minds of the faithless traders the laws under which they were
constituted and by which they were bound to abide. In vain did the
alderman of the factory itself plead with the men living under his
charge. The spirit of individualism and insubordination was abroad, and
since the League could no longer ensure its old profits to its foreign
members, these no longer found it to their own interests to obey its
behests, many of which they rightly felt to be antiquated. Add to this,
that the failure to pay the appointed taxes made negotiations often
impossible for lack of means, and it will be seen how crippled and
handicapped was the League in its relations with Bruges.
The Baltic towns, ever the most public-spirited and perhaps also the
most commercially enlightened recognizing this state of affairs, had in
1530 combined on a fixed tariff, which they thought should be paid to
the factory at Bruges for its maintenance. But the other cities would
not listen to this, and the absence of concord, that of late had made
itself felt and heard too often in the councils of the League, was
manifest again on this occasion. Town after town stated through its
deputies that it would not contribute to this general tax unless some
special favour were granted to it, unless some special merchandise were
allowed to pass free into the Netherland domains; the merchandise named
being usually that in which the bulk of the town's trade consisted. If
ever an association gave practical exemplification of the homely saying
of "cutting off one's nose to spite one's face," the League was doing it
at that moment.
As usual Cologne was one of the most restive and obstructive of all the
towns. It actually proposed to pay a lump sum of a hundred guilders
annually, and so be free from all custom duties of whatever kind. By the
time the dispute was at last decided, and a sum fixed upon by all the
towns together, the dominion of Bruges had hopelessly passed away from
the Hansa, and the League was busy with the thought of removing its
factory to Antwerp.
For they finally admitted that they must cut loose from the old
moorings; that it was necessary to quit the ancient factory, where
disunion and grave disorders had crept in. The merchants who had
deserted had many of them become naturalized citizens of Amsterdam, or
Antwerp, where they quietly continued their commercial relations with
the confederated towns, without taking notice either of the
confederation or of its factories. Under these changed circumstances
what could be done? There were only two courses possible to the League:
to afford free trade to the Netherlands, and so renounce its ancient
methods, or to maintain the old system, and make an attempt to apply its
principles in a new locality. The first course would have been the most
rational, and the most in keeping with the spirit of the time. But the
Hanseatics, as we have frequently had occasion to see in the course of
our story, were not men easily to lose hold of prey, or to break
spontaneously with a past that had been glorious and lucrative. They
decided in favour of the second course, and at once set about seeking
for the spot which would best secure their interests. Various places
offered themselves for their choice, such as Bergen-op-Zoom,
Middlebourg, Haarlem, all of which promised the Hansa considerable
advantages, in order to attract it to themselves. It would, perhaps,
have most inclined to Amsterdam, but it could not forget that this town
had often fought in the ranks of its enemies, and had put forth in the
Baltic a special activity very prejudicial to its monopoly. Antwerp was
finally decided upon, for it was manifest already in 1513 that the
great commercial movement of the epoch seemed inclined to tend towards
that spot.
The story of the rise of the city into importance is most interesting.
Formerly its houses had been all thatched with straw. Its inhabitants
lived on the results of agricultural labour and fishing. Since the
English merchant adventurers had patronized the town, wretched
habitations had given place to fine solid houses; ease and wealth had
taken up their abode among the burghers. As an instance of this, it may
be mentioned that houses which fifty years previously let for forty to
sixty dollars of annual rent, now fetched four to eight hundred dollars
a year. The Hansa asked themselves, very naturally, were not some of
those good things to fall to their share.
It was in 1545 that it was finally settled by the Hanseatic Diet that a
depot should be established at Antwerp, but the negotiations regarding
it dragged on. It was, however, at once decided, that the factory should
become, like the factories of the past, an obligatory intermediary of
all the relations between the Hansa and strangers.
In 1561, the League was fortunate enough to obtain from King Philip of
Spain the confirmation of the privileges which they had extorted in the
fourteenth and fifteenth centuries from the Dukes of Brabant, and which
permitted them to bring in their goods at a minimum rate, and accorded
to them other valuable privileges. And besides this liberality on the
part of the ruler of the land, the interested city also showed itself
willing to further the weal of the League. The Hanseatics were offered
by the town of Antwerp a spacious tract of land, free of rent, situated
between two canals, on which they were to be allowed to erect a factory.
Besides this, Antwerp offered to defray a third of the costs, laying
down for this purpose the large sum of thirty thousand guilders. Annexed
to the establishment, which was to be the free possession of the
confederation, was an open public square, that formed a sort of
exchange--free to all comers--where prices were to be settled, and sales
and auctions held. A public balance, adapted to the weights in use among
the Hanseatics, was to serve in the residence itself, for weighing the
merchandise imported by them, while the public balance of the town was
to serve for weighing their purchases. Other very favourable conditions
with regard to the exportation of unsold goods, and of goods in storage
and in transit were added. In return for all these favours, the
Hanseatics had to promise not to abandon Antwerp, unless very real and
serious causes, such as a war or a plague, should force them thence; and
that Antwerp should enjoy in Hanseatic cities such commercial liberties
as were accorded by the League to the most favoured nations.
On May 5, 1564, the foundation-stone of the splendid House of the
Easterlings, at Antwerp, was laid, with great pomp and ceremony, in
presence of the local burgomasters and the representatives of the
League. In four years the stately edifice was finished, and formerly
handed over to the aldermen of the Hansa, and such Hanseatics as were in
Antwerp, who were regarded by the city as the representatives of the
confederated towns.
[Illustration: THE HANSA FACTORY, ANTWERP.]
The first Hanseatic Syndic General, Dr. Heinrich Sudermann, of Cologne,
then put the finishing touch to the great work by sketching out for the
factory a projected code of statutes for its internal management. It was
laid before the Hansa Diet for revision, approved, and at once
promulgated. This code enumerated the qualities requisite for admission
to the enjoyment of Hanseatic privileges, determined the methods of
nomination, as well as the duties of the various functionaries attached
to the factory, and other details. The accounts were to be placed under
the supreme supervision of Luebeck. Further, the merchants were to
maintain the traditional monastic discipline, were to live under the
same roof, and partake of their repasts in common in the great hall of
the factory. A few of the rules recall the old hostile attitude always
maintained by the League towards strangers. All disputes of Hanseatics
among themselves were to be submitted to the jurisdiction of the
factory.
In a word, in the outer magnificence of the factory building, as well as
in the elaboration and rigour of the statutes, all the ancient
traditional Hanseatic forms had been revived. Indeed, as regards the
statutes, these attained at this epoch their greatest scientific
perfection.
But perfect, correct, traditional, though the forms might be, they were
no longer in accordance with the times; no longer the expression of the
epoch that gave them birth. It was easy to foresee that the first
adverse breath would dissipate them.
And so truly it proved. Indeed, certain complications showed themselves
before the building was finished, and foreshadowed the nature of the
troubles to be expected in the future. Money, as usual, was the
touchstone of discord. Various cities refused to pay in the stipulated
sums, others protested against the regulations proposed. Danzig even
went so far as entirely to object to the new settlement as too distant
from the centre of business, and contended that the pact of the League
with the town of Antwerp had been concluded too hurriedly, and without
due consultation.
In consequence of these difficulties, the factory, when completed, found
itself crippled, and hampered by debts, from which it was never able to
free itself. This was an unfortunate start, and was entirely due to the
apathy and bad faith of the cities, among whom it became more and more
evident that the old spirit of union was rapidly dying out.
Another difficulty was, that the traders began to object to living in
common under one roof. The reasons in ancient times for this regulation,
such as the defective conditions of public security, no longer existed
in these more civilized times. Merchants did not care to submit to the
often tiresome and petty restrictions on personal liberty involved by
the monastic rules that existed in the factory.
In vain the Syndic of the League put forward for the consideration of
these unruly members, that the concentration of all the Hanseatics in
one factory building made the defence of their privileges more easy,
while their dispersion in the various towns and villages facilitated
exactions by the natives and the raising of taxes. In vain he pointed
to the example of England, where the Hanseatics, thanks to their unity
of action and of existence, had kept their prerogatives intact during
three centuries, while, on the contrary, in the Netherlands the spirit
of isolation had produced in course of time an augmentation of at least
treble their original dues. In vain he demonstrated that partnerships
made with foreigners were onerous for the Hanseatics themselves, and
drew down upon them the too great probability of conflicts with the
rulers of the Netherlands, who thus would find their interests betrayed.
Expostulations, appeals to the statutes, and menaces, proved powerless
to change the state of things, or the direction in which affairs were
tending. There was no longer a strong support to be obtained from the
League as a body, in return for obedience; its threats were no longer
followed up by deeds, it had grown too feeble to quell resistance,
especially such resistance as was made by towns strong in
themselves--as, for example, Danzig and Cologne.
The jurisdiction of the factory was no longer respected as supreme by
its own members. It frequently happened, even in the early days of the
settlement, that Hanseatics residing at Antwerp brought their
differences before the local tribunals instead of before their own
court. It is related, that one day one of the Hanseatic aldermen,
anxious to repress this mode of violating rules, reprimanded a citizen
of Cologne, one Mathern Schoff, on this account. The accused fell upon
the official dignitary and belaboured him with his fists. The matter
created a scandal and was brought before the High Court of Brabant. This
court took part with the rebellious Hanseatic, with the result that the
authorities of the factory were forbidden, under the most heavy
penalties, to take any action against him. They were even threatened
with the loss of all their privileges.
Such incidents, and a number of others like them, presaged a catastrophe
at a time not too far distant. But circumstances unconnected with the
factory rendered its position still more difficult and precarious and
hastened its fate.
Chief among these external causes was the war between England and Spain;
the war whose chief incident was the destruction of the great Spanish
Armada by the force of the elements, which ranged themselves on the side
of the English Queen. This war, which made the navigation of the seas
unsafe, was of course a most serious interruption to trade. Nor did the
destruction of the Armada bring peace to the Hansa. Besides this there
had broken forth in the Netherlands the great revolt in the cause of
freedom against the ecclesiastical and civil despotism of Philip II.,
which was permanently to change the whole state of that corner of
Europe, and which for the time being absolutely extinguished all trade
by sea or land. Glorious as these events proved for the cause of liberty
and of freedom of thought, they were disastrous to the League. Each of
the militant nations interdicted it from all relation with the other,
and security for commerce was of course quite at an end.
Now it must be borne in mind that the revolt of the Netherlands began
while the Hanseatics were still building their new residence at Antwerp.
The League was no longer, as in old days, strong enough to make its
neutrality respected, and the consequence was, it had to yield to the
demands of whichever party was at the moment the strongest. Thus the
Prince of Orange manifested from 1571 onwards a desire that they should
interrupt their communications with Spain. As a result, when Antwerp was
taken, and pillaged by the Spaniards, November 4, 1576, the Hanseatics
were forced to see themselves treated not as neutrals, but as friends of
the rebels. Their papers were seized and their goods confiscated; even
their charter was seized and the price of ransom fixed at the high rate
of twenty thousand guilders. Further, if we may deduce inferences from
the minutes of the Hanseatic Diet of the same year, 1576, it would seem
as though King Philip II., and the Prince of Orange each in their turn
placed a tax of 10, 20, and even 40 per cent. upon the merchandise
imported by the Hanseatics into the Low Countries.
The League, in this desperate situation pleaded for help now from one
leader, now from another, but could obtain no efficient relief or
support from any side. At last in April, 1577, the Spanish governor of
the Netherlands offered conditions to a Hanseatic embassy which under
the circumstances seemed sufficiently advantageous. It was proposed that
to indemnify them for the losses suffered during the pillage of Antwerp,
the Hanseatics should for twenty years be completely exempt from all
taxes imposed in Holland or Brabant, and from half the taxes established
for Zealand. Besides this the heads of the factory were once more to be
recognized as alone competent to pronounce judgment in civil suits
between Hanseatics residing in the Low Countries. On their part,
however, the Hanseatics would have to submit to the necessities of
warfare. Further, full latitude was conceded to them in the matter of
re-exportation of their goods, unless imperious need opposed this, in
which case they should receive current prices for their merchandise.
That these promises were ill kept, and that the factory, scarcely born,
was rapidly nearing its end, is proved by the complaints addressed in
1581 and 1582, to the city of Luebeck by its representatives residing at
the factory of Antwerp. They pointed out how money was absolutely
wanting in the establishment; that the Hanseatics, resident and
non-resident, did not pay the contributions promised; that the Spaniards
harassed them, and rendered their indebted position yet more difficult;
that they had no means of enforcing payment, and that if any one city,
or private person did pay, it was out of pity. Then followed complaints
of certain cities, especially of Cologne, which sent merchandise to
foreign agents. The document further states that the rooms, cellars, and
storehouses of the factory were quite empty; that the imposition or
rather the faithful payment of some of the various taxes had to be taken
into serious consideration; and that as the canal duties in Zealand were
always rising in price, contrary to treaty, it seemed to the
petitioners advisable that reprisals should be made on the natives of
that territory, residing in or treating with Germany. Finally, they
announced to the city that they were about to charge an able secretary
with the permanent duties of looking after the affairs of the factory,
if such a plan were pleasing to the town of Luebeck, and if the factory
was to continue its existence. This last phrase is significant.
Luebeck, in its reply, offered to the factory of Antwerp mere empty
phrases of consolation, promising in a lukewarm manner to see that the
outstanding Hanseatic dues were paid, in order that a beginning might at
least be made. But it opposed the advice given by its representatives at
Antwerp, to practise reprisals towards the Netherlanders, because in
that case they would seek for themselves other routes and the Hanseatic
port would remain abandoned and neglected.
One of the Hansa's earliest and most able historians, commenting on this
reply from the city of Luebeck makes the following very just remarks:
"Nothing betokens more clearly the end of the Hanseatics' commercial
dominion than this last passage in Luebeck's reply to its petitioners.
Formerly the League would have interrupted all intercourse with the
country that so misbehaved, and would thus have punished it, would have
avenged the very smallest infraction of its privileges. Now it did not
even dare have recourse to this measure for fear of completely
sacrificing a commerce the pursuit of which had become possible
independent of the Hanseatics."
A little later than the documents referred to above, an Antwerp
Hanseatic alderman wrote that he saw no hope for their body, and that
the debts were of such a nature, so numerous, so onerous, that within
twenty-four hours the representatives of the factory might be arrested,
and the factory itself put up for sale. This piece of news did arouse
the apathy of the cities. Indeed it created such alarm that even Cologne
showed itself disposed to pay the stipulated taxes faithfully and
regularly, within the course of the ensuing years. Unfortunately however
at the point to which the Hansa had come, this tax which was levied on
goods proved fatal to the Hanseatic commerce, already crippled by other
custom dues, while it assured an ever-increasing advantage to their two
commercial rivals, the English and Dutch. It was in consequence of these
heavy duties, too, that many a Hansa citizen renounced of his own free
will the liberties that had come to cost so dear.
The Hansa Diet could see no remedy save in their old traditional
measures. These import duties they insisted must be paid by the towns,
and to insure this they established payment stations in divers
localities of the Low Countries, such as Dortrecht and Amsterdam. But
all these efforts failed to bring about the needful result, and the
chief alderman at Antwerp was menaced with imprisonment. Indeed, it is
said he was actually confined for some while.
In sore straits, the Hansa resolved to confide the administration of its
Antwerp factory to a manager and a secretary chosen from the town of
Cologne, who in critical moments should seek advice of the towns of
Luebeck and Bremen.
Unfortunately the best administration in the world--and that of Cologne
was perhaps not the best--could not restore life to an establishment
irrevocably doomed. The few promises made, the few guarantees given,
whether by the United Provinces or by the Spanish Netherlands, were not
kept. Two Hansa embassies which passed through Antwerp early in the
seventeenth century--the one bound for England, the other for
Spain--halted at the factory to inspect it. Their official report sent
to the Diet was, that this factory was completely fallen into disrepute
and decay, and that in the general ruin every one thought only of
himself, and the general interest was not considered. They added, that
places formerly bustling with commercial life had been converted into
barns for the threshing of corn.
A faint new hope was excited by the armistice which in 1609 was
concluded between Spain and the Low Countries; and Bremen was charged
with the administration of the factory in the place of Cologne. But this
was a mere passing delusion which was to vanish before the reality; for
in 1624 the Spanish soldiers took up their headquarters in the factory,
and never quitted it until after the lapse of nearly thirty years, by
that time having made its hundred and seventy rooms entirely
uninhabitable.
A very pardonable, and indeed in this case very laudable, _amour propre_
made the town of Luebeck too late desirous to restore this factory, which
recalled the greatness, as well as the decadence, of the Hanseatic
League. But the Queen of the Hansa, the most patriotic, the most
energetic of all the cities, was not supported by her confederates in
this costly enterprise. She therefore saw herself forced to abandon the
establishment to its fate.
Still, before that date, indeed immediately after the pillage of
Antwerp, the trade of the Hanseatic League with the Low Countries had
ceased to be a commerce placed upon a regulated footing and ruled by
prescribed laws, laws emanating from the factory and punctually and
faithfully obeyed by the members. A faint activity and revival occurred
in the seventeenth century when the Dutch and Hanseatics made a mutual
trade pact. But this proved of little profit to the latter, as far at
least as their traffic in the Low Countries was concerned; for, like
impatient heirs, the citizens of the United Provinces endeavoured to
enfeeble their rivals, to whose succession they looked forward.
VI.
THE END OF THE HANSA'S DOMINION IN ENGLAND.
The Hansa had been more fortunate in England than in the Low Countries.
Up to the middle of the sixteenth century nothing had occurred that had
sensibly modified its old relationship with the English nation. Nor had
the factory diminished in power or the commerce in importance. It is
true that at various times, now the kings themselves, now the people,
had grown restive under the heavy monopoly of the Hansa League; but, to
the kings especially, the League with its riches, its command of ready
money and of ships, was of great use, and all attempts at restriction of
privilege ended in failure.
But as Russia became consolidated after she had thrown off the Tartar
yoke, so England also gained in strength after she had once renounced
the foolish desire of making herself mistress of France, and after the
long civil war of the Roses was ended, and a new and peaceful reign
inaugurated.
Henry VII. left the Hansa privileges intact. The same was the case under
Henry VIII., who even confirmed and extended them. The patron of Max
Meyer, the friend of the democratic burgomaster Wullenweber, found it to
his own interest to have the theological and political support of the
maritime Baltic cities, and was regardless of the interests and deaf to
the entreaties of his native merchants. It is true that this
hot-tempered and capricious monarch several times threatened the League
with a restriction of their rights. Once indeed his threats seemed so
likely to take effect that the Hamburgers, in alarm, advised the
Steelyard authorities to remove from the factory all silver vessels and
all ready money. However, these threats were not serious; they were
perhaps but a ruse to extract more pecuniary or moral assistance from
his allies.
The successive checks, however, which the League was encountering in
other foreign countries were not without their reactionary effect upon
England. Various discussions arose between Hanseatic and English
merchants, and led to more or less violent squalls, which were certainly
the prelude to the coming tempest.