REVIEWS AND LITERARY NOTICES.

_Six Months in the Federal States_. By EDWARD DICEY. In Two Volumes.

London and Cambridge: Macmillan & Co.

This is a very _gentlemanly_ book. Whatever excellence of commendation

belongs to the adjective we have Italicized must be awarded to Mr.

Dicey. And it is ill-adapted to the manufactures of most British

tourists who have preceded him. For, to make no mention of the vulgar

buffooneries of Bunn or Grattan, we hold that neither the exalted and

irrepressible prosiness of Dr. Charles Mackay, nor the cleverish

magic-lantern pictures of that good-natured book-maker, Mr. Anthony

Trollope, would be perfectly fitted with this polite addition. It is no

mean praise to say that the word _gentlemanly_ naturally applies itself

to a traveller's work. And it is necessary to allow that the majority of

Americans who have printed their impressions of a scamper over Europe

have fallen as hopelessly below it as a few have risen far above it.

Some word of deeper meaning must characterize the sterling sentences of

"English Traits"; some epithet of more rare and subtile significance is

suggested by those exquisitely painted scenes of foreign life with which

Hawthorne is even now adorning the pages of the "Atlantic." But after

the manner in which such a well-informed, modest, humane man as we would

emphatically credit as an American _gentleman_ might speak of six months

in England, so has Mr. Dicey spoken of his six months in the Federal

States.

And, at this present time, far better than all curious delineations or

"stereographic" descriptions are the sober testimonies concerning us

which Mr. Dicey offers to his countrymen. To such loyal Americans as

these volumes may reach they will give a heart not to be found in Dr.

Russell's pictorial neutrality, in the dashing effects of popular Mr.

Trollope, nor even--making all allowance for the sanative influence of

counter-irritation--in the weekly malignity of that _ex_-Moral Minstrel

whom the London "Times" has sent to the aid of our insurgent

slave-masters. For, instead of gloating over objections and picking out

what petty enigmas may not be readily soluble, Mr. Dicey has a manly,

English way of accepting the preponderant evidence concerning the crisis

he came to study. He seldom gets entangled in trivial events, but knows

how to use them as illustrations of great events. It is really

refreshing to meet with a British traveller who is so happily delivered

from the haunting consciousness of a personal identity. The reader is

not called upon to bemoan the tribulations of temperance-taverns, the

hardships of indiscriminate railroad-carriages, nor the rapacity of

New-York hackmen. There is scarcely an offence against good taste or

good feeling in Mr. Dicey's volumes; and whatever American homes may

have been opened to him would doubtless reopen far more readily than to

most publishing tourists from the mother-land.

Mr. Dicey clearly exhibits the bearing of the Rebellion upon the fate of

the servile population of the South, and confesses that his deep

sympathy with the Federal cause came from the conviction that the

supremacy or overthrow of Slavery was intimately connected with the

success or failure of Secession. In acknowledging the necessity that was

upon loyal Americans of defending the fundamental law of their society,

he is not disposed to adopt the lamentation of some of our foreign

well-wishers who are troubled by the fear of a military despotism in the

Free States. He has the sagacity to perceive that the genius and

development of the graduates of Northern school-houses are totally

opposed to a military rule. Mr. Dicey cordially recognizes the

democratic idea which sanctifies our convulsion, and displays a careful

observation in noting "the self-restraint, the moderation, and the

patience of the American people in the conduct of the people's war." He

is not over-disturbed because this same people loved law and order more

than freedom itself, and with few murmurs committed high principles to

the championship of whatever petty men happened to represent them.

Indeed, one of the best sayings he reports is that of an old Polish

exile, who congratulates himself that there will be no saviours of

society, no fathers of their country, to be provided for when the war

is over.

Throughout these two volumes British readers may discern something more

than the barren facts of our struggle: they may catch glimpses of its

energy and movement; they may see it as reflected from the most generous

American minds. For it seems to have been Mr. Dicey's good fortune in

this country to have gained admission to the society of men and women of

high intelligence, in whom the religious sentiment was living and

powerful; and he appears to estimate the full weight of testimony such

persons offered in sending their loved ones to Virginia to fall beneath

the rifle of some Southern boor. It is this silent public opinion of the

North which our foreign critics have generally failed to comprehend.

They have been so long accustomed to parody the rhetorical elation of

our third-rate political speakers, and to represent this as a universal

American characteristic, that they signally failed to estimate the

genuine emotion with which it is never connected. When the cherished

barbarism of slaveholders arose and threatened our Western civilization,

those who most felt and have best wrought for their country were

cautious in their speech. They knew that the principle underlying the

struggle must submit itself to the checks and counter-checks of

constitutional law. While the fire of liberty burned at the heart of

citizens of abiding loyalty, it seemed best, that, like the Psalmist,

they should hold their peace even from good words. Many thought it an

act of necessary self-restraint to dwell only upon the Union as a symbol

of that universal freedom which they felt the Union must finally

represent. The dread of overleaping the restraints of law, which,

perchance, has prolonged the conflict, has been most creditable to the

genuine democracy we have represented. We are proud to remember many

intelligent soldiers who used no language of passionate denunciation

towards the guilty institution which called them to the field, yet who

knew the end when they gave their lives to a cause utterly antagonistic

to its despotic claims.

By the representations of Secessionists encountered in the Free States,

as well as from disloyal newspapers which the "Lincoln despotism" never

sought to suppress, Mr. Dicey was convinced that the sole purpose of the

Rebellion was to get possession of the vast regions which lie west of

the Mississippi, wherein to establish Slave States and Territories. "The

North," he declares, "is fighting against, the South is fighting for,

the power of extending slavery across the American continent; and if

this was all that could be said, it is clear on which side must be the

sympathies of any one who really and honestly believes that slavery is

an evil and a sin." But it is not here that Mr. Dicey rests the case of

the North as appealing to the Christian sentiment of the world. He shows

that the inexorable logic of facts must work the overthrow of slavery

where it now exists. The suppression of the slave-trade, the recognition

of Hayti, abolition in the District of Columbia, and finally the

Proclamation of January have one tendency and can have but one result.

We state these views as one more confirmation of the fact, that, whether

agreeable to us or not, the sympathies of liberal men in Europe are to

be had on the sole ground that ours is an anti-slavery war.

Mr. Dicey's predilections lead him to make a generous, although

discriminating, estimate of those men who, in time past, have endeavored

to serve their country by leaving the level commonplaces of respectable

citizenship. It is no slight praise to say that his chapter upon the

New-England Abolitionists is clear and just. Their points of

disagreement with the Republican party are stated with no common

accuracy. Careful sentences give the precise position of Garrison and

his adherents: the intrinsic essence of the movement of these reformers

is divested of the subordinate and trivial facts so often put forward to

misrepresent it. Although Mr. Dicey endeavors not to commit himself upon

the vital differences in the agitation of anti-slavery sentiments by the

Abolitionists and by the Republican party, it is very evident that he

inclines to the belief that the former, in their advocacy of disunion,

acted not from a perverse and fanatical philosophy, but from the logical

compulsions of a critical understanding, stimulated by an intense

conviction of the national sin.

We have dwelt thus upon Mr. Dicey's views of the war, and of the great

moral question with which it is connected, because these portions of his

volumes are most pertinent to us, as well as creditable to him. His

sketches of public characters are good common-sense grasps at them,

which generally get their externals, and occasionally something more.

The description of the President is forcible, though a little too

graphic for perfect courtesy. Caleb Cushing impresses the traveller as

one of the ablest of our public men, and Wendell Phillips as by far the

most eloquent speaker he ever heard. General Butler, however, is not to

Mr. Dicey's taste. Indeed, he is hardly behind the "Saturday Review" in

the terrible epithets he bestows upon the man who he acknowledges "was

associated with the grandest triumph of the Federal arms, and by some

means or other preserved New Orleans to the Union with but little cost

of either men or money." It is rather late to renew discussion about the

notorious order relating to the women of the subjected city. But Mr.

Dicey chooses to express his belief in an infamous intention of General

Butler at the time of its issue,--though he declares that "the strictest

care was taken lest the order should be abused," and that the "Southern

ladies [?] were grossly insulting in their behavior to the Union

soldiers, using _language and gestures_ which, in a city occupied by

troops of any other nation, would have subjected them, _without orders_,

to the coarsest retaliation." To which we have only to reply, that

General Butler may be a villain, but that he is certainly not a fool.

Nobody doubts that he has military or civil aspirations for the future,

and, for such ends, if for nothing else, wishes the approbation of his

loyal countrymen. Now Mr. Dicey testifies to "the almost morbid

sentiment of Americans in the Free States with regard to women": he

tells us that "it renders them ridiculously susceptible to female

influences"; also, that this same "sentiment" among us "protects women

from the natural consequences of their own misconduct." These

characteristics of his countrymen are just as familiar to General Butler

as they are patent to Mr. Dicey; and we hold it to be simply incredible

that one who is at least a very shrewd politician used language which

_he intended_ should convey a meaning that must necessarily consign his

future career to privacy and infamy. It is perhaps not wonderful that

men who have deluged their country in blood, to propagate a system which

consigns unborn millions to enforced harlotry, should put an evil

interpretation upon the indignant stigma applied to _acts_ which, in

civilized States, come from one class of women, and are designed for one

purpose. Neither is it very astonishing that such persons as have been

employed to pump the New-York sewers into the _cloaca maxima_ which sets

towards us from Printing-House Square should share the sensitive

chastity of the slave-masters whose work they are put to do. But it is

passing strange that a gentleman so fair and reasonable as Mr. Dicey,

one so appreciative of the moral tone which Northern society demands of

its representatives, should join in an accusation whose absurdity is

only lost in its infinite offence.

There are small inaccuracies, as well as occasional instances of

carelessness or repetition, in these volumes, which, had circumstances

allowed time for revision, might have been avoided. It would require the

"Pathfinder" himself to discover "Fremont Street" in the city where we

write; the "Courier" is _not_ "the most largely circulated of any Boston

paper"; and our Ex-Mayor "Whiteman" requires no fanciful orthography to

free his name from the obloquy of an over-devotion to the interests of

colored citizens. These are local illustrations of mistakes which are

excusable in view of the commendable expedition with which the work was

issued,--for, in the late crisis of our affairs, an Englishman who had

any good words to give us fulfilled the proverb by giving twice in

giving quickly. But, whatever trifling details might be subjected to

criticism, the total impression of what Mr. Dicey has written bears

honorable testimony to the accuracy of his observation, as well as to

his powers of comparison and judgment.

As has been already remarked, we cannot be blind to the fact that our

only supporters in England are those men who recognize at the heart of

our contest that genuine principle of Liberty which is not to be limited

to caste or to race. And it is only by hastening to justify their

confidence that we can win to our cause the great people they address.

If we cannot gain the national sympathy of England, we must do without

the true sympathy of any nation. It was, indeed, remarked by De

Tocqueville, that, "in the eyes of the English, the cause which is most

useful to England is always the cause of justice." But the rare insight

of the philosopher assigns the phenomenon, not to a political

Machiavelism, but to a "laudable desire to connect the actions of one's

country with something more stable than interest." The English have a

peculiar gift of fixing their whole attention upon certain traits or

single circumstances which they desire to see. We doubt not that a

portion of their sympathy with the energy and endurance of those in arms

against their country is estimable according to its light. But as the

dignity of our mission in this struggle becomes more and more apparent,

the moral intelligence of England will be forced to unite itself with

the Government of the United States. Let that day come when it will,

posterity will remember its obligations to those Englishmen who did so

much to avert the hideous calamity of a war between the two liberal

powers of the world. And to us of this present generation it is grateful

to know that our brave and generous young men have not died wholly

unrecognized in the land of their ancestors. Mill, Ellison,

Hughes,--what need to name the rest?--have stood up to report them and

their cause aright to the unsatisfied: in which roll of the honorable

and honored we are glad to write the name of Edward Dicey.

* * * * *

_Hospital Transports_. A Memoir of the Embarkation of the Sick and

Wounded from the Peninsula of Virginia in the Summer of 1862. Compiled

and published at the Request of the Sanitary Commission. Boston: Ticknor

and Fields.

If pure benevolence was ever organized and utilized into beneficence,

the name of the institution is the Sanitary Commission. It is a standing

answer to Samson's riddle, "Out of the strong came forth sweetness." Out

of the very depths of the agony of this cruel and bloody war springs

this beautiful system, built of the noblest and divinest attributes of

the human soul. Amidst all the heroism of daring and enduring which this

war has developed, amidst all the magnanimity of which it has shown the

race capable, the daring, the endurance, and the greatness of soul which

have been discovered among the men and women who have given their lives

to this work shine as brightly as any on the battle-field,--in some

respects even more brightly. They have not the bray of trumpets nor the

clash of swords to rouse enthusiasm, nor will the land ever resound with

their victories. Theirs is the dark and painful side, the menial and

hidden side, but made light and lovely by the spirit that shines in and

through it all. Glimpses of this agency are familiar to our people; but

not till the history of its inception, progress, and results is calmly

and adequately written out and spread before the public will any idea be

formed of the magnitude and importance of the work which it has done.

Nor even then. Never, till every soldier whose last moments it has

soothed, till every soldier whose flickering life it has gently steadied

into continuance, whose waning reason it has softly lulled into quiet,

whose chilled blood it has warmed into healthful play, whose failing

frame it has nourished into strength, whose fainting heart it has

comforted with sympathy,--never, until every full soul has poured out

its story of gratitude and thanksgiving, will the record be complete;

but long before that time, ever since the moment that its helping hand

was first held forth, comes the Blessed Voice, "Inasmuch as ye have done

it unto one of the least of these my brethren, ye have done it unto me."

An institution asking of Government only permission to live and

opportunity to work, planting itself firmly and squarely on the

generosity of the people, subsisting solely by their free-will

offerings, it is a noble monument of the intelligence, the munificence,

and the efficiency of a free people, and of the alacrity with which it

responds when the right chord is rightly touched. It is, however, not

unnatural that doubts should exist as to the success of a plan so

far-reaching in its aims and hitherto so untried. Stories have been

circulated of a mercenary disposition of its stores and trickery among

its officers. Where these stories have found considerable credence, they

have been tracked to their source and triumphantly refuted; but it would

indeed be hardly less than miraculous, if an institution ramifying so

widely, with agents so numerous, and resources so extensive, should have

no knaves among its servants, and no waste in its circulation. The

wonder is, that more leakage has not been proved than has ever been

suspected. All that is necessary to remove floating doubts, to convince

all heads of the wisdom which projected this Commission, and to warm all

hearts up to its continued and sufficient support, is a knowledge of

what it has done, is doing, and purposes to do. This information the

Commission has, at different times, and by piecemeal, furnished:

necessarily by piecemeal, since, as this book justly remarks, the

immense mass of details which a circumstantial account of its operations

in field and hospital must involve would prove nearly as laborious in

the reading as in the performance. In this little volume we have,

photographed, a single phase of its operations. It consists simply of

extracts from letters and reports. There is no attempt at completeness

or dramatic arrangement; yet the most elaborate grouping would probably

fail to present one-half as accurately a picture of the work and its

ways as these unpretending fragments. It delights us to see the--we can

hardly say cheerful, as that savors too much of the "self-sacrifice"

which benevolence sometimes tarnishes by talking about--but, rather, the

gay, lively, merry manner in which the most balky matters are taken hold

of. Men and women seem to have gone into the service with good-will and

hearty love and buoyant spirits. It refreshes and strengthens us like a

tonic to read of their taking the wounded, festering, filthy, miserable

men, washing and dressing them, pouring in lemonade and beef-tea, and

putting them abed and asleep. There is not a word about "devotion" or

"ministering angels," (we could wish there were not quite so much about

"ladies,") but honest, refined, energetic, able women, with quick brains

and quick hands, now bathing a poor crazy head with ice-water, to be

rewarded with one grateful smile from the parting soul,--now standing in

the way of a procession of the slightly wounded, to pour a little brandy

down their throats, or put an orange into their hands, just to keep them

up till they reach food and rest,--now running up the river in a

steam-tug, scrambling eggs in a wash-basin over a spirit-lamp as they

go,--now groping their way, at all hours of the night, through torrents

of rain, into dreadful places crammed with sick and dying men, "calling

back to life those in despair from utter exhaustion, or again and again

catching for mother or wife the last faint whispers of the dying,"--now

leaving their compliments to serve a disappointed colonel instead of his

dinner, which they had nipped in the bud by dragging away the stove with

its four fascinating and not-to-be-withstood pot-holes;--and let the

sutler's name be wreathed with laurel who not only permitted this, but

offered his cart and mule to drag the stove to the boat, and would take

no pay!

The blessings of thousands who were ready to perish, and of tens of

thousands who love their country and their kind, rest upon those who

originated, and those who sustain, this noble work. Let the people's

heart never faint and its hand never weary; but let it, of its

abundance, give to this Commission full measure, pressed down, shaken

together, and running over, that, wherever the red trail of war is seen,

its divine footsteps may follow,--that, wherever the red hand of war is

lifted to wound, its white hand may be lifted to heal,--that its work

may never cease until it is assumed by a great Christian Government, or

until peace once more reigns throughout the land. And even then,

gratitude for its service, and joy in its glory, shall never die out of

the hearts of the American people.

* * * * *

_The History of the Supernatural, in all Ages and Nations, and in all

Churches, Christian and Pagan, demonstrating a Universal Faith_. By

WILLIAM HOWITT. Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott & Co.

There has been a great change of late years in connection with the

science of Pneumatology and with the manner of treating it. There was a

revolution of opinion on this subject in the middle of the last century;

there is a counter-revolution to-day.

The superstitions and credulities of the Middle Ages eventuated, during

the course of the eighteenth century, in the Encyclopædism of French

philosophy. The grounds upon which the Church based her doctrine of the

supernatural were fiercely attacked. The proofs brought forward to prove

the insufficiency of such grounds were assumed to prove more than lack

of logic in the Church; they were taken as proofs, that, in the nature

of things, there is no evidence for the supernatural, in any sense of

the term; in other words, that there is no knowledge within the reach of

mortals, except that which relates to the physical,--to this earth, as

the only phase of existence,--to the vital body, as the all of the human

being. Emotional and intellectual phenomena were but results of material

organization, as heat is the result of combustion: they exhibited

themselves so long as vitality continued; they disappeared when death

supervened, as the warmth from a fire dies out with the cessation of

combustion. No hypothetical soul was needed to account for the thousand

phenomena of thought or of sensation. Pneumatology was no science, but

the mere fancy of an excited imagination.

Not to the literature and the social life of France alone was this

materialistic influence confined. The mind of Germany, of England, and,

more or less, of the rest of Europe, and of America, was pervaded by it.

The tendency, all over the civilized world, was towards unbelief, not

merely in miracles, but in all things spiritual. Science, with her

strict tests and her severe inductions, lent her aid in the same

direction.

It does not seem to have occurred to the philosophers of the

Encyclopædian school that a doctrine is not necessarily false because an

insufficient argument is brought forward to prove it. It does not appear

to have occurred to skeptical physicists that there may be laws of

Nature regulating ultramundane phenomena, as fixed, as invariable, as

those which decide the succession of geological phenomena and the

products of chemical combinations.

Here is a theory which is worth considering. May it not be that God

adapts the proofs of that which it is important that man should know to

the intellectual progress of mankind? Is it certain that the same

evidence which sufficed for the foundation of religious faith five

hundred years ago will suffice equally well to-day? Truths are eternal;

laws of Nature vary not. But of the world's thoughts there is a

childhood, a youth, a manhood; and there may be various classes of

arguments suited to various stages of progress.

Again, assuming that the materialist takes a contracted view of the

economy of human life, ignoring every portion of it except its present

phase, (that phase being but the preparation for another and a higher,)

may it not be, that, as the world advances, men may gradually be

permitted, occasionally and to a limited extent, to become aware of

influences exerted from a more advanced phase of existence over this?

May it not be that the links connecting the two phases of existence are

gradually to become more numerous and apparent?

Such are the general views which William Howitt's work is intended to

illustrate and enforce. He selects, as a title-page motto, an axiom from

Butler's "Analogy,"--"There are two courses of Nature: the ordinary and

the extraordinary." By the supernatural he does not mean phenomena out

of the course of Nature, but such comparatively rare phenomena as are

governed by laws with which we are unacquainted, and as are, therefore,

to us something extraordinary, something to be wondered at,--miracles.

The author travels over a vast extent of ground,--more, we think, than

can be properly explored in the compass of two duodecimo volumes. All

ages, all countries, all faiths, furnish their quota towards his

collection. It is curious, interesting, suggestive, rather than

conclusive. It exhibits more industry than logic. It consists rather of

abundant materials for others to use, than of materials worked up by the

collector. It gives evidence of learning, research, and a comprehensive

study of the subject. It is a _thesaurus_ of pneumatological knowledge,

collected with German assiduity. It will set many to thinking, though it

may convince but few, except of the one truth, that the faith in the

supernatural has been a universal faith, pervading all nations,

persisting through all ages.

The number of those who take an interest in the subject treated of in

Mr. Howitt's book, and who believe that great truths underlie popular

superstitions, increases day by day; and the work will probably have a

wide circulation.

The Atlantic Monthly, Volume 12, No. 71, September, 1863 A Magazine of Literature, Art, and Politics · 第 52 / 52 题