CHAPTER IX.

Palaver with King Freeman--Remarks on the Influence of

Missionaries--Palaver at Rock Boukir--Narrative of Captain Farwell's

Murder--Scene of Embarkation through the Surf--Sail for Little Berebee.

_December_ 9.--At Cape Palmas. We again landed, as on the preceding day,

and met the redoubtable King Freeman, and twenty-three other kings and

headmen from the tribes in the vicinity. The palaver, like that at Sinoe,

was held in the Methodist Church; the Commodore, the Governor, and several

officers and colonists, appearing on one side, and the natives on the

other. There were several striking countenances among the four-and-twenty

negro potentates, and some, even, that bore the marks of native greatness;

as might well be the case, in a system of society where rank and authority

are, in a great measure, the result of individual talent and force of

character. One head man was very like Henry Clay, both in face and figure.

It is remarkable, too, that one of the chiefs at Sinoe not only had a

strong personal resemblance to the same distinguished statesman--being, as

it were, his image in ebony, or bronze--but, while not speaking, moved

constantly about the palaver-house, as is Mr. Clay's habit in the

senate-chamber. The interpreter, on the present occasion, Yellow Will by

name, was dressed in a crimson mantle of silk damask, poncho-shaped, and

trimmed with broad gold lace.

The palaver being opened, the colonists complained that the chiefs had

raised to double what it had been, or ought to be, the prices of rice and

other products, for which the settlements were dependent upon the natives;

also, that they would permit no merchant vessels to communicate with the

colonial town. On representation of these grievances, the Kings agreed to

rescind the obnoxious regulations. This, however, did not satisfy the

Governor, who had hoped to induce King Freeman to remove his town to

another site, and allow the colonists more room. As matters at present

stand, the King's capital city is within three hundred yards of Governor

Russwurm's house, and entirely disunites the colonial settlements on the

Cape. In case of war, the communication between these two sections of the

town of Harper would be completely broken off. The Governor, therefore,

proposed that King Freeman should sell his land on the Cape, receiving a

fair equivalent from the colony, and should transplant his town across the

river, or elsewhere. But the King showed no inclination to comply; nor did

the Commodore, apparently, deem it his province to support Governor

Russwurm, or take any part in the question. The point was accordingly

given up; the Governor merely requesting King Freeman to "look his head,"

that is, consider--and let him know his determination.

There was also a complaint made, on the part of the missionaries, that the

natives had cut off their supplies, and had attempted to take away the

native children, who had been given them to educate. I was subsequently

informed, however, by the Rev. Mr. Hazlehurst, that the missionaries had

no difficulty with the natives, and did not wish their affairs to be

identified with those of the colonists. The above representation,

therefore, appears to have been unauthorized by the mission establishment.

And here, without presuming to offer an opinion as respects their conduct

at this particular juncture, I must be allowed to say, that the

missionaries at Liberia have shown themselves systematically disposed to

claim a position entirely independent of the colonies. They are supported

by wealthy and powerful societies at home; they have been accustomed to

look upon their own race as superior to the colored people; they are

individually conscious, no doubt, in many cases, of an intellectual

standing above that of the persons prominent among the emigrants; and they

are not always careful to conceal their sense of such general or

particular superiority. It is certain, too, that the native Africans

regard the whites with much greater respect than those of their own color.

Hence, it is almost impossible but that jealousy of missionary influence

should exist in the minds of the colonial authorities. The latter

perceive, in the midst of their commonwealth, an alien power, exercised by

persons not entitled to the privileges of citizenship, and to whom it was

never intended to allow voice or action in public affairs. By such a state

of things, the progress of Christianity and civilisation must be rather

retarded than advanced.

There is reason, therefore, to doubt whether the labors of white

missionaries, in the territory over which the colonists exercise

jurisdiction, is, upon the whole, beneficial. If removed beyond those

limits, and insulated among the natives, they may accomplish infinite

good; but not while assuming an anomalous position of independence, and

thwarting the great experiment which the founders of Liberia had in view.

One grand object of these colonies is, to test the disputed and doubtful

point, whether the colored race be capable of sustaining themselves

without the aid or presence of the whites. In order to a fair trial of the

question, it seems essential that none but colored missionaries should be

sent hither. The difficulties between the Government and the Methodist

Episcopal mission confirm these views. At a former period, that mission

possessed power almost sufficient to subvert the Colonial rule.

Let it not be supposed, that these remarks are offered in any spirit of

hostility to missionaries. My intercourse with them in different parts of

the world, has been of the most friendly nature. I owe much to their

kindness, and can bear cheerful testimony to the laborious, self-devoting

spirit in which they do their duty. At Athens, I have seen them toiling

unremittingly, for years, to educate the ignorant and degraded descendants

of the ancient Greeks, and was proud that my own country--in a hemisphere

of which Plato never dreamed--should have sent back to Greece a holier

wisdom than he diffused from thence. In the unhealthy isle of Cyprus, I

have beheld them perishing without a murmur, and their places filled with

new votaries, stepping over the graves of the departed, and not less ready

to spend and be spent in the cause of their Divine Master. I have

witnessed the flight of whole families from the mountains of Lebanon,

where they had lingered until its cedars were prostrate beneath the storm

of war, and only then came to shelter themselves under the flag of their

country. Everywhere, the spirit of the American Missionaries has been

honorable to their native land; nor, whatever be their human

imperfections, is it too much to term them holy in their lives, and often

martyrs in their deaths. And none more so than the very men of whom I now

speak, in these sickly regions of Africa, where I behold them sinking,

more or less gradually, but with certainty, and destitute of almost every

earthly comfort, into their graves. I criticise portions of their conduct,

but reverence their purity of motive; and only regret, that, while

divesting themselves of so much that is worldly, they do not retain either

more wisdom of this world, or less aptness to apply a disturbing influence

to worldly affairs.

But it is time to return from this digression. Matters being now in a good

train at Cape Palmas, we go to use our pacific influence elsewhere.

10.--We sailed at daylight, and anchored this evening at Rock Boukir.

11.--In the morning, twelve armed boats were sent ashore from the three

ships. We landed on an open beach, all in safety, but more or less

drenched by the dangerous surf. One or two boats took in heavy seas,

broached to, and rolled over and over in the gigantic surf-wave. On

landing, we found a body of armed natives, perhaps fifty in number, drawn

up in a line. Their weapons were muskets, iron war-spears, long

fish-spears of wood, and broad knives. They made no demonstrations of

opposing us, but stood stoutly in their ranks, showing more independence

of bearing and less fear, than any natives whom we have met with. They

were evidently under military rule, and, as well as the remainder of the

tribe, evinced a degree of boldness, amounting almost to insolence, which,

it must be owned, would have made our party the more ready for a tustle,

on any reasonable pretext.

The town of Rock Boukir is enclosed by palisades, about eight feet high,

with small gates on every side. It was not the purpose of the natives to

admit us within their walls; but a rain made it desirable that the palaver

should be held in a sheltered place, instead of on the beach, as had been

originally intended.

We therefore marched in, took possession of the place, and stationed

sentinels at every gate. The town was entirely deserted; for the warriors

had gone forth to fight, if a fight there was to be; and the women and

children were sent for security into the "bush." In the central square

stood the Palaver House, beneath the shadow of a magnificent

wide-spreading tree, which had perhaps mingled the murmur of its leaves

with the eloquence of the native orators, for at least a century. Here we

posted ourselves, and awaited the King of Rock Boukir.

The messengers announced, that he wished to bring his armed men within the

walls, and occupy one side of the town, while our party held the other. As

this proposition was not immediately acceded to, and as the King would not

recede, it seemed doubtful whether there would be any palaver, after all.

At length, however, the Commodore ordered the removal of our sentinels

from the gates, on one side of the town, and consented that the native

warriors should come in. A further delay was accounted for, on the plea

that the King was putting on his robes of state. Finally, he entered the

Palaver House and seated himself; an old man of sinister aspect, meanly

dressed, and having for his only weapon a short sword, with a curved

blade, six inches wide. Governor Roberts now opened the palaver, by

informing the king that his tribe were suspected of having participated in

the plunder of the Mary Carver, and the murder of her captain and crew. I

subjoin a brief narrative of this affair.

Two years since, the schooner Mary Carver, of Salem, commanded by Captain

Farwell of Vassalboro', was anchored at Half Berebee, for the purpose of

trading with the natives. Her cargo was valued at twelve thousand dollars.

Captain Farwell felt great confidence in the people of Half Berebee,

although warned not to trust them too far, as they had the character of

being fierce and treacherous. One day, being alone on shore, the natives

knocked him down, bound him, and delivered him to the women and children,

to be tortured by sticking thorns into his flesh. After three hours of

this horrible agony, the men despatched him. As soon as the captain was

secured, a large party was sent on board the vessel, to surprise and

murder the mate and crew. In this they were perfectly successful; not a

soul on board escaped. They then took part of the goods out, and ran the

schooner ashore, where she was effectually plundered. Within a space of

twelve miles along the beach, there are five or six families of Fishmen,

ruled by different members of the Cracko family, of which Ben Cracko of

Half Berebee is the head. All these towns were implicated in the plot, and

received a share of the plunder. A Portuguese schooner had been taken, and

her crew murdered, at the same place, a year before. The business had

turned out so profitably, that other tribes on the coast began to envy the

good fortune of the Crackos, and declared that they likewise were going to

"catch" a vessel.

The object of our present palaver was to inquire into the alleged agency

of the tribe at Rock Boukir in the above transaction. The King, speaking

in his own language, strenuously denied the charge; at the same time

touching his ears and drawing his tongue over his short curved

broad-sword. By these symbols and hieroglyphics, I supposed him to mean,

that he had merely heard of the affair, and that his sword was innocent of

the blood imputed to him. It seems, however, that it is the native form of

taking an oath, equivalent to our kissing the book. The King agreed to go

to Berebee, and assist in the grand palaver to be held there; complying

with a proposal of the Commodore, to take passage thither in the

Macedonian. Matters being so far settled, the council was broken up, and

the party re-embarked.

Several of the boats having been anchored outside of the surf, the

officers and men were carried off to them in the native canoes. The scene

on the beach was quite animated. Hundreds of natives, having laid aside

their weapons, crowded around to watch the proceedings. The women and

children came from the woods in swarms, all talking, screaming, laughing,

and running hither and thither. The canoes were constantly passing from

the shore to the boats, carrying two persons at a time. Our men, being

unaccustomed to such rough water and unsteady conveyances, often capsized

the canoes and were tumbled ashore by the surf, perhaps with the loss of

hats, jackets, or weapons. Here was visible the head of a marine, swimming

to one of the boats, with his musket in his hand. Another, unable to swim,

was upheld by a Krooman. Here and there, an impatient individual plunged

into the surf and struck out for his boat, rather than await the tedious

process of embarkation. All reached the vessels in safety, but few with

dry jackets. His majesty of Rock Boukir, too, went on board the frigate,

according to agreement, and probably, by this mark of confidence, saved

his capital from the flames. If all stories be true, he little deserves

our clemency; and it is even said, that the different tribes held a grand

palaver at this place, for the division of the spoil of the Mary Carver.

We set sail immediately.

12.--Anchored at half past five P.M., off Little Berebee.

Journal of an African Cruiser Comprising Sketches of the Canaries, the Cape De Verds, Liberia, Madeira, Sierra Leone, and Other Places of Interest on the West Coast of Africa · 第 9 / 22 章