HISTORY OF THE PREPARATION FOR CHRISTIANITY.

The pre-Christian World preparing the way

of the Christian Church.

§ 6. THE STANDPOINT OF UNIVERSAL HISTORY.

The middle point of the epochs and developments of the human race is

the incarnation of God in Christ. With it begins, upon it rests, the

fulness of the time (Gal. iv. 4), and toward it the whole pre-Christian

history is directed as anticipatory or progressive. This preparation has

its beginning in the very cradle of humanity, and is soon parted in the

two directions of Heathenism and Judaism. In the former case we have the

development of merely human powers and capacities; in the latter case

this development is carried on by continuous divine revelation. Both

courses of development, distinguished not only by the means, but also by

the task undertaken and the end aimed at, run alongside of one another,

until in the fulness of the time they are united in Christianity and

contribute thereto the fruits and results of what was essential and

characteristic in their several separate developments.

§ 7. HEATHENISM.

The primitive race of man, surrounded by rich and luxuriant forms

of nature, put this abundance of primeval power in the place of the

personal and supramundane God. Surrounded by such an inexhaustible

fulness of life and pleasures, man came to look upon nature as more

worthy of sacrifice and reverence than a personal God removed far off

into supramundane heights. Thus arose heathenism as to its general

features: a self-absorption into the depths of the life of nature,

a deification of nature, a worshipping of nature (Rom. i. 21 ff.),

therefore, the religion of nature, in accordance with which, too,

its moral character is determined. Most conspicuously by means of its

intellectual culture has heathenism given preliminary aid to the church

for the performing of her intellectual task. And even the pagan empire,

with its striving after universal dominion, as well as the active

commercial intercourse in the old heathen world, contributed in

preparing the way of the church.

§ 7.1. =The Religious Character of Heathenism.=--The hidden

powers of the life of nature and the soul, not intellectually

apprehended in the form of abstract knowledge, but laid hold of

in immediate practice, and developed in speculation and mysticism,

in natural magic and soothsaying, and applied to all the

relations of human life, seemed revelations of the eternal spirit

of nature, and, mostly by means of the intervention of prominent

personalities and under the influence of various geographical

and ethnographical peculiarities, produced manifold systems of

the religion of nature. Common to all, and deeply rooted in the

nature of heathenism, is the distinction between the _esoteric_

religion of the priests, and the _exoteric_ religion of the

people. The former is essentially a speculative ideal pantheism;

the latter is for the most part a mythical and ceremonial

polytheism. The religious development of heathenism has

nevertheless been by no means stripped of all elements of truth.

Apart from casual remnants of the primitive divine revelation,

which, variously contorted on their transmission through heathen

channels, may lie at the foundation or be inwrought into its

religious systems, the hothouse-like development of the religion

of nature has anticipated many a religious truth which, in the

way of divine revelation, could only slowly and at a late period

come to maturity, but has perverted and distorted it to such a

degree that it was little better than a caricature. To this class

belong, for example, the pantheistic theories of the Trinity and

the Incarnation, the dualistic acknowledgment of the reality of

evil, etc. To this also especially belongs the offering of human

victims which has been practised in all religions of nature

without exception,--a terrible and to some extent prophetic cry

of agony from God-forsaken men, which is first toned down on

Golgotha into hymns of joy and thanksgiving. Witness is given to

the power and energy, with which the religions of nature in the

time of their bloom took possession of and ruled over the minds

and emotions of men, by the otherwise unexampled sacrifices

and self-inflictions, such as hecatombs, offerings of children,

mutilation, prostitution, etc., to which its votaries submitted,

and not less the almost irresistible charm which it exercised

again and again upon the people of Israel during the whole course

of their earlier history. It also follows from this that the

religion of heathenism does not consist in naked lies and pure

illusions. There are elements of truth in the lies, which gave

this power to the religion of nature. There are anticipations

of redemption, though these were demoniacally perverted, which

imparted to it this charm. There are mysterious phenomena of

natural magic and soothsaying which seemed to establish their

divine character. But the worship of nature had the fate of all

unnatural, precocious development. The truth was soon swallowed

up by the lies, the power of development and life, of which more

than could possibly be given was demanded, was soon consumed and

used up. The blossoms fell before the fruit had set. Mysteries

and oracles, magic and soothsaying, became empty forms, or organs

of intentional fraud and common roguery. And so it came to pass

that one harauspex could not look upon another without laughing.

Unbelief mocked everything, superstition assumed its most absurd

and utterly senseless forms, and religions of an irrational

mongrel type sought in vain to quicken again a nerveless and

soulless heathenism.

§ 7.2. =The Moral Character of Heathenism.=--Religious character

and moral character go always hand in hand. Thus, too, the moral

life among heathen peoples was earnest, powerful, and true,

or lax, defective, and perverse, in the same proportion as was

the religious life of that same period. The moral faults of

heathenism flow from its religious faults. It was a religion of

the present, to whose gods therefore were also unhesitatingly

ascribed all the imperfections of the present. In this way

religion lost all its power for raising men out of the mire and

dust surrounding them. The partly immoral myths sanctioned or

excused by the example of the gods the grossest immoralities. As

the type and pattern of reproductive power in the deified life

of nature, the gratification of lust was often made the central

and main point in divine service. The idea of pure humanity was

wholly wanting in heathenism. It could only reach the conception

of nationality, and its virtues were only the virtues of citizens.

In the East despotism crushed, and in the West fierce national

antipathies stifled the acknowledgment of, universal human rights

and the common rank of men, so that the foreigner and the slave

were not admitted to have any claims. As the worth of man was

measured only by his political position, the significance of

woman was wholly overlooked and repudiated. Her position was at

most only that of the maid of the man, and was degraded to the

lowest depths in the East by reason of the prevalent polygamy.

Notwithstanding all these great and far-reaching moral faults,

heathenism, in the days of its bloom and power, at least in those

departments of the moral life, such as politics and municipal

matters, in which pantheism and polytheism did not exert

their relaxing influence, had still preserved much high moral

earnestness and an astonishing energy. But when the religion of

their fathers, reduced to emptiness and powerlessness, ceased to

be the soul and bearer of those departments of life, all moral

power was also withdrawn from them. The moral deterioration

reached its culminating point in the dissolute age of the Roman

Emperors. In this indescribable state of moral degeneration, the

church found heathenism, when it began its spiritual regeneration

of the world.

§ 7.3. =The Intellectual Culture in Heathenism.=--The

intellectual culture of heathenism has won in regard to the

church a twofold significance. On the one hand it affords a

pattern, and on the other it presents a warning beacon. Pagan

science and art, in so far as they possess a generally culturing

influence and present to the Christian church a special type

for imitation, are but the ultimate results of the intellectual

activity which manifested itself among the Greeks and Romans

in philosophy, poetry and historical writing, which have in two

directions, as to form and as to contents, become the model for

the Christian church, preparing and breaking up its way. On the

one side they produced forms for the exercise of the intellectual

life, which by their exactness and clearness, by their variety

and many-sidedness, afforded to the new intellectual contents of

Christianity a means for its formal exposition and expression.

But, on the other side, they also produced, from profound

consideration of and research into nature and spirit, history

and life, ideas and reflections which variously formed an

anticipation of the ideas of redemption and prepared the soil

for their reception. The influence, however, on the other hand,

which oriental forms of culture had upon the development and

construction of the history of redemption, had already exhausted

itself upon Judaism. What the symbolism of orientalism had

contributed to Judaism, namely the form in which the divine

contents communicated by Old Testament prophesy should be

presented and unfolded, the dialectic of classical heathenism was

to Christianity, in which the symbolic covering of Judaism was to

be torn off and the thought of divine redemption to be manifested

and to be laid hold of in its purely intellectual form. The

influence of heathenism upon the advancing church in the other

direction as affording a picture of what was to be avoided, was

represented not less by Eastern culture than by the classical

culture of the Greeks and Romans. Here it was exclusively the

contents, and indeed the ungodly anti-Christian contents, the

specifically heathen substance of the pagan philosophy, theosophy,

and mysteriosophy, which by means of tolerated forms of culture

sought to penetrate and completely paganize Christianity. To

heathenism, highly cultured but pluming itself in the arrogance

of its sublime wisdom, Christianity, by whose suggestive

profundity it had been at first attracted, appeared altogether

too simple, unphilosophical, unspeculative, to satisfy the

supposed requirements of the culture of the age. There was needed,

it was thought, fructification and enriching by the collective

wisdom of the East and the West before religion could in truth

present itself as absolute and perfect.

§ 7.4. =The Hellenic Philosophy.=--What is true of Greek-Roman

culture generally on its material and formal sides, that it

powerfully influenced Christianity now budding into flower,

is preeminently true of the Greek Philosophy. Regarded as

a prefiguration of Christianity, Greek philosophy presents

a negative side in so far as it led to the dissolution of

heathenism, and a positive side in so far as it, by furnishing

form and contents, contributed to the construction of

Christianity. From its very origin Hellenic philosophy

contributed to the negative process by undermining the people’s

faith in heathenism, preparing for the overthrow of idolatry, and

leading heathenism to take a despondent view of its own future.

It is with =Socrates=, who died in B.C. 399, that the positive

prefiguring of Christianity on the part of Greek philosophy comes

first decidedly into view. His humble confession of ignorance,

his founding of the claim to wisdom on the Γνῶθι σεαυτόν,

the tracing of his deepest thoughts and yearnings back to

divine suggestions (his Δαιμόνιον), his grave resignation to

circumstances, and his joyful hope in a more blessed future,

may certainly be regarded as faint anticipations and prophetic

adumbrations of the phenomena of Christian faith and life.

=Plato=, who died B.C. 348, with independent speculative and

poetic power, wrought the scattered hints of his teacher’s wisdom

into an organically articulated theory of the universe, which

in its anticipatory profundity approached more nearly to the

Christian theory of the universe than any other outside the range

of revelation. His philosophy leads men to an appreciation of his

God-related nature, takes him past the visible and sensible to

the eternal prototypes of all beauty, truth and goodness, from

which he has fallen away, and awakens in him a profound longing

after his lost possessions. In regard to matter =Aristotle=, who

died B.C. 322, does not stand so closely related to Christianity

as Plato, but in regard to form, he has much more decidedly

influenced the logical thinking and systematizing of later

Christian sciences. In these two, however, are reached the

highest elevation of the philosophical thinking of the Greeks,

viewed in itself as well as in its positive and constructive

influence upon the church. As philosophy down to that time,

consciously or unconsciously, had wrought for the dissolution

of the religion of the people, it now proceeded to work its own

overthrow, and brought into ever deeper, fuller and clearer

consciousness the despairing estimate of the world regarding

itself. This is shown most significantly in the three schools

of philosophy which were most widely spread at the entrance of

the church into the Græco-Roman world, Epicureanism, Stoicism,

and Scepticism. =Epicurus=, who died B.C. 271, in his philosophy

seeks the highest good in pleasure, recognises in the world only

a play of fortune, regards the soul as mortal, and supposes that

the gods in their blissful retirement no longer take any thought

about the world. =Stoicism=, founded by Zeno, who died in B.C.

260, over against the Epicurean deism set up a hylozoistic

pantheism, made the development of the world dependent upon the

unalterable necessity of fate, which brings about a universal

conflagration, out of which again a new world springs to follow

a similar course. To look on pleasure with contempt, to scorn

pain, and in case of necessity to end a fruitless life by

suicide--these constitute the core of all wisdom. When he has

reached such a height in the mastery of self and of the world the

wise man is his own god, finding in himself all that he needs.

Finally, in conflict with Stoicism arose the =Scepticism= of the

_New Academy_, at the head of which were Arcesilaus who died B.C.

240 and Carneades who died B.C. 128. This school renounced all

knowledge of truth as something really unattainable, and in the

moderation (ἐποχή) of every opinion placed the sum of theoretic

wisdom, while it regarded the sum of all practical wisdom to

consist in the evidence of every passionate or exciting effort.

§ 7.5. =The Heathen State.=--In the grand endeavour of heathenism

to redeem itself by its own resources and according to its own

pleasure, the attempt was finally made by the concentration of

all forces into one colossal might. To gather into one point all

the mental and bodily powers of the whole human race, and through

them also all powers of nature and the products of all zones

and lands, and to put them under one will, and then in this

will to recognise the personal and visible representation of the

godhead--to this was heathenism driven by an inner necessity.

Hence arose a struggle, and in consequence of the pertinacity

with which it was carried on, one kingdom after another was

overthrown, until the climax was reached in the Roman empire.

Yet even this empire was broken and dissolved when opposed by the

spiritual power of the kingdom of God. Like all the endeavours

of heathenism, this struggle for =absolute sovereignty= had a

twofold aspect; there are thereby made prominent men’s own ways

and God’s ways, the undivine aims of men, and the blessed results

which God’s government of the world could secure for them. We

have here to do first of all simply with the Roman universal

empire, but the powers that rose in succession after it are only

rejuvenations and powerful continuations of the endeavour of the

earlier power, and so that is true of every state which is true

of the Roman. Its significance as a preparer of the way for the

church is just this, that in consequence of the articulation of

the world into one great state organisation, the various stages

and elements of culture found among the several civilized races

hitherto isolated, contributed now to one universal civilization,

and a rapid circulation of the new life-blood driven by the

church through the veins of the nations was made possible and

easy. With special power and universal success had the exploits

of Alexander the Great in this direction made a beginning, which

reached perfection under the Roman empire. The ever advancing

prevalence of one language, the Greek, which at the time of the

beginning of the church was spoken and understood in all quarters

of the Roman empire, which seemed, like a temporary suspension

of the doom of the confusion of languages which accompanied the

rise of heathenism (Gen. xi.), to celebrate its return to the

divine favour, belongs also pre-eminently to those preparatory

influences. And as the heathen state sought after the

concentration of all might, =Industry= and =Trade=, moved by

the same principle, sought after the concentration of wealth and

profit. But as worldly enterprise for its own ends made paths for

universal commerce over wastes and seas, and visited for purposes

of trade the remotest countries and climes, it served unwittingly

and unintentionally the higher purposes of divine grace by

opening a way for the spread of the message of the gospel.

§ 8. JUDAISM.

In a land which, like the people themselves, combined the character

of insular exclusiveness with that of a central position in the ancient

world, Israel, on account of the part which it was called to play in

universal history, had to be the receiver and communicator of God’s

revelations of His salvation, had to live quiet and apart, taking

little to do with the world’s business; having, on the other hand, the

assurance from God’s promise that disasters threatened by heathenish

love of conquest and oppression would be averted. This position and

this task were, indeed, only too often forgotten. Only too often did

the Israelites mix themselves up in worldly affairs, with which they

had no concern. Only too often by their departure from their God did

they make themselves like the heathen nations in religion, worship,

and conversation, so that for correction and punishment they had

often to be put under a heavy yoke. Yet the remnant of the holy seed

(Isa. iv. 3; vi. 13) which was never wholly wanting even in times of

general apostasy, as well as the long-suffering and faithfulness of

their God, ensured the complete realisation of Israel’s vocation, even

though the unspiritual mass of the people finally rejected the offered

redemption.

§ 8.1. =Judaism under special Training of God through the Law and

Prophecy.=--Abraham was chosen as a single individual (Isa. li. 2),

and, as the creator of something new, God called forth from an

unfruitful womb the seed of promise. As saviour and redeemer

from existing misery He delivered the people of promise from the

oppression of Egyptian slavery. In the Holy Land the family must

work out its own development, but in order that the family might

be able unrestrainedly to expand into a great nation, it was

necessary that it should first go down into Egypt. Moses led the

people thus disciplined out of the foreign land, and gave them

a theocratic constitution, law, and worship as means for the

accomplishment of their calling, as a model and a schoolmaster

leading on to future perfection (Gal. iii. 24; Heb. x. 1). The

going out of Egypt was the birth of the nation, the giving of

the law at Sinai was its consecration as a holy nation. Joshua

set forth the last condition for an independent people, the

possession of a country commensurate with the task of the nation,

a land of their own that would awaken patriotic feelings. Now the

theocracy under the form of a purely popular institution under

the fostering care of the priesthood could and should have borne

fruit, but the period of the Judges proves that those two factors

of development were not sufficient, and so now two new agencies

make their appearance; the Prophetic order as a distinct and

regular office, constituted for the purpose of being a mouth

to God and a conscience to the state, and the Kingly order for

the protecting of the theocracy against hurt from without and

for the establishment of peace within her borders. By David’s

successes the theocracy attained unto a high degree of political

significance, and by Solomon’s building of the temple the typical

form of worship reached the highest point of its development.

In spite, however, of prophecy and royalty, the people, ever

withdrawing themselves more and more from their true vocation,

were not able outwardly and inwardly to maintain the high level.

The division of the kingdom, internal feuds and conflicts,

their untheocratic entanglement in the affairs of the world, the

growing tendency to fall away from the worship of Jehovah and

to engage in the worship of high places, and calves, and nature,

called down incessantly the divine judgments, in consequence of

which they fell a prey to the heathen. Yet this discipline was

not in vain. Cyrus decreed their return and their independent

organization, and even prophecy was granted for a time to the

restored community for its establishment and consolidation. Under

these political developments has prophecy, in addition to its

immediate concern with its own times in respect of teaching,

discipline, and exhortation, given to the promise of future

salvation its fullest expression, bringing a bright ray of

comfort and hope to light up the darkness of a gloomy present.

The fading memories of the happy times of the brilliant victories

of David and the glorious peaceful reign of Solomon formed the

bases of the delineations of the future Messianic kingdom, while

the disasters, the suffering and the humiliation of the people

during the period of their decay gave an impulse to Messianic

longings for a Messiah suffering for the sins of the people

and taking on Himself all their misery. And now, after it

had effected its main purpose, prophecy was silenced, to be

reawakened only in a complete and final form when the fulness

of time had come.

§ 8.2. =Judaism after the Cessation of Prophecy.=--The time had

now come when the chosen people, emancipated from the immediate

discipline of divine revelation, but furnished with the results

and experiences of a rich course of instruction, and accompanied

by the law as a schoolmaster and by the light of the prophetic

word, should themselves work out the purpose of their calling.

The war of extermination which Antiochus Epiphanes in his heathen

fanaticism waged against Judaism, was happily and victoriously

repelled, and once more the nation won its political independence

under the Maccabees. At last, however, owing to the increasing

corruption of the ruling Maccabean family, they were ensnared by

the craft of the Roman empire. The Syrian religious persecution

and the subsequent oppression of the Romans roused the national

spirit and the attachment to the religion of their fathers to the

most extreme exclusiveness, fanatical hatred, and proud scorn of

everything foreign, and converted the Messianic hope into a mere

political and frantically carnal expectation. True piety more

and more disappeared in a punctilious legalism and ceremonialism,

in a conceited self-righteousness and boastful confidence in

their own good works. Priests and scribes were eagerly bent

on fostering this tendency and increasing the unsusceptibility

of the masses for the spirituality of the redemption that was

drawing nigh, by multiplying and exaggerating external rules

and by perverse interpretation of scripture. But in spite of all

these perverting and far-reaching tendencies, there was yet in

quiet obscurity a sacred plantation of the true Israel (John i. 47;

Luke i. 6; ii. 25, 38, etc.), as a garden of God for the first

reception of salvation in Christ.

§ 8.3. =The Synagogues.=--The institution of the =Synagogues=

was of the greatest importance for the spread and development of

post-exilian Judaism. They had their origin in the consciousness

that, besides the continuance of the symbolical worship of the

temple, a ministry of the word for edification by means of the

revelation of God in the law and the prophets was, after the

withdrawal of prophecy, all the more a pressing need and duty.

But they also afforded a nursery for the endeavour to widen and

contract the law of Moses by Rabbinical rules, for the tendency

to external legalism and hypocrisy, for the national arrogance

and the carnal Messianic expectations, which from them passed

over into the life of the people. On the other hand, the

synagogues, especially outside of Palestine, among the dispersion,

won a far-reaching significance for the church by reason of

their missionary tendency. For here where every Sabbath the holy

scripture of the Old Testament was read in the Greek translation

of the Septuagint and expounded, a convenient opportunity was

given to heathens longing for salvation to gain acquaintance with

the revelations and promises of God in the Old Covenant, and here

there was already a place for the first ministers of the gospel,

from which they could deliver their message to an assembled

multitude of people from among the Jews and Gentiles. (Schürer,

“Hist. of the Jewish People in the Time of Jesus Christ.” Div. ii.,

vol. 2., “The School and Synagogue.” pp. 44-89, Edin., 1885.)

§ 8.4. =Pharisees, Sadducees, and Essenes.=--The strict,

traditionally legalistic, carnally particularistic tendency

of Post-Exilian Judaism had its representatives and supporters

in the sect of the =Pharisees= (פְרוּשִׁים, ἀφωρισμένοι), so called

because their main endeavour was to maintain the strictest

separation from everything heathenish, foreign, and ceremonially

unclean. By their ostentatious display of zeal for the law, their

contempt for everything not Jewish, their democratic principles

and their arrogant patriotism, they won most completely the

favour of the people; they shared the evil fortunes of the

Maccabean princes, and became the bitterest enemies of the

Herodians, and entertained a burning fanatical hatred to the

Romans. They held sway in the synagogues to such an extent

that the names Scribes and Pharisees were regarded as almost

synonymous, and even in the Sanhedrim they secured many seats.

In the times of Jesus the schools of Hillel and Shammai contended

with one another, the former pleading for somewhat lax views,

especially in reference to divorce and the obligation of oaths,

while the latter insisted upon the most rigorous interpretation

of the law. Both, however, were agreed in the recognition of oral

tradition, the παραδόσεις τῶν πατέρων, as a binding authority and

an essential supplement to the law of Moses. In direct opposition

to them stand the =Sadducees=, out of sympathy with the

aspirations of the people, and abandoning wholly the sacred

traditions, and joining themselves in league with the Herodians

and Romans. The name originally designated them as descendants of

the old temple aristocracy represented by the family of the high

priest Zadok, and, in consequence of the similarity in sound

between צַדּוּקיִם and צַדּיִקיִם, gave expression to their claim to be

regarded as essentially and truly righteous because of their

outward adherence to the Mosaic law. Proceeding on the principle

that virtue as a free act of man has in it its own worth and

reward, just as vice has in it its own punishment, they rejected

the doctrine of a future judgment, denied the doctrine of a

resurrection, the existence of angels and spirits, and the

doctrine of the divine foreknowledge.[2] The =Essenes=, not

mentioned in the Bible, but named by Philo, Josephus, and the

elder Pliny, form a third sect. Their name was probably derived

from חֲסֵא, pious. The original germ of their society is found

in distinct colonies on the banks of the Dead Sea, which kept

apart from the other Jews, and recognised even among themselves

four different grades of initiation, each order being strictly

separated from the others. A member was received only after

a three years’ novitiate, and undertook to keep secret the

mysteries of the order. Community of goods in the several

communities and clans, meals in common accompanied by religious

ceremonies, frequent prayers in the early morning with the face

directed to the rising sun, oft repeated washings and cleansings,

diligent application to agriculture and other peaceful

occupations, abstaining from the use of flesh and wine, from

trade and every warlike pursuit, from slavery and taking of

oaths, perhaps also abstinence from marriage in the higher orders,

were the main conditions of membership in their association.

The Sabbath was observed with great strictness, but sacrifices

of blood were abolished, and all anointing with oil was regarded

as polluting. They still, however, maintained connection with

Judaism by sending gifts to the temple. So far the order may

fairly be regarded, as it is by Ritschl, as a spiritualizing

exaggeration of the Mosaic idea of the priestly character that

had independently grown up on Jewish soil, and indeed especially

as an attempt to realize the calling set forth in Exod. xix. 5, 6,

and repudiated in Exod. xx. 19, 20, unto all Israelites to be a

spiritual priesthood. But when, on the other hand, the Essenes,

according to Josephus, considered the body as a prison in which

the soul falling from its ethereal existence is to be confined

until freed from its fetters by death it returns again to heaven,

this can scarcely be explained as originating from any other than

a heathen source, especially from the widely spread influences

of Neo-Pythagoreanism (§ 24). Lucius (1881) derives the name

and seeks their origin from the Asidæans, Chasidim, or Pious,

in 1 Macc. ii. 42; vii. 13; and 2 Macc. xiv. 6. Very striking

too is Hilgenfeld’s carefully weighed and ably sustained theory

(_Ketzergesch._, pp. 87-149), that their descent is to be traced

from the Kenite Rechabites (Jer. xxxv.; Judg. i. 16), and their

name from the city Gerasa, west of the Dead Sea, called in

Josephus also Essa, where the Rechabites, abandoning their tent

life, formed a settlement. In the time of Josephus the Essenes

numbered about four thousand. In consequence of the Jewish war,

which brought distress upon them, as well as upon the Christians,

they were led into friendly relations with Christianity; but even

when adopting the Christian doctrines, they still carried with

them many of their earlier tenets (§ 28, 2, 3).[3]

§ 9. SAMARITANISM.

The Samaritans, who came into existence at the time of the overthrow

of the kingdom of Israel, from the blending of Israelitish and

heathenish elements, desired fellowship with the Jewish colony that

returned from the Babylonish captivity, but were repelled on account

of their manifold compromises with pagan practice. And although an

expelled Jew named Manasseh purified their religion as far as possible

of heathenish elements, and gave them a temple and order of worship on

Mount Gerizim, this only increased the hatred of the Jews against them.

Holding fast to the Judaism taught them by Manasseh, the Samaritans

never adopted the refinements and perversions of later Judaism. Their

Messianic expectations remained purer, their particularism less severe.

While thus rendered capable of forming a more impartial estimate of

Christianity, they were also inclined upon the whole, because of the

hatred and contempt which they had to endure from Pharisaic Judaism,

to look with favour upon Christianity despised and persecuted as they

themselves had been (John iv. 41; Acts viii. 5 ff.). On the other hand,

the syncretic-heathen element, which still flourished in Samaritanism,

showed its opposition to Christianity by positive reactionary attempts

(§ 25, 2).[4]

§ 10. INTERCOURSE BETWEEN JUDAISM AND HEATHENISM.

Alexander the Great’s conquest of the world brought into connection

with one another the most diverse elements of culture in antiquity.

Least of all could Judaism outside of Palestine, the _diaspora_, living

amid the influences of heathen or Hellenic culture and ways of viewing

things, withdraw itself from the syncretic current of the age. The Jews

of Eastern Asia maintained a closer connection and spiritual affinity

with the exclusive Palestinian Rabbinism, and the heathen element,

which here penetrated into their religious conceptions, became, chiefly

through the Talmud, the common property of post-Christian Judaism. But

heathenism also, contemptible as Judaism appeared to it, was susceptible

to Jewish influences, impressed by the deeper religious contents of

Judaism, and though only sporadic, instances of such influence were by

no means rare.

§ 10.1. =Influence of Heathenism upon Judaism.=--This reached

its greatest strength in Egypt, the special centre and source of

the syncretic tendencies of the age. Forming for itself by means

of the adoption of Greek culture and especially of the Platonic

philosophy a more universal basis of culture, Jewish Hellenism

flourished in Alexandria. After Aristobulus, who wrote Ἐξηγήσεις

τῆς Μωυσέως, about B.C. 170, now only found in a fragment

of doubtful authority, and the author of the Book of Wisdom,

the chief representative of this tendency was the Alexandrian

Jew Philo, a contemporary of Christ. His Platonism enriched

by elements drawn from Old Testament revelation and from

the doctrines of the Essenes has on many points carried its

speculation to the very borders of Christianity, and has formed

a scaffolding for the Christian philosophy of the Church Fathers.

He taught that all nations have received a share of divine truth,

but that the actual founder and father of all true philosophy

was Moses, whose legislation and teaching formed the source of

information for even the Greek Philosophy and Mysteriosophy.

But it is only by means of allegorical interpretation that such

depths can be discovered. God is τὸ ὄν, matter τὸ μὴ ὄν. An

intermediate world, corresponding to the Platonic world of ideas,

is the κόσμος νοητός, consisting of innumerable spirits and

powers, angels and souls of men, but bound together into a unity

in and issuing from the Word of God, who as the λόγος ἐνδιαθετός

was embraced in God from eternity, coming forth from God as the

λόγος προφορικός for the creation of the world (thought and word).

The visible world, on account of the physical impotence of matter,

is an imperfect representation of the κόσμος νοητός, etc. On the

ground of the writing _De vita contemplativa_ attributed to Philo,

the =Therapeutæ=, or worshippers of God, mentioned therein, had

been regarded as a contemplative ascetic sect related to the

Essenes, affected by an Alexandrian philosophical spirit, living

a sort of monastic life in the neighbourhood of Alexandria, until

Lucius (Strassb., 1879) withdrew them from the domain of history

to that of Utopian romance conceived in support of a special

theory. This scholar has proved that the writing referred to

cannot possibly be assigned to Philo, but must have been composed

about the end of the third century in the interest of Christian

monasticism, for which it presented an idealizing apology. This,

however, has been contested by Weingarten, in Herzog, x. 761, on

good grounds, and the origin of the book has been assigned to a

period soon after Philo, when Hellenistic Judaism was subjected

to a great variety of religious and philosophical influences.[5]

§ 10.2. =Influence of Judaism upon Heathenism.=--The heathen

state showed itself generally tolerant toward Judaism. Alexander

the Great and his successors, the Ptolemies, to some extent

also the Seleucidæ, allowed the Jews the free exercise of

their religion and various privileges, while the Romans allowed

Judaism to rank as a _religio licita_. Nevertheless the Jews were

universally despised and hated. Tacitus calls them _despectissima

pars servientium, teterrima gens_; and even the better class of

writers, such as Manetho, Justin, Tacitus, gave currency to the

most absurd stories and malicious calumnies against them. In

opposition to these the Jewish historian Flavius Josephus took

pains to overcome the prejudices of Greeks and Romans against

his nation, by presenting to them its history and institutions

in the most favourable light. But on the other side, the Greek

translation of the Old Testament, called the Septuagint, as well

as the multitude of Jewish synagogues, which during the Roman

period were scattered over the whole world, afforded to every

heathen interested therein the opportunity of discovering by

personal examination and inquiry the characteristic principles

of Judaism. When, therefore, we consider the utterly corrupt

condition of heathenism, we cannot wonder that Judaism, in spite

of all the contempt that was thrown upon it, would attract,

by reason of its hoary antiquity and the sublime simplicity of

its creed, the significance of its worship, and its Messianic

promises, many of the better aspiring heathens, who were no

longer satisfied with their sorely degraded forms of religion.

And though indeed only a few enrolled themselves as “_Proselytes

of Righteousness_,” entering the Jewish community by submitting

to the rite of circumcision, the number of the “_Proselytes of

the Gate_” who without observing the whole of the ceremonial law

undertook to abandon their idols and to worship Jehovah, in all

ranks of society, mostly women, was very considerable, and it

was just among them that Christianity found the most hearty and

friendly acceptance.

§ 11. THE FULNESS OF TIME.

The fulness of the olden time had come when the dawn of a new era

burst forth over the mountains of Judea. All that Judaism and heathenism

had been able to do in preparing the way for this new era had now been

done. Heathenism was itself conscious of its impotence and unfitness

for satisfying the religious needs of the human spirit, and wherever it

had not fallen into dreary unbelief or wild superstition, it struggled

and agonized, aspiring after something better. In this way negatively

a path was prepared for the church. In science and art, as well as in

general intellectual culture, heathenism had produced something great

and imperishable; and ineffectual as these in themselves had proved to

restore again to man the peace which he had lost and now sought after,

they might become effectually helpful for such purposes when made

subservient to the true salvation. And so far heathenism was a positive

helper to the church. The impression that a crisis in the world’s

history was near at hand was universal among Jews and Gentiles. The

profound realization of the need was a presage of the time of fulfilment.

All true Israelites waited for the promised Messiah, and even in

heathenism the ancient hope of the return of the Golden Age was again

brought to the front, and had, from the sacred scriptures and synagogues

of the Jews, obtained a new holding ground and a definite direction.

The heathen state, too, made its own contribution toward preparing the

way of the church. One sceptre and one language united the whole world,

a universal peace prevailed, and the most widely extended commercial

intercourse gave opportunity for the easy and rapid spread of saving

truth.

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