snatch from it fragments of light
and imprison them in matter. From this mixture the Archon of the
lowest heaven in fellowship with his companions creates the earth,
and to each of them apportions by lot a nation, reserving to
himself the Jewish nation which he seeks to raise above all other
nations, and so introduces envy and ambition into heaven, and
war and bloodshed upon earth. Finally, the Supreme God sends his
First-born, the Νοῦς, in order to deliver men from the power of
the angel that created the world. He assumes the appearance of a
body, and does many miracles. The Jews determined upon his death;
nevertheless they crucified instead of him Simon the Cyrenian,
who assumed his shape. He himself returned to his Father. By
means of the Gnosis which he taught men’s souls are redeemed,
while their bodies perish.--The development of one of these
systems into the other might be most simply explained by assuming
that the one described in the _Elenchus_ of Hippolytus is the
original and that its reconstruction was brought about by the
overpowering intrusion of current dualistic, emanationistic,
and docetic ideas. All that had there been said about the great
Archon must now be attributed to the Supreme God, the _Pater
innatus_, while the inferior archon might keep his place as ruler
of the lowest planetary heaven. The 365 spiritual worlds had
perhaps in the other system a place between the two Archons, for
even Hippolytus, vii. 26, mentions in addition the 365 heavens
to which also he gives the name of the great Archon Abrasax.--It
is a fact of special importance that even Irenæus and Epiphanius
distinguish from the genuine disciples of Basilides the so-called
=Pseudo-Basilideans= as representing a later development, easily
deducible from the second but hardly traceable from the first
account of the system. That with their Gnosis they blended magic,
witchcraft and fantastic superstition appears from the importance
which they attached to mystic numbers and letters. Their
libertine practice can be derived from their antinomian contempt
of Judaism as well as from the theory that their bodies are
doomed to perish. So, too, their axiom that to suffer martyrdom
for the crucified, who was not indeed the real Christ, is foolish,
may be deduced from the Docetism of their system. Abrasax gems
which are still to be met with in great numbers and in great
variety are to be attributed to these Basilideans; but these
found favour and were used as talismans not only among other
Gnostic sects but also among the Alchymists of the Middle Ages.
§ 27.4. =Valentinian Gnosticism.=--=Valentinus=, the most
profound, talented and imaginative of all the Gnostics, was
educated in Alexandria, and went to Rome about A.D. 140, where,
during a residence of more than twenty years, he presided over an
influential school, and exercised also a powerful influence upon
other systems. He drew the materials for his system partly from
holy scripture, especially from the Gospel of John, partly from
the esoteric doctrine of a pretended disciple of Paul, Theodades.
Of his own voluminous writings, in the form of discourses,
epistles and poems, only a few fragments are extant. The
reporters of his teaching, Irenæus, Hippolytus, Tertullian,
Epiphanius, differ greatly from one another in details, and leave
us in doubt as to what really belongs to his own doctrine and
what to its development by his disciples--The fundamental idea of
his system rests on the notion that according to a law founded in
the depths of the divine nature the æons by emanation come into
being as pairs, male and female. The pairing of these æons in
a holy marriage is called a Syzygy. With this is joined another
characteristic notion, that in the historical development of
the Pleroma the original types of the three great crises of the
earthly history, Creation, the Fall, and Redemption, are met with.
On the basis of this he develops the most magnificently poetic
epic of a Christian mythological Theogony and Cosmogony. From the
Βυθός or Αὐτοπάτωρ and its Ἔννοια or Σιγή, evolving his thought
hitherto only in silent contemplation of his own perfection,
emanates the first and highest pair of æons, the Νοῦς or
Μονογενής who alone of all æons can bear to look into the depths
of the perfection of the Father of all, and beside him his bride
Ἀλήθεια. From them spring the Λόγος and Ζωή as the second pair,
and from this pair again Ἄνθρωπος and Ἐκκλησία as the third pair.
The Αὐτοπάτωρ and his Ennoia, with the first and highest pair
of æons emanating for them, and these together with the second
Tetras, form the Ogdoas. The Logos then begets a further removed
circle of five pairs, the Decas, and finally the Anthropos begets
the last series of six pairs, the Dodecas. Therewith the =Pleroma=
attains a preliminary completion. A final boundary is fixed for
it by the Ὅρος emanating from the Father of all, who, being alone
raised above the operation of the law of the Syzygy, is endowed
with a twofold ἐνεργεία, an ἐνεργεία διοριστική, by means of
which he wards off all from without that would hurt, and an
ἐνεργεία ἑδραστική, the symbol of which is the cross, with which
he maintains inward harmony and order. How necessary this was is
soon made apparent. For the Σοφία, the last and least member of
the fourteen æon pairs, impelled by burning desire, tears herself
away from her partner, and seeks to plunge into the Bythos
in order to embrace the Father of All himself. She is indeed
prevented from this by the Horos; but the breach in the Pleroma
has been made. In order to restore the harmony that has thus been
broken, the Monogenes begets with Aletheia a new æon pair, the
Ἄνω Χριστός and the Πνεῦμα ἅγιον which emancipates the Sophia
from her disorderly, passionate nature (Ἐνθύμησις), cuts out this
latter from the Pleroma, but unites again the purified Sophia
with her husband, and teaches all the æons about the Father’s
unapproachable and incomprehensible essence, and about the reason
and end of the Syzygies. Then they all, amid hymns of praise
and thanksgiving, present an offering to the Father, each one of
the best that he has, and form thereof an indescribably glorious
æon-being, the Ἄνω Σωτήρ, and for his service myriads of august
angels, who bow in worship before him.--The basis for the
origination of the =sensible world=, the Ὑστέρημα, consist of
the Enthymesis ejected from the Pleroma into the desert, void
and substanceless Kenoma, which is by it for the first time
filled and vitalized. It is an ἔκτρωμα, an abortion, which however
retains still the æon nature of its divine present, and as such
bears the name of Ἔξω (κάτω) Σοφία or Ἀχαμώθ (הַחָכְמוֹת). Hence even
the blessed spirits of the Pleroma can never forsake her. They
all suffer with the unfortunate, until she who had sprung from
the Pleroma is restored to it purified and matured. Hence they
espouse her, the Ektroma of the last and least of the æons, to
the Ano-Soter, the noblest, most glorious and most perfect being
in the æon-heaven, as her redeemer and future husband. He begins
by comforting the despondent and casting out from her the baser
affections. Among the worst, fear, sorrow, doubt, etc., is found
the basis of the hylic stage of existence; among the better,
repentance, desire, hope, etc., that of the psychic stage of
existence (φύσεις). Over the beings issuing forth from the former
presides Satan; over the psychical forms of being, as their
highest development, presides the Demiurge, who prepares as
his dwelling-place the seven lower heavens, the Hebdomas.
But Achamoth had retired with the pneumatic substratum still
remaining in her into the Τόπος τῆς μεσότητος, between the
Pleroma and the lower world, whence she, inspired by the
Ano-Soter, operates upon the Demiurge, who, knowing nothing of
her existence, has no anticipation thereof. From the dust of the
earth and pneumatic seed, which unobserved she conveys into it,
he formed man, breathed into him his own psychical breath of
life, and set him in paradise, that is, in the third of his seven
heavens, but banished him to earth, when he disobeyed his command,
and instead of his first ethereal garment clothed him in a
material body. When men had spread upon the earth, they developed
these different natures: _Pneumatical_, which free from the
bondage of every outward law and not subject to the impulses of
the senses, a law unto themselves, travel toward the Pleroma;
next, the _Hylic_, which, hostile to all spirit and law, and
the sport of all lusts and passions, are doomed to irremediable
destruction; and finally, the _Psychical_, which under the
discipline of outward law attain not indeed to a perfect divine
life, but yet to outward righteousness, while on the other hand
they may sink down to the rank and condition of the Hylic natures.
The _Psychical_ natures were particularly numerous among the
Jews. Therefore the Demiurge chose them as his own, and gave
them a strict law and through his prophets promised them a
future Messiah. The _Hylic_ natures which were found mostly among
the heathens, were utterly hateful to him. The _Pneumatical_
natures with their innate longing after the Pleroma, he did not
understand and therefore disregarded; but yet, without knowing
or designing it, he chose many of them for kings, priests, and
prophets of his people, and to his amazement heard from their
lips prophecies of a higher soul, which originated from Achamoth,
and which he did not understand. When the time was fulfilled,
he sent his Messiah in the person of Jesus. When he was baptized
by John, the heaven opened over him and the Ano-Soter descended
upon him. The Demiurge saw it and was astonished, but submitted
himself awe-stricken to the will of the superior deities. The
Soter remained then a year upon the earth. The Jews, refusing to
receive him, nailed his organ, the psychical Messiah, to a cross;
but his sufferings were only apparent sufferings, since the
Demiurge had supplied him in his origin with an ethereal and
only seemingly material body. In consequence of the work of the
Ano-Soter the Pneumatical natures by means of the Gnosis taught
by him, but the Psychical natures by means of Pistis, attain unto
perfection after their kind. When once everything pneumatical and
psychical which was bound up in matter, has been freed from it,
the course of the world has reached its end and the longed-for
time of Achamoth’s marriage will have come. Accompanied by
myriads of his angels, the Soter leads the noble sufferer into
the Pleroma. The pneumatical natures follow her, and as the
Soter is married to Achamoth, the angels are married to them. The
Demiurge goes with his tried and redeemed saints into the Τόπος
τῆς μεσότητος. But from the depths of the Hyle breaks forth a
hidden fire which utterly consumes the Hylic natures and the Hyle
itself.[40]
§ 27.5. According to Hippolytus the Valentinian school split
up into two parties--an Italian party, the leaders of which,
Heracleon and Ptolemæus [Ptolemy], were at Rome, and an Eastern
party to which Axionicus and Bardesanes belonged. =Heracleon= of
Alexandria was a man of a profoundly religious temperament, who
in his speculation inclined considerably toward the doctrine of
the church, and even wrote the first commentary on the Gospel
of John, of which many fragments are preserved in Origen’s
commentary on that gospel. =Ptolemæus= [Ptolemy] drew even
closer than his master to the church doctrine. Epiphanius quotes
a letter of his to his pupil Flora in which, after Marcion’s
example (see § 27, 11), the distinction of the divine and the
demiurgical in the Old Testament, and the relation of the Old
Testament to the New, are discussed. A position midway between
that of the West and of the East is apparently represented
by Marcus and his school. He combined with the doctrine of
Valentinus the Pythagorean and cabbalistic mysticism of numbers
and letters, and joined thereto magical and soothsaying arts.
His followers, the Marcosians, had a form of worship full of
ceremonial observances, with a twofold baptism, a psychical
one in the Kato-Christus for the forgiveness of sins, and a
pneumatical one for affiance with the future heavenly syzygy.
Of the Antiochean Axionicus we know nothing but the name. Of far
greater importance was =Bardesanes=, who flourished according
to Eusebius in the time of Marcus Aurelius, but is assigned by
authentic Syrian documents to the beginning of the third century.
The chief sources of information about his doctrine are the
56 rhyming discourses of Ephraem [Ephraim] against the heretics.
Living at the court and enjoying the favour of the king of Edessa,
he never attacked in his sermons the doctrinal system of the
church, but spread his Gnostic views built upon a Valentinian
basis in lofty hymns of which, besides numerous fragments in
Ephraem [Ephraim], some are preserved in the apocryphal _Acta
Thomae_ (§ 32, 6). Among his voluminous writings there was a
controversial treatise against the Marcionites (see § 27, 11).
In a Dialogue, Περὶ εἱμαρμένης, attributed to him, but probably
belonging to one of his disciples named Philippus, from which
Eusebius (_Præp. Ev._ vi. 10) quotes a passage, the Syrian
original of which, “The Book of the Laws of the Land,” was only
recently discovered,[41] astrology and fatalism are combated
from a Christian standpoint, although the author is still himself
dominated by many Zoroastrian ideas. Harmonius, the highly gifted
son of Bardesanes, distinguished himself by the composition of
hymns in a similar spirit.