CHAPTER III

CONTEST FOR THE CHANNEL COAST

IMPETUOUS DASH OF LEINSTERS AND ROYAL IRISH, AND GRIM TENACITY OF

IRISH GUARDS AND RIFLES

It had become evident that the design of the Germans, then hacking

their way through Belgium, was to reach Calais and Boulogne so as to

cut the direct communication of the British with the Channel coast of

Belgium and France. With the view of frustrating these plans, Sir John

French, early in October, withdrew his forces from the orchards and

woodlands by the banks of the Aisne to French Flanders, on the

north-west, a mingled industrial and agricultural country. The British

Commander had also hoped to be in time to outflank the right wing of

the enemy, but in this he was disappointed by the fall of Antwerp,

which enabled the Germans to sweep quickly round to Ostend, higher up

the Belgian coast.

The British lines now ran, first from the historic French city of St.

Omer in a south-easterly direction to the smaller towns of Bethune,

Givenchy, and La Bassee, towards the great French manufacturing city

of Lille, prominent on the landscape with its forest of tall chimneys;

and, secondly, from St. Omer again north to Ypres, the ancient and

beautiful capital of Flanders. Here, for months to come, many most

desperate and critical battles were to be fought, in an extraordinary

tangle of railways, canals, roads, industrial villages, mills,

breweries, dyeworks, machine-shops, brick-fields, lime-kilns, and

intervening patches of intensive agriculture--the most densely crowded

area in the world--with the ultimate result that the advance of the

Germans to the Channel coast was stopped by impregnable lines of

British trenches.

In these operations both the 1st and 2nd battalions of the Leinsters,

the Connaught Rangers, the Irish Rifles, the Irish Fusiliers, and the

Irish Regiment took part, with the 2nd battalions of the Dublins,

Munsters, and Inniskillings, whose first battalions--as we shall see

later--were destined for more terrible enterprises against the Turks

at the Dardanelles. It is not easy to get from the official despatches

the correct proportion of the main events in France and Flanders, not

to speak of being able, by the impersonal generalities of these

documents, rightly to estimate the worth of the services of particular

battalions. My purpose, therefore, is to attempt to depict the war on

the Western Front, as seen through the eyes, not of the commanders,

but of the men in the ranks and the regimental officers, and in doing

so I confine myself necessarily to episodes happening here and there

over the far-spreading field of conflict in which Irish regiments and

individual Irish soldiers distinguished themselves.

There were two tremendous and prolonged struggles for the possession

of Ypres. The chief battle, that of Ypres-Armentieres, lasted from

October 17th to November 15th, 1914. One of the first movements of the

British was to dislodge the enemy from positions they held near Lille.

In these engagements national impetuosity led to the advance of two

Irish battalions too far without supports, and their practical

annihilation. On October 18th the 2nd Leinster Regiment was part of a

Division which chased the Germans out of the French town of

Hazebrouck, about twenty-five miles north-west of Lille, and pursued

them beyond Armentieres, a town on the river Lys, within nine miles of

Lille. The Leinsters were about a mile in advance of the main body.

They pushed on to a French village called Premesque, still nearer to

Lille, and there entrenched, when the Germans surrounded them. For a

day and a half the Leinsters held out until they were relieved by

French troops. The French Commander thanked them for saving the

village, but it cost the battalion more than 500 men and officers.

At the same time another Irish battalion was engaged on a similar

enterprise in the same field of operations with more disastrous

results. "On October 19th," says Sir John French in his despatch on

the battle of Ypres-Armentieres, "the Royal Irish Regiment, under

Major Daniell, stormed the village of Le Pilly, which they held and

entrenched. On the 20th, however, they were cut off and surrounded,

suffering heavy losses." As the possession of Le Pilly threatened

their communications between La Bassee and Lille, the Germans made a

determined effort to capture it. It was evident to the Royal Irish

that their position was most precarious. They held on, however, and

beat off a succession of attacks, hoping that assistance would come

before they were completely isolated. German riflemen crept up and

ensconced themselves in farm buildings on the outskirts of the village

on one side; and machine-guns were brought to a little wood on the

other, so that the Royal Irish were enfiladed to the left and right.

The fight was still going on when darkness fell. "All night we could

hear the firing up there," writes Gunner P. Hall, Royal Field

Artillery, who was with his battery on a hill some miles from Le

Pilly; "and desperate efforts were made by our tired troops to regain

the ground the Royal Irish had left uncovered, but the job was too big

for men so exhausted as they were." What exactly had happened was but

a matter for surmise. For hours after the village had been surrounded

by the Germans the crackle of rifles and the rapid volleying of the

machine-guns told that the Royal Irish were yet unsubdued. Then there

came an ominous silence; and in the early hours of the morning a few

survivors of the battalion staggered more dead than alive into the

British camp. "They got a rousing cheer, for we had given them all up

as lost," says Gunner Hall. For the rest, some weeks later, a long

official list of names of the Royal Irish Regiment appeared under the

heading "missing." But the vast majority of them will never be found

until the Day of Judgment.

The Royal Irish Regiment had ceased to exist as a fighting force. The

battalion may be said to have been defeated. The enemy, no doubt,

boasted of it as such. But they set thus early in the war a shining

example of dash, resolution, and endurance in facing fearful odds

which must have had as much moral effect as a victory to our arms.

The most terrific phase of the great battle was from October 29th to

November 2nd, immediately to the south of Ypres, east and west; and the

most critical hours were, as Sir John French says, on October 31st when

the Germans broke through the British lines at Gheluvelt, a village on

the road leading from Ypres south-east to Menin. On November 2nd the

Germans were everywhere repulsed. The Brigadier-General, Lord Cavan,

commanding the 4th (Guards) Brigade, paid the following remarkable

tribute to the work of the Irish Guards on that momentous occasion in

a letter to the Officer Commanding the battalion, Colonel Proby:--

"I want you to convey to every man in the battalion that I

consider that the safety of the right flank of the British

section depended entirely on their staunchness after the

disastrous day, November 1st. Those of them that were left have

made history, and I can never thank them enough for the way in

which they recovered themselves, and showed to the enemy that

Irish Guards must be reckoned with, however hard hit."

Lord Cavan, in a report dated November 7th, further states:--"On

October 31st, November 1st and 6th, the Irish Guards lost 16 officers

and 597 other ranks in disputing 200 yards of ground with superior

forces." Private Stephen Shaughnessy supplies an account of the

incidents of November 6th, when the Irish Guards were overwhelmed. He

says:--"At this time the enemy's strength was two to one. We

endeavoured to hold the enemy by machine-guns and rifle fire, until

they succeeded in penetrating the French line about two or three miles

on our right, and managed to come behind our rear line." Then he gives

an instance of the desperate duels that were fought between the slowly

retiring Irish and the hotly pressing Germans. "While retreating," he

says, "Captain King-Harman was the only officer I saw alive. He was

then standing up and firing with his revolver on the Germans, who were

only 60 yards away. I, or anyone else in our battalion, did not see

him alive afterwards." He adds:--"The only comrade I found within

reasonable distance was Private Birmingham, of Clonmel, formerly of

the Royal Irish Constabulary. We discussed the situation. He got over

the trench to fall back to the troops reforming in our rear. As I was

getting out of the trench, a rifle bullet came through my great coat,

penetrated my cardigan jacket without touching my body. We formed up

again, and were reinforced by the Life Guards, notwithstanding which

we were unable to regain our lost territory. When darkness came, we

were brought back a mile behind the line for a rest and refreshments.

The roll was called, and only 47 of the battalion answered."

The worst was over; and Sir John French indirectly, at least, extols

the Irish Guards for helping to avert a disaster, by his praise of

their Brigade Commander, Lord Cavan. In his despatch on the Battle of

Ypres-Armentieres, the Field-Marshal says:--"The First Corps Commander

(Sir Douglas Haig) informs me that on many occasions Brigadier-General

the Earl of Cavan, commanding the 4th Guards Brigade, was conspicuous

for the skill, coolness, and courage with which he led his troops, and

for the successful manner in which he dealt with many critical

situations."

Another Irish regiment to obtain one of these rare and therefore much

coveted recognitions by a Commander of an Army Corps was the Royal

Irish Rifles, who were fighting round the village of Neuve Chapelle,

to the south, from October 25th to October 27th. "During an attack on

the 7th Infantry Brigade," runs an order issued by Sir H.

Smith-Dorrien, the Commander of the 2nd Corps, "the enemy came to

close quarters with the Royal Irish Rifles, who repulsed them with

great gallantry with the bayonet. The Commander wishes to compliment

the regiment on its splendid feat, and directs that all battalions

shall be informed of the circumstances of his high appreciation of the

gallantry displayed." On October 27th the Germans gained possession of

the northern part of the village, but towards evening the British had

partially recovered the lost ground when fresh hostile reinforcements

were brought up, and the entire village was captured by the enemy. The

Germans would have made a bigger advance were it not for the gallant

stand of the Irish Rifles against overwhelming odds.

A sergeant of the battalion supplies some details of the feat:--"One

morning after we had had several days of awful shelling in the

trenches the Germans came to attack us. They advanced into view

through the rain and mist, and though they were ten times our strength

we held our ground until the necessary dispositions could be made in

other parts of the field to withstand their onslaught." As will be

seen from many an incident in the course of this narrative the Irish

fight best when it comes to the real crisis--the two antagonists

engaged in close and relentless contest, man to man and bayonet to

bayonet. At first it was furious smithing, gleaming thrust and parry,

stab and hack, hack and stab, with the Irish in the trenches and the

Germans above; and, in the end, it was the Germans running away and

the Irish speeding their departure with rifle fire. "We did not think

there was anything very wonderful about what we did," says the

sergeant modestly, "but everyone went wild about it. One staff officer

said we ought all to have two Victoria Crosses each, and we had the

satisfaction of being splendidly praised by the General in Command."

"Nothing," says Napier in his "Peninsular War," "so startled the

French soldiery as the wild yell with which the Irish regiments sprang

to the charge." We are also told by Napier that at Barrosa and Bussaco

the heroes of Marengo and Austerlitz reeled before the thunder shout

of _Faugh-a-Ballagh_ ("Clear the Way") raised by the Royal Irish

Fusiliers and the Connaught Rangers. What is more likely is that the

French gave way before the irresistible bayonet charge that swept like

a flame in the thunder of that haughty battle-cry. The Great War shows

that both these historic regiments maintain the ancient tradition of

raising a wild, terrific yell when they dash forward, a yell which

sends the creeps down the back, and impels the foe irresistibly to

turn and fly for fear of what is to follow.

The Irish Fusiliers were the first to enter Armentieres (on the

occasion that the Leinsters impetuously pushed forward to Premesque),

and they did so shouting their old Irish slogan, _Faugh-a-Ballagh_,

and enforcing it by driving the enemy from their positions behind

every tree and at every turn on the road leading into the town.

Private H. Dawson, a West port boy in the 1st Connaught Rangers, tells

how a company of the battalion frightened a big force of Germans out

of their trenches, and out of their senses also, no doubt, by the

blood-curdling yells they gave vent to as they advanced with the

bayonet. It was on the night of November 4th, 1914, in the

neighbourhood of Neuve Chapelle. The company was ordered to attack the

German trenches, two platoons to do the fighting and the two others to

follow after with shovels, to fill in the trenches, if they were

taken. "At midnight," writes Private Dawson, "we moved forward with

such cheers, shouts, and cries that the Germans, thinking that a whole

brigade was advancing, evacuated the trenches and fled. The moon was

shining, and when the Germans afterwards saw the handful of men that

routed them they returned in greatly increased numbers and made a

murderous onslaught on us."

They can sing, too, as they advance, these Connaught Rangers, as

Private Robert McGregor of the Gordon Highlanders relates in a graphic

letter to his father at Parkhead, Scotland. On December 26th, 1914,

the Germans attacked the trenches in front of them at a particular

point. The Gordons who held the trenches got out to meet the enemy as

they came on in the open. There was a close fight with varying

fortunes, but the Germans were reinforced, and as there were only

about 170 of the Gordons left it seemed as if they were bound to be

annihilated.

"But just at that moment," writes Private McGregor, "we heard the

sound of singing, and the song was 'God Save Ireland.' It was the

Connaught Rangers coming to our relief. Well, I have seen some

reckless Irishmen in my time, but nothing to match the recklessness

and daring of these gallant Rangers. They took the Germans on the left

flank. The Germans now probably numbered about 2,000 against 800

Connaughts and 170 of us, but were they 50,000 I don't believe in my

soul they could have stood before the Irish. The Connaughts simply

were irresistible, and all the time they kept singing 'God Save

Ireland.' One huge red-haired son of Erin having broken his rifle got

possession of a German officer's sword, and everything that came in

the way of this giant went down. I thought of Wallace. Four hundred

and seventy Huns were killed and wounded, and we took 70 prisoners.

Had it not been for the Irish I wouldn't be writing this, and when it

comes to a hand-to-hand job there is nothing in the whole British Army

to approach them. God save Ireland and Irishmen."

The Irish at the Front · 第 3 / 12 章