this defence has operated, and who have not felt that Maturin’s
distinctions, as a contemporary critic[133] put it, ‘between his
own convents and those of old are rather fanciful than real.’ The
defence can, at the utmost, be applied to the first part of Alonzo’s
stay in the convent, although even there we find, among the ‘petty
torments,’ instances of monks being flogged to death; and it must also
be admitted that this part is the most original. According as the
torments grow decidedly serious, the points of contact with Godwin and
Lewis become more conspicuous. As for the latter part of the story,
it is unquestionably a perfect ‘romance of horror,’ with the horrors
introduced solely for their own sake, only so much more powerful in
execution than its forerunners, that one might be tempted to think
it was Maturin’s wish to show how such a book ought to be written.
In the art of suggestion, so important in tales of this character,
Maturin here, as in _Montorio_, stands between Mrs. Radcliffe and
Lewis, avoiding the excesses of both. His grasp on the subject-matter
is always stronger than that of Mrs. Radcliffe, whose gentleness
sometimes reduces her work to ‘a timid trifling with the world of
phantoms and nameless terrors;’[134] while he seldom or never copies
the coarseness of Lewis who, in fact, knows nothing of the art in
question. This is particularly noticeable in Maturin’s treatment of
the (very limited) supernatural element in _Melmoth_. He tells, no
doubt, many frightful things and calls them by their names, but then
there are also a great many circumstances which are said to be too
horrible and unhallowed to relate. With sure artistic instinct Maturin
forbears ever to expound the ‘incommunicable condition’ of Melmoth,
whereas the surrender of their souls to the devil, made by Ambrosio
and Matilda in _The Monk_, is laid down with a clearness and accuracy
leaving nothing to be guessed. Another detail worthy of notice is the
circumstance that the partly supernatural personality of the Wanderer
makes an indelible impression upon those coming into contact with him,
and marks them for life. Stanton, it will be remembered, knows no
rest after having encountered Melmoth; his remaining days are spent in
an indefatigable pursuit of him, the cause of which he could not even
explain to himself; and a similar wish, it must be presumed, eventually
drives Monçada to Ireland. Here may, indeed, be an influence from Mrs.
Shelley’s _Frankenstein_ (1818), where the hero, in never-allayed
anxiety, pursues the monster which he has created from one end of the
world to the other, in order to prevent him from doing more mischief--:
the artistic effect is, at all events, incomparably greater than
that attained in _The Monk_, where the ghosts and spooks are treated
with ease and familiarity, and where a Spanish nobleman relates that
he has encountered the Wandering Jew, with a burning cross on his
forehead, almost as nonchalantly as he would tell that he has met his
brother. With this general difference in style and execution, many
external motives from _The Monk_ are utilized in the Spaniard’s tale,
as they were in _Montorio_. The most conspicuous here, again, is the
introduction of ecclesiastical cruelty and monastical oppression; the
case of Ildefonsa in _Montorio_ which, as we have seen, was suggested
by the story of Agnes de Medina in _The Monk_, is here applied to
Alonzo, with a power leaving both those romances far behind. The Domina
of Lewis and the Superior of Maturin represent the same type: both are
narrow-minded, hypocritical and revengeful, and pride themselves on the
strict order and discipline maintained in their convents. Both are,
on important occasions, surrounded by four satellites, who obey their
every sign, and who are employed to drag recalcitrant monks and nuns
to the subterranean dungeons, which, in both tales, are swarming with
nauseous reptiles. A reminiscence of very unpleasant character, from
Lewis, is also the dismal end of the parricide; in _The Monk_ the same
fate overtakes the Domina, when her cruelty to the young nun becomes
known. She, too, is about to take part in a religious procession, when
suddenly she is made an object of the rage of the people. As in the
case of the parricide, neither the solemnity of the occasion, nor the
respect for the priests present, nor fear of the soldiers can protect
the victim from the populace, which presses on like a storm and never
rests until its vengeance is fulfilled. In _The Monk_ the Domina tries
to make some sort of resistance, but ‘at length a flint, aimed by some
well-directing hand, struck her full upon the temple. She sank upon the
ground bathed in blood, and in a few minutes terminated her miserable
existence;’ Maturin tells that the man does not cease to howl for mercy
‘till a stone, aimed by some pitying hand, struck him down. He fell,
trodden in one moment into sanguine and discoloured mud by a thousand
feet.’ It is but just to Mrs. Radcliffe to observe that she never would
have described scenes like these.
The latter part of the story, containing the scenes in and after the
Inquisition, is clearly influenced by Godwin. Of the examinations and
official proceedings very little is told. Monçada, like St. Leon, is
bound by an oath which he considers sacred, not to reveal what takes
place under the roof of the Holy Office--an oath rather convenient
to the author. St. Leon is, in his cell, visited by a creature of
the Inquisition--a similar figure appears in _The Italian_ of Mrs.
Radcliffe--who tries to ensnare him in his own answers, the like of
whom Alonzo supposes Melmoth to be. Both are finally condemned to
flames, from which they escape in manners so closely alike, that
the incident itself must be considered one of Maturing most obvious
borrowings, although his execution, here again, is so much superior to
his model, that it well-nigh recalls Shakespeare’s way of treating his
‘loans.’ When St. Leon is marching in the procession of the autodafé,
some confusion arises from a horse rearing violently. This irritates
the other horses, and the bustle becomes such that St. Leon succeeds
in absconding and, like Alonzo, rushes down a narrow lane. All this
is told in a few lines. In Melmoth the confusion is caused by a
fire--an expedient less original but more acceptable--of which there
is a description long and truly magnificent. In the end of the lane
St. Leon, like Alonzo, forces his entrance into the habitation of a
Jew, whom he terrifies to become his involuntary host and concealer.
But while there are, in Godwin, no very interesting _intérieurs_ from
the Jewish community, the corresponding passages in _Melmoth_, though
fantastic, are depicted with a lively minuteness, and the sudden
appearance of Alonzo even with humour, of which refreshing quality
there is but this short flash in the Spaniard’s tale. The Jew, it has
been mentioned, is on the point of converting his son, who has been
brought up a Catholic, all implements being ready and the cock to be
sacrificed on the occasion fastened at the leg of a table:
There was something at once fearful and ludicrous in the scene that
followed. Rebekah, an old Jewish woman, came at his call; but,
seeing a third person, retreated in terror, while her master, in
his confusion, called her in vain by her _Christian_ name of Maria.
Obliged to remove the table alone, he overthrew it, and broke the leg
of the unfortunate animal fastened to it, who, not to be without his
share in the tumult, uttered the most shrill and intolerable screams,
while the Jew, snatching up the sacrificial knife, repeated eagerly,
“Statim mactat gallum,” put the wretched bird out of its pain; then,
trembling at this open avowal of his Judaism, he sat down amid the
ruins of the overthrown table, the fragments of the broken vessels,
and the remains of the martyred cock. He gazed at me with a look of
stupified and ludicrous inanity, and demanded in delirious tones,
what “my lords the Inquisitors had pleased to visit his humble but
highly-honoured mansion for?” I was scarce less deranged than he
was; and, though we both spoke the same language, and were forced by
circumstances into the same strange and desperate confidence with
each other, we really needed, for the first half-hour, a rational
interpreter of our exclamations, starts of fear, and bursts of
disclosure. At last our mutual terror acted honestly between us, and
we understood each other.
The description of the subterranean abode is still more successful and
entirely Maturin’s own. The old sage is indeed like a ghost of the
past, where he sits among dusty manuscripts and the skeletons of his
family, deceased a generation ago; and the atmosphere in which the new
tale commence is extremely suggestive:
It was a night of storms in the world above us; and, far below
the surface of the earth as we were, the murmur of the winds,
sighing through the passages, came on my ear like the voices of the
departed,--like the pleadings of the dead. Involuntarily I fixed my
eye on the manuscript I was to copy, and never withdrew till I had
finished its extraordinary contents.--
Even the person and character of the Wanderer, such as he appears in
this tale, is less original than elsewhere in the book. His discussions
in Alonzo’s cell, which are rather overloaded with historical
information, may have been suggested by a passage in _The Monk_, where
it is said of the Wandering Jew, that ‘he named people who had ceased
to exist for many centuries and yet with whom he appeared to have
been personally acquainted.’ Alonzo is struck by the same peculiarity
in Melmoth, who relates anecdotes which happened during the reign
of monarchs belonging to by-gone ages: ‘These circumstances were
trifling, and might be told by any one, but there was a minuteness
and circumstantiality in his details, that perpetually forced on
the mind the idea that he had himself seen what he described, and
been conversant with the personages he spoke of.’ To the reader,
unfortunately, some of these anecdotes appear not only trifling but
ridiculous, and the mysterious grandeur in which Melmoth ought to be
veiled, is here not quite successfully sustained. His rôle during the
fire is more impressive, and presents a parallel to the apparition seen
by John Melmoth the night when the Spanish vessel is wrecked:
At this moment, while standing amid the groupe of prisoners, my eyes
were struck by an extraordinary spectacle. Perhaps it is amid the
moments of despair, that imagination has most power, and they who
have suffered, can best describe and feel. In the burning light, the
steeple of the Dominican church was as visible as at noon-day. It
was close to the prison of the Inquisition. The night was intensely
dark, but so strong was the light of the conflagration, that I could
see the spire blazing, from the reflected lustre, like a meteor. The
hands of the clock were as visible as if a torch was held before
them; and this calm and silent progress of time, amid the tumultuous
confusion of midnight horrors,--this scene of the physical and mental
world in an agony of fruitless and incessant motion, might have
suggested a profound and singular image, had not my whole attention
been rivetted to a human figure placed on a pinnacle of the spire, and
surveying the scene in perfect tranquillity. It was a figure not to be
mistaken--it was the figure of him who had visited me in the cells of
the Inquisition.--
A perfect ‘Gothic Romance’ as the Spaniard’s tale is in form, it is,
fundamentally, a treatise against the omnipotence of the Catholic
church, from which omnipotence all the evils and miseries directly
arise. It is a protest against ‘a power whose influence is unlimited,
indefinable, and unknown, even to those who exercise it, as there are
mansions so vast, that their inmates, to their last hour, have never
visited all the apartments;--a power whose operation is like its
motto,--one and indivisible’--as it is a defence of another philosophy
which values freedom, enjoyment of existence and natural affection. In
this fight between theories the development of characters is, perhaps
necessarily, neglected. Alonzo is but a vehicle by which the author
gives vent to his own views; in himself he is impossible. It has
already been pointed out that all the heroes of Maturin are very young,
but the youth of Alonzo is a downright absurdity: he is not thirteen
when his combat against monasticism commences; and even a precocious
Spaniard could hardly, at that age, have conceived the idea of an
improved Catholicism which he outlines on several occasions. For in all
his vicissitudes he never ceases to be a good and sincere Catholic;
it is not the religion, but its abuses, which Maturin--somewhat _post
festum_, in 1820--is castigating.
* * * * *
The manuscript read by Monçada in the vault of the Jew commences with
a narrative called the _Tale of the Indians_. In this tale--and only
here--the Wanderer is the real hero and it is, so far, the central and
most important part of the book. It has also been the most generally
appreciated of all the tales in _Melmoth_ and contains, indeed,
passages of exquisite beauty, although as a composition it is broken
and somewhat irregular. By way of contrast it is cleverly placed
immediately after the Spaniard’s tale; the scene of action is removed
from subterranean recesses and noxious vapours far away amid flowers
and sunshine.
A small island in the Indian sea, where there has formerly stood a
temple erected to the terrible goddess Seeva, has, after a series of
earthquakes, become depopulated and totally deserted by the inhabitants
of the mainland. Yet after some time it again has obtained the
reputation of being the seat of a goddess, of an unknown and gentler
character. Rumours of a vision seen there, lovely beyond description,
spread among the natives, and young people get into the habit of
offering fruits and flowers to the new goddess, who is supposed to be
particularly well-disposed towards lovers. And inhabited the island
really is. A small child, a girl, the sole survivor of the wreck of a
Spanish vessel, has found refuge there and grows up a wild daughter of
nature, as innocent as she is beautiful, as good as she is lovely. The
flowers and birds are her friends; the shells are her toys; and the
sense of fear is utterly unknown to her, there being nothing in her
island which bears a hostile appearance. Until the great catastrophe
there is not a cloud to disturb her paradisiacal existence. The
catastrophe arrives in the person of Melmoth the Wanderer, who once
chances to visit the deserted island and there finds Immalee--this is
the name the natives have given their goddess. The few reminiscences of
the Spanish language which she still retains are revived and developed
in her intercourse with him, while her sentiments towards her visitor,
at the same time, grow to an ardent attachment. When aware of this,
Melmoth, with a generosity that does honour to an agent of the enemy,
tears himself away and never revisits the island, nor do they meet
again until Immalee has been discovered and taken back to her family in
Spain.--
The idea of making the fanciful Indians worship Immalee as a deity
was poetical enough, and it is finely told how two young lovers, who
separately set out to the island with their offerings, find each other
in the presence of the goddess, and return, happy, in the same canoe.
The two are so fortunate as to get a sight of the mystical being:
The form was that of a female, but such as they had never before
beheld, for her skin was perfectly white, (at least in their eyes,
who had never seen any but the dark-red tint of the natives of the
Bengalese islands). Her drapery (as well as they could see) consisted
only of flowers, whose rich colours and fantastic grouping harmonized
well with the peacock’s feathers twined among them, and altogether
composed a feathery fan of wild drapery, which, in truth, beseemed an
“island goddess.” Her long hair, of a colour they had never beheld
before, pale auburn, flowed to her feet, and was fantastically
entwined with the flowers and the feathers that formed her dress. On
her head was a coronal of shells, of hue and lustre unknown except
in the Indian seas--the purple and the green vied with the amethyst,
and the emerald. On her white bare shoulder a loxia was perched,
and round her neck was hung a string of their pearl-like eggs, so
pure and pellucid, that the first sovereign in Europe might have
exchanged his richest necklace of pearls for them. Her arms and feet
were perfectly bare, and her step had a goddess-like rapidity and
lightness, that affected the imagination of the Indians as much as
the extraordinary colour of her skin and hair. The young lovers sunk
in awe before this vision as it passed before their eyes. While they
prostrated themselves, a delicious sound trembled on their ears. The
beautiful vision spoke to them, but it was in a language they did not
understand; and this confirming their belief that it was the language
of the gods, they prostrated themselves to her again.
This same idea, however, gave rise to some other passages which sadly
jar against the idyllic tone, besides being very unnecessary. The
worship of Immalee, it is told, is chiefly practised by the younger
generation, by whom the ferocious rites of the old religion are,
accordingly, forgotten, which circumstance does not fail to excite
much anger and disapproval among the old devotees, who are aroused to
opposition against the new order of things. This it would have been
quite sufficient briefly to state; but the fact that there exist, or
have existed, revolting and inhuman forms of religious exercise, seems
to have been a cancer constantly preying on Maturin’s mind, nor could
he ever say enough on the subject. The satire levelled in _Women_ at
the rigid and bigoted Calvinism was, no doubt, well in its place, and
the indignation with which monasticism and Inquisition are treated in
the present work, can yet be understood; but the idea of pursuing,
with bitter irony, the old Indian religion prescribing lacerations
and human sacrifices, the loathsome character of which nobody would
have dreamt of defending, is nothing short of ridiculous. The Indian
idyll, beautiful as it is, might have afforded some surprise to those
acquainted with Maturin’s views in general. The never-ending conflict
between the fantastical novelist and the clergyman of the established
church asserts itself very curiously in the whole conception of Immalee
and her life in the island. Maturin had, more than once, strongly
expressed his opinion, that a mode of life away from the benefits of
civilization cannot but have a brutalizing effect upon human nature; in
one of his sermons there is the following passage:
Let us ask ourselves what is human life? The question, my brethren,
is of some importance--we must view man under three characters--as a
savage--as a being whose _intellectual_ faculties are cultivated--and
lastly as acquainted with the blessedness of religion. What happiness
do the former class know? The happiness of brutality--horrible
felicity! if it be felicity--the happiness that may be shared with
brutes: though some writers even of this age have struggled hard to
prove that this is the best state of man. I would not notice them from
this place but to notice the monstrous falsehood, which lies against
God, and nature, and truth. The life of a brute was never intended
to be the life of man. Yet there are writers, and some of those whom
I address are acquainted with those writers, who would teach us that
man in his natural state is most perfect, and that the heir of
immortality is formed not to be above the beasts that perish.
Shortly after delivering this (not very brilliant) effusion, Maturin
was himself one of ‘those writers.’ It is true that the story of
Immalee is a work of pure imagination and that he does not exactly try
to prove anything by it or to lay the case down as a doctrine; but all
the same the fact remains that here a being, while living far from
civilization and in absolute ignorance of religion, is represented as
angelically good and deliciously happy, and that, after her entrance
into a society where religion, may be in a corrupted form, pervades
life in all its phases, she becomes most wretchedly miserable. Maturin,
like most imaginative writers of the time, could not help once, at
least, paying his tribute to the great ideal of a return to nature,
so vigorously and eloquently put forth in the latter part of the
previous century. Who the writers alluded to are it is, of course,
not difficult to point out. Immalee’s spiritual parent is Rousseau,
through the mediation of Bernardin de St. Pierre; she is a belated
sister of Virginie who, before her, played with birds and flowers in
exotic, Indian surroundings, depicted in glowing colours. Yet there can
be no question of direct imitation. Immalee is original and romantic,
she belongs as distinctly to the 19:th century as her prototype does
to the 18:th. Maturin, as was his wont, made the case an extreme
one; his heroine lives wholly by herself, taught and nurtured by
nature alone, without a parent or philosopher to point out to her the
benefits of such an education. And the character of Immalee, in all its
fantasticalness, has infinitely more of ‘nature’ in it than there is
in the tedious conventionalism of Virginie; nor is, after all, the one
impossibility more improbable than the other. As Maturin did not create
Immalee to advocate any theories, he was freer to endow her with those
qualities that spring from _das ewig weibliche_. Her first encounter
with the Wanderer--which takes place in the year of grace 1680--is most
charmingly described:
The stranger approached, and the beautiful vision approached also, but
not like an European female with low and graceful bendings, still less
like an Indian girl with her low salams, but like a young fawn, all
animation, timidity, confidence, and cowardice, expressed in almost
a single action. She sprung from the sands--ran to her favourite
tree;--returned again with her guard of peacocks, who expanded their
superb trains with a kind of instinctive motion, as if they felt the
danger that menaced their protectress, and clapping her hands with
exultation, seemed to invite them to share in the delight she felt in
gazing at the _new flower that had grown in the sand_.
With true feminine talkativeness she at once begins, in her imperfect
language, to tell her visitor of her solitary life, her companions, and
her innocent amusements. She tells that she is older than the moon, and
never changes, although the roses fade; that she has often tried in
vain to catch stars and moonbeams, and that she has a friend whose face
meets hers in the stream when the sky is clear.
On this _tabula rasa_, then, is Melmoth to impress his peculiar views
of the world and its conditions. It is stated that he regards her
with compassion, which feeling he experiences for the first time in
his life. His soul becomes the prey of contending passions, in the
course of which is displayed what a critic[135] finely terms as ‘the
naturalness and supernaturalness of it, the repulsion and attraction
of it, the sublimity and devilry of it--not obviously balanced each
to enhance each other, but as it were _fused_ in the white heat of
Maturin’s imagination;’ and as his human nature finally carries off
the victory, the conviction is brought home to the reader that Melmoth
himself deserves something of the compassion he bestows on Immalee. At
first, indeed, he appears as a tempter, endeavouring to corrupt her
mind and, above all, to incite in her a contempt for religion. He has
a telescope by him which enables her distinctly to see the adjacent
coast of India. She reviews some of the rites of the natives, the
repulsiveness of which she does not understand. There is also a Turkish
mosque which does not much appeal to her, but at last she perceives a
half-hidden Christian church, whose meaning and tenets he is forced
reluctantly to explain, whereupon she exclaims in exultation: ‘Christ
shall be my God, and I will be a Christian!’ Understanding that her
nature is incorruptible, Melmoth gives up regarding her as a victim.
He leaves metaphysics alone and confines his discussions solely to
the phenomena of this world. The European vessels that pass by the
island furnish him with the opportunity of describing the effects of
European civilization, and the kind of life led in European countries.
The description is bitter, cynical and pessimistic; the darker sides
of modern life--war, oppression, unjust laws, religious contests,
unequal distribution of wealth--all is laid down in a language truly
appalling, and wound up with the remark that, among human beings, the
sole kind parents are those ‘who murder their children at the hour of
their birth, or, by medical art dismiss them before they have seen
the light; and, in so doing, they give the only creditable evidence
of parental affection.’ By enfolding this sombre picture he tries to
terrify her from wishing ever to see the world, and thus to keep her
for himself, for in her society alone can he hope to forget his misery.
She is the only oasis in the desert of his existence, the only human
being on earth who does not instinctively shrink from him, and who is
not frightened by the lustre of his eyes:
While he sat near her on the flowers she had collected for him,--while
he looked on those timid and rosy lips that waited his signal to
speak, like buds that did not dare to blow till the sun shone on
them,--while he heard accents issue from those lips which he felt
it would be as impossible to pervert as it would be to teach the
nightingale blasphemy,--he sunk down beside her, passed his hand
over his livid brow and wiping off some cold drops, thought for a
moment he was not the Cain of the moral world, and that the brand was
effaced,--at least for a moment.
Yet the impression made upon Immalee by the conversations of Melmoth
is very different from what he intended. She sheds tears and suffers
with the sufferers, but nevertheless she is seized with a longing
towards the world. She has tasted from the tree of knowledge, and her
peace of mind is gone. At the same time she feels that the society of
the stranger is far more to her than that of her mute companions; every
time he leaves her she implores him to return, and he, on his part,
cannot resist the temptation although he sees he is destroying her
happiness. She loves; and the more he terrifies her with his wild laugh
and impetuous speech which is incomprehensible to her, the stronger
grows her love. Her idyll is at an end, and her former occupations
interest her no longer. Now she begins to prefer ‘the rocks and the
ocean, the thunder of the wave, and the sterility of the sands.’ This
change fills Melmoth with rage, as the society of Immalee thus loses
the character of a calm refuge where he may snatch a moment of rest,
and one stormy night he even contemplates her again in the light of a
victim. Yet the innocent belief of Immalee that she is sheltered when
he is near her, once more appeals to his better feelings: he frightens
her, indeed, into a state of unconsciousness, but then, with a supreme
effort, leaves the island for ever.
These are the bare outlines of this singular courtship in the Indian
island. In point of language it contains the most magnificent passages
in Maturin’s production, and the characterization also stands very
high. Powerful as is the picture of the passions and emotions of
Melmoth, it is surpassed by the art with which Immalee’s development
from a wild and thoughtless girl into a woman who loves, and suffers
for her love, is traced. The delineation of feminine psychology, in
which Maturin always excelled, is here as masterly as it was in the
case of Eva in _Women_, and there is, in Immalee, an inner truth
quite independent of her fantastical circumstances. The very idea of
dissimulation being foreign to her, she does not think of concealing
her feelings, and amid the effusions of Melmoth--which sometimes come
to the verge of the melodramatic--she is all simplicity and nature.
As she has never seen any other human being, she can not understand or
even surmise the exceptional character of Melmoth, nor know that he is
not, and cannot be, a lover in the ordinary sense of the word. She only
feels that she is ready for any sacrifice for him, and her attachment
appears unaltered when they next meet in Spain.--
To the passages in which Melmoth describes to Immalee the state of the
world and the conditions of human life, there is this marginal note:
As by a mode of criticism equally false and unjust, the worst
sentiments of my worst characters, (from the ravings of Bertram to
the blasphemies of Cardonneau), have been represented as _my own_, I
must here trespass so far on the patience of the reader as to assure
him, that the sentiments ascribed to the stranger are diametrically
opposite to mine, and that I have purposely put them into the mouth of
an agent of the enemy of mankind.[136]
That Maturin had suffered much from this mode of criticism there is no
doubt, and it was certainly a cautious thing to do to fix a note of
this kind to a sentence like the following:
“These people,” he said, “have made unto themselves kings, that is,
beings whom they voluntarily invest with the privilege of draining,
by taxation, whatever wealth their vices have left to the rich, and
whatever means of subsistence their want has left to the poor, till
their extortion is cursed from the castle to the cottage--and this
to support a few pampered favourites, who are harnassed by silken
reins to the car, which they drag over the prostrate bodies of the
multitude.”
Yet this note cannot be taken quite literally, any more than those
prefaces of Maturin where he depreciates his works. The discussions of
Melmoth are introduced with the remark that ‘there was a mixture of
fiendish acrimony, biting irony, and fearful truth, in his wild sketch,
which was often interrupted by the cries of astonishment, grief, and
terror, from his hearer.’ What there, accordingly, is of ‘fearful
truth’ would, at least, seem to represent Maturin’s own views; and
what Melmoth, for instance, says about religious wars, Maturin would
doubtless have subscribed to at any time. The tone of latent conviction
in many of these passages has been pointed out by a critic,[137] with
the supposition that they were dictated by the disappointments and
bitter experiences Maturin had met with in his life, and this may
well be the case. From the literary point of view, however, the whole
discourse is but an echo of the school of Rousseau, which Maturin was
in the habit of condemning, but under whose influence the first part
of the _Tale of the Indians_ was written.[138] Sentences from the
conversation of the old hermit in _Paul et Virginie_, like:
Le meilleur des livres, qui ne prêche que l’égalité, l’amitié,
l’humilité et la concorde, l’Evangile, a servi pendant des siècles de
prétexte aux fureurs des Européens,
are distinctly recalled:
Intent on their settled purpose of discovering misery wherever it
could be traced, and inventing it where it could not, they have found,
even in the pure pages of that book, which, they presume to say,
contains their title to peace on earth, and happiness hereafter, a
right to hate, plunder, and murder each other.
Apart from this, however, the tale is remarkably original as well as
typically Maturineian. Among slight literary influences, a reminiscence
from Ossian can be traced in a wild song of Immalee, after she has lost
her peace:
The night is growing dark--but what is that to the darkness that his
absence has cast on my soul? The lightnings are glancing round me--but
what are they to the gleam of his eye when he parted from me in anger?
-- -- --
Roar on, terrible ocean! thy waves, which I cannot count, can never
wash his image from my soul,--thou dashest a thousand waves against
a rock, but the rock is unmoved--and so would be my heart amid the
calamities of the world with which he threatens me,--whose dangers I
never would have known but for him, and whose dangers for him I will
encounter.
* * * * *
Three years having elapsed, two persons in Madrid are, at the same
time, exciting much interest and curiosity. One of them is a stranger
of whom fearful rumours are abroad, although there is nothing
extraordinary about him except the appalling lustre in his eyes; the
other is a most beautiful female, who has recently turned up in Madrid
as the new-found daughter of the merchant Aliaga and who lives in her
father’s villa near the town. Once these two persons accidentally meet
in the street, which accident is to have fatal consequences to all the
members of the merchant’s family.
The household of Aliaga, who himself is absent on a voyage in the
Indies, consists of his wife Donna Clara, his son Don Fernan, and
the family confessor Fra Jose. Of these none is capable in the least
of understanding Immalee--or Isidora, as she is now called--and she
feels deeply unhappy in her new surroundings. Her unrestrained freedom
of yore has been replaced by the strictest etiquette prescribing her
duties to be ‘perfect obedience, profound submission, and unbroken
silence, except when addressed to;’ and her warm and generous feelings
are chilled by the cold and rigid Catholicism, very different from her
own notions of religion. These latter are, indeed, considered to denote
sheer madness after she once expresses the hope ‘that the heretics in
the train of the English ambassador might not be everlastingly damned.’
Donna Clara is a woman of rigid mind and mediocrity of intellect,
chiefly occupied in religious meditations of the narrowest kind. Her
son is a selfish and brutal character from whom no kindness is to
be expected. Isidora’s best friend is the priest, who, in contrast
to his counterpart in the Spaniard’s tale, is described as a good
and well-meaning person. Yet for the power of the church he, too, is
prepared to sacrifice everything. Thus he, taking for pretext some
superstitious rumours concerning the early life of Isidora, insists on
her taking the veil, which scheme is indignantly opposed by Don Fernan,
who calculates that the extraordinary beauty of his sister will be the
means of the family forming, by marriage, a connection with the highest
nobility of Spain. Before, however, either project has been realized,
her meeting with Melmoth takes place, and he begins nightly to visit
her under her casement.
These nocturnal meetings, which form the principal contents of the
story, are quite worthy of the corresponding scenes in the first part.
The present desolate state of Isidora is as convincingly described
as her longing for the Indian island, to dream of which is her only
happiness. The image of Melmoth is united to all that is dear to her,
and she loves him as she loves the memories of bygone days:
“You were the first human being I ever saw who could teach me language
and who taught me feeling. Your image is for ever before me, present
or absent, sleeping or waking. I have seen fairer forms,--I have
listened to softer voices, I might have met gentler hearts,--but the
first, the indelible image, is written on mine, and its characters
will never be effaced till that heart is a clod of the valley. I
loved you not for comeliness,--I loved you not for gay deportment,
or fond language, or all that is said to be lovely in the eye of a
woman,--I loved you because you were my _first_,--the sole connecting
link between the human world and my heart,--the being who brought
me acquainted with that wondrous instrument that lay unknown and
untouched within me, and whose chords, as long as they vibrate, will
disdain to obey any touch but that of their first mover,--because
your image is mixed in my imagination with all the glories of
nature,--because your voice, when I heard it first, was something in
accordance with the murmur of the ocean, and the music of the stars.”
In her artlessness she understands him as little as ever. At the
renewal of their intercourse she feels an innocent desire--Maturin
was too acute a psychologist to omit this circumstance--do dazzle him
with her newly-acquired accomplishments, without being aware that
the more unlike she is to everybody else, the more attractive she
must be to him--that her sole attraction, in fact, lies in her being
something new even in his worldwide experience. Seeing, however, that
her accomplishments do not please him, she gives up every thought of
herself:
She now had concentrated all her hopes, and all her heart, no longer
in the ambition _to be_ beloved, but in the sole wish _to_ love.
She no longer alluded to the enlargement of her faculties, the
acquisition of new powers, and the expansion and cultivation of her
taste. She ceased to speak--she sought only to listen--then her wish
subsided into that quiet listening for his form alone, which seemed to
transfer the office of hearing into the eyes, or rather, to identify
both. She saw him long before he appeared,--and heard him though he
did not speak. They have been in each other’s presence for the short
hours of a Spanish summer’s night,--Isidora’s eyes alternately fixed
on the sun-like moon, and on her mysterious lover,--while he, without
uttering a word, leaned against the pillars of her balcony, or the
trunk of the giant myrtle-tree, which cast the shade he loved, even
by night, over his portentous expression,--and they never uttered a
word to each other, till the waving of Isidora’s hand, as the dawn
appeared, was the tacit signal for their parting.
The mental process which Melmoth undergoes is much the same as
before. He approaches her with withering sarcasm and torments her
with his diabolical laugh and terrible allusions, which she bears
with gentleness and patience. She is still the only being who does
not _understand_ that he is to be feared, and in whose society--as
described in the fine passage quoted above--he can obtain some rest and
oblivion; and in these moments his human nature is again appealed to,
and his better feelings prompt him once more to leave her. The only
thing Isidora ever asks of him--from a sense of inborn dignity rather
than acquired conventionality--is to discontinue his clandestine visits
and appear before her family as her wooer. Once united to him by the
rites of the Catholic church, she promises to follow him wherever it
shall be. On one of these occasions Melmoth finds strength to take the
decisive step:
“Would you then consent to unite your destiny with mine? Would you
indeed be mine amid mystery and sorrow? Would you follow me from
land to sea, and from sea to land,--a restless, homeless, devoted
being,--with the brand on your brow, and the curse on your name?
Would you indeed _be mine_? my own--my only Immalee?”--“I would--I
will!”--“Then,” answered Melmoth, “on this spot receive the proof of
my eternal gratitude. On this spot I renounce your sight!--I disannul
your engagement!--I fly from you for ever!” And as he spoke, he
disappeared.
Some time, however, after this disappearance of Melmoth, unexpected
events again throw these ill-fated lovers together. Donna Clara
receives a letter from her husband, who has landed in Spain and is
slowly making his way homewards, to the effect that he intends to bring
with him the destined bridegroom of Isidora, a Spanish nobleman called
Montilla. Isidora learns this piece of news with great despair--but
the same night Melmoth reappears beneath her balcony. Isidora assures
him that she will be the bride of the grave rather than of Montilla,
and that her love is unaltered; whereupon Melmoth, ‘bringing out the
words with difficulty,’ proposes that she should be ready to wed him
the following night. She consents, and the scheme is carried out in a
scene which has been called one of the greatest in the book[139] and
which indeed is saturated with the keenest suspense. The episode is
typically ‘Gothic;’ it is like a ballad of _Lenore_ in prose. In the
darkness they set out and travel with supernatural rapidity towards a
neighbouring mountain where, Melmoth informs Isidora, a holy hermit
is dwelling near a ruinous monastery. Arriving at a mountain river
they hear foot-steps pursuing them, and a figure is indistinctly seen
approaching. After a short struggle the pursuer, whom Isidora, by his
voice, recognizes to be an ancient domestic of the family, is flung
into the river. The lovers continue their way and Isidora is dragged
up into the ruins, where a hand places hers into that of Melmoth.
Almost unconscious as she is from terror, she feels the hand to be
cold as death; and afterwards it is discovered that the hermit really
had died the previous night. This is one of the few supernatural
incidents in the story that does not directly relate to the personality
of Melmoth.--The same night Donna Clara and the priest sit brooding
over a new letter from Aliaga, in which he hints at some terrible and
mysterious tidings he has learned--it appears later that he has met
Melmoth, who, beset by pangs of conscience, has warned him that his
daughter is in danger. They are roused by a noise in the house, and
discover that Isidora’s casement is open and her room empty. Her mother
passes the night in frantic anxiety, but in the morning Isidora is
found sleeping heavily in her bed. What has happened to her nothing
can induce her to disclose, and Donna Clara and the priest prudently
determine also to keep the matter secret. It takes Aliaga rather a
long time to get home, in spite of the warning he has received. In the
meantime Melmoth keeps on visiting his wife, but cannot be prevailed
upon to appear before the family. Otherwise his tenderness towards
Isidora increases, as there is evidence of her becoming a mother. The
night before the event is expected to take place, Melmoth has the news
that her father and Montilla will arrive that very day, and in the
evening a great masquerade is to be held in honour of the betrothed.
Melmoth promises to be there at midnight to take her away. The news
appears to be true, and Isidora is forced to take part in the feast.
The costume of the time fortunately conceals her altered figure, as the
mask covers her pale and haggard countenance. When the clock strikes
twelve Melmoth is beside her. They prepare to leave the assembly, but
are detected by Don Fernan, who steps into their way. A fight ensues
which ends with the death of Don Fernan, whereat the dreaded figure
of Melmoth the Wanderer is disclosed to all the guests, some of whom
recognize him with a terror unspeakable. Isidora throws herself upon
the corpse of her brother, and Melmoth departs alone and unmolested,
nobody daring to lift a hand against him. The house is rapidly
deserted and its horrified inmates left alone. The same night Isidora
is delivered of a daughter, and, on admitting that she is married to
Melmoth, conveyed into the prison of the Inquisition. Her parents
shortly afterwards die of grief, but the good priest is allowed to
visit her, and to him she makes a full confession of her marriage. The
Holy Office condemns her to lifelong imprisonment, but she dies, after
having strangled her child when the officials have come to take it
from her. Before expiring she yet confesses to Fra Jose that Melmoth
has been with her in the prison and offered to effect her liberation
on a fearful and unutterable condition. With her last strength she has
rejected it, although her love for him is unabated.--
The end of the _Tale of the Indians_ calls for a few remarks from a
logical point of view--if logic is to be applied to a composition like
this. It never becomes quite clear why Melmoth brings Isidora back to
her home after their wedding, all the world being open to him; nor it
is easy to understand why he should delay the second elopement until
the house is full of guests and the disappearance of Isidora most
difficult to bring about. As he, after the failure of this enterprise,
completely loses his human character and only appears in that of the
tempter, it might be inferred that Isidora’s last calamity is of his
own contrivance; but this, again, is contradicted by what he says after
the duel with Don Fernan: ‘Would that breathless fool had yielded to my
bidding, not to my sword--there was but one human chord that vibrated
in my heart--it is broken to-night, and for ever!’ Those critics that
derided the clumsiness with which the schemes of Melmoth are, in
general, executed, were not entirely wrong in this instance; the lack
of plausibility in these incidents--the supernatural power of Melmoth
once taken for granted--is here of a character injurious to the tale as
a work of art.--In the descriptions of everyday life in Aliaga’s house
Maturin does not give of his best, in spite of his having recourse to
his humorous vein. The personages themselves are depicted in rather a
conventional fashion, and the stupidity and narrow-mindedness of Donna
Clara, and the confessor’s excessive fondness for food and drink, can
bear no comparison with the humorous passages in _Women_. Only the
characterization of Isidora is carried out with the same unfailing
power to the very last.
The end of the _Tale of the Indians_, especially the unravelling of
the plot, contains, no doubt, some hints from Goethe’s _Faust_.[140]
The parallels are but details of secondary importance, yet too distinct
to be quite overlooked. Margarete and Isidora are equally anxious about
their respective lovers’ relations to church and religion, and propose
the same questions to them. Margarete:
Nun sag, wie hast du’s mit der Religion?
-- -- -- -- -- --
Du ehrst auch nicht die heil’gen Sacramente.
-- -- -- -- -- --
Zur Messe, zur Beichte bist du lange nicht gegangen.
Isidora expresses her fear that Melmoth does not believe in what the
Holy Church requires, and asks, further: ‘Do you ever visit the church?
-- -- Do you ever receive the Holy Sacrament?’--Faust fights a duel
with Margarete’s brother under similar circumstances and with the
same consequence as Melmoth with Don Fernan; Margareta, like Isidora,
dies in prison, after having put her child to death in a state of
partial insanity, and both refuse to follow their lovers out of the
prison.--With Mephistopheles, Melmoth has in common the power of
arresting, with a look, the hands raised to seize him.
* * * * *
The _Tale of the Indians_ is once interrupted by two other tales of
considerable length. While Aliaga is travelling homeward he passes a
night at a wretched inn, where a fellow-traveller reads to him the
_Tale of Guzman’s Family_, to the following effect.
Guzman is an old merchant of Seville, who has made an enormous fortune
out of nothing, and risen from an obscure birth to a position of
respect. As he lives alone, the question of his eventual heirs excites
much curiosity; his circumstances are carefully investigated, and
it is discovered that he has a sister in life. This sister has, in
early youth, married a German musician of the name of Walberg, turned
a Protestant, been rejected by her brother, and since then lived
in Germany. This appears to be true; for once when Guzman is seized
with a dangerous illness and even given over by his physicians, he
remembers his sister and sends for the family of Walberg, that he
might be reconciled to his only relatives. At the same time he alters
his will in favour of the family. Contrary to all expectation, he
recovers before they arrive, yet the will remains as he has fixed it,
in spite of the efforts of the priests to have it cancelled.[141]
The only point in which Guzman accedes to their representations, is
that he determines to refrain from all personal intercourse with his
heretical relations. This intelligence is brought to the family, at
their arrival in Seville, by Guzman’s confessor, who acts as his agent
and afterwards proves to be a man of kindness and honour. The family
consists of Walberg, his wife Ines, and four children; later they are
joined by Walberg’s aged parents, whom he has summoned from Germany
to pass the remainder of their life with them. Sinister forebodings
fill the mind of Ines when she learns her brother’s resolution never
to see her or any member of the family. As they are, however, amply
provided for and generally considered the sole heirs of Guzman, the
displeasing resolution makes but a slight impression on Walberg, who
will not listen to his wife’s advice that the children should be
taught some profession. So they live on in ease and comfort, until
Guzman dies--and then it is announced that he has left everything to
the church. This a blow that completely changes the conditions of the
family; their fine house is sold, and they move into a humble abode
in the suburbs, where Ines and her daughter once more resume the
domestic duties. The good priest, who feels certain that a fraud has
been committed, does everything in his power to help them. Through
his means the matter is brought to legal arbitration, but though the
best advocates are resorted to, Walberg loses the case. The family is
gradually plunged deeper and deeper into misery, and soon hovers on the
brink of starvation. Being strangers and heretics they can obtain no
work, but are solely reduced to what the children can get together by
begging. The eldest son, Everhard, hits upon the expedient of selling
some of his blood to a surgeon, and well-nigh expires; the daughters
are beginning to be accosted by strangers in the street; the old
grandmother dies for want of food, and the grandfather loses his reason
from the same cause. When the family has been reduced to this stage of
wretchedness, Walberg, every night he goes out to supplicate relief
from passers-by, is addressed by a stranger,
a middle-aged man, of a serious and staid demeanour, and with nothing
remarkable in his aspect except the light of two burning eyes, whose
lustre is almost intolerable. He fixes them on me sometimes, and
I feel as if there was fascination in their glare. Every night he
besets me, and few like me could have resisted his seductions. He
has offered, and proved to me, that it is in his power to bestow all
that human cupidity could thirst for, on the condition that--I cannot
utter! It is one so full of horror and impiety, that even to listen to
it, is scarce less a crime than to comply with it!
The same night Walberg relates this to his wife, he is seized with a
fit of insanity and proceeds to kill his children, when, at the last
moment, the priest enters with the news that the right will is found
and the family once more the heirs of Guzman. In a short time they are
restored to health--even the grandfather recovers his reason before he
dies--and the tale ends happily:
The family then set out for Germany, where they reside in prosperous
felicity;--but to this hour Walberg shudders with horror when he
recalls the fearful temptations of the stranger, whom he met in the
nightly wanderings in the hour of his adversity, and the horror of
this visitation appears to oppress his recollection more than even the
images of his family perishing with want.--
That Godwin’s _St. Leon_ makes itself remembered also in connection
with the _Tale of Guzman’s Family_, is chiefly due to its being, upon
the whole, the book which _Melmoth_ probably is most indebted to. St.
Leon is, no doubt, several times plunged into great poverty which
he tries to bear as best he can, with the assistance of a brave and
faithful wife and good and amiable children; but a detailed comparison
would show little else than that these scenes, in Godwin, are dull
and powerless, whereas Maturin’s story is just the reverse. So far
from considering the _Tale of Guzman’s Family_ an imitation, one
would rather be inclined to imagine that it has sprung from personal
recollections. Both in his father’s home and his own, Maturin had
seen ease and affluence replaced by penury and want. The situation
into which the family of Walberg is reduced--which leads to death
and insanity--was, of course, extreme beyond anything in Maturin’s
experience, and a product of furious and unrestrained imagination;
but the first intimations of disappearing wealth are brought forth
with a force and accuracy quite convincing, and among the best pages
in the tale are those treating of the horrible suspense in which the
family lives from the moment of Guzman’s death till the publication
of his will. Yet another circumstance would go to show that the _Tale
of Guzman’s Family_ had no need of literary models. In the preface to
_Melmoth the Wanderer_ Maturin states that ‘the original from which the
wife of Walberg is imperfectly sketched is a living woman, and _long
may she live_;’ whence it is not unnatural to infer that it is his own
wife he is describing. So the phrase seems to have been understood by
the critic in the _London Magazine_ 1821, who adds that he would be
inclined to drop his pen and ‘weep over the misfortunes of a man of
genius, instead of scrutinizing his errors.’ The picture which Maturin
draws of the wife of Walberg is beautiful indeed. She is the good
genius of her family, as prudent as she is gentle. She is secretly
saving when her husband only thinks of spending; when he is seized with
despair, she heroically tries to encourage him. She starves gladly
herself, as long as there is a morsel left for her children and for the
aged parents of her husband; and when he is beset by the tempter, she
exerts her last energy to support him. The wife of Walberg is one of
the incarnations of the idea of the superior moral strength of woman,
so often recurring in Maturin’s works, and there is no reason to doubt
that this idea originated in the partner of his life.--Another figure
worthy of particular notice is the priest, with whom Maturin makes full
amends for the attacks he delivers, in _Melmoth_, upon the dignitaries
of the Catholic church. The confessor in the _Tale of the Indians_ is
too much of a buffoon to be taken seriously, but here, at last, is
a Catholic prelate to whom the interests of humanity are more than
those of the church, and who is ready to expose the crimes of his own
colleagues in order to save the life of a heretical family.
The style of writing, in this tale, is hardly so fine as in the next
one, although there are passages extremely characteristic of Maturin.
He was the only one of the ‘terrific’ writers of the time capable of
purely aesthetical enjoyment, almost perverse, from scenes of bodily
suffering. The description of the boy who has been selling his blood to
a surgeon could have been made by no one else:
The moonlight fell strongly through the unshuttered windows on the
wretched closet that just contained the bed. Its furniture was
sufficiently scanty, and in his spasms Everhard had thrown off the
sheet. So he lay, as Ines approached his bed, in a kind of corse-like
beauty, to which the light of the moon gave an effect that would have
rendered the figure worthy of the pencil of a Murillo, a Rosa, or any
of those painters, who, inspired by the genius of suffering, delight
in representing the most exquisite of human forms in the extremity of
human agony. A St. Bartholomew flayed, with his skin hanging about
him in graceful drapery--a St. Laurence, broiled on a gridiron, and
exhibiting his finely-formed anatomy on its bars, while naked slaves
are blowing the coals beneath it,--even this were inferior to the form
half-veiled, half-disclosed by the moonlight as it lay. The snow-white
limbs of Everhard were extended as if for the inspection of a
sculptor, and moveless, as if they were indeed what they resembled, in
hue and symmetry, those of a marble statue. His arms were tossed above
his head and the blood was trickling fast from the opened veins of
both,--his bright and curled hair was clotted with the red stream that
flowed from his arms,--his lips were blue, and a faint and fainter
moan issued from them as his mother hung over him.
All the personages actually appearing in the _Tale of Guzman’s Family_
are good and noble; there is no display of revolting crimes or depraved
characters, and horrible and even disgusting as are the sufferings of
the family, the tale has little to do with the school of terror. The
fact, moreover, of its being the only one that is brought to a happy
ending, probably made it a favourite with readers. An admiring critic
in _Blackwood’s Magazine_[142] says that this tale, before all others,
shows ‘what Mr. Maturin is capable of doing in his best moments of
inspiration.’
* * * * *
Shortly after the stranger has read to Aliaga the tale related
above, Melmoth himself appears at the inn. He causes--in a way
unexplained--the death of the stranger who has dared to investigate
into his achievements, and the next day associates himself with Aliaga.
The merchant is not at all charmed with his obtrusive companion, but
cannot well get rid of him; and as they slowly ride onward, Melmoth
narrates what is called _The Lovers’ Tale_.[143]
This time Spain is left behind, and the reader is conducted to the
England of the Restoration. The tale opens with a short chronicle of
the fortunes of the Mortimer family, one of the oldest and noblest
in the kingdom. At the time of Charles the First the then head of
the house, Sir Roger Mortimer, ‘a man lofty alike in pride and in
principle,’ distinguishes himself as one of the most fervent supporters
of the royal cause. After the defeat of the monarch he is subjected to
the reprisals, in form of fines and sequestrations, of the victorious
rebels, in addition to which his domestic felicity is completely
destroyed. His eldest son has fallen for his king at the battle of
Newbury, while his second son has embraced the Puritan cause, married
accordingly, and finally died, having ‘fought all day at the head of
his regiment, and preached and prayed to them all night.’ The only
daughter of the old loyalist also goes the wrong way and marries an
Independent preacher of the name of Sandal, whom she survives. The
daughter of the eldest son, Margaret, is made the heiress of the
castle, where she resides with her grandfather and his old sister, Mrs.
Ann Mortimer, who leads the household after the death of his brother’s
wife. The daughter of the apostate son, Elinor, is, after the death
of her mother, also received at the castle and educated there, though
without expectations. Young John Sandal, the son of the rejected
daughter, is recognized by his grandfather on the express condition of
henceforth fighting for the royal family; he has, at his own request,
been sent to sea at a very early age. At the return of Charles the
Second old Sir Roger dies of joy, but the sacrifices of the family in
the royal cause are amply compensated, and they are once again raised
among the foremost in the country. At that period the widow Sandal
takes up her residence in the neighbourhood of the castle and sometimes
visits it, although the relations between her and her aunt Mrs. Ann
never become very cordial. From her intrigues subsequently follows the
fall of the house of Mortimer.
Through the re-acquired importance of the family a distinguished
position in the navy is procured for John Sandal, and during the Dutch
war he has the opportunity of showing that the spirit of his ancestors
is not dead within him. News of valorous deeds achieved by John reaches
even the remote castle, where the gentle Elinor, who remembers him with
feelings of love in early childhood, is, more than others, occupied
in thoughts of him. When the widow Sandal makes her appearance in
the vicinity, she calls on her every day to talk about her son, and
when John arrives to pay a visit to his mother, she is the first to
meet him. John Sandal turns out to be as good as he is brave, and his
friendship to his cousin Elinor swiftly ripens to love. Their betrothal
is greeted with joy by all except the widow, who determines to prevent
the union by any means. She has obtained a knowledge of Sir Roger’s
will, which is to the effect that if his granddaughter Margaret marries
John Sandal, all the immense estates are to fall to her, whereas
John, in case of his marrying Elinor, is entitled only to a small
fortune.--The wedding-day, however, is fixed; the church is filled with
guests from far and near and everything is ready, yet the bridegroom,
for some inexplicable reason, fails to appear. Tired and anxious at the
delay Elinor retires to the vestry, from the casement window of which
she sees a rider approaching at full speed. The rider, John Sandal,
gallops past the church, casts a look of horror upon Elinor, and
disappears.
After the frustration of her hopes Elinor quits the castle and takes up
her abode in Yorkshire, at the house of a strictly Puritan sister of
her late mother. Peace of mind, however, is denied her, and she lingers
on in a pitiable state, when, one day, she receives a letter from
Margaret, of surprising contents. Both old Mrs. Ann and Margaret have
assured that the faithless bridegroom shall never darken their doors
again; now Margaret announces to Elinor that John Sandal has returned
to the castle and invites her to join them, dropping some ‘mysterious
hints relative to the interruption of the marriage.’ With a vague hope
Elinor sets out to the castle and is tenderly received by both her
cousins; the manner of John, however, clearly evinces that there can be
no question of other sentiments than a calm friendship between them.
As the betrothal of Margaret and John is made public, her stay at the
castle becomes too painful to Elinor; she returns to Yorkshire where
she leads a life in utter seclusion, her Puritan aunt having died in
the meantime. Yet she is once more summoned to the castle by a message
from Margaret, who, now in confinement, implores Elinor’s presence
at her hour of danger. Elinor obeys, but the gloomy forebodings of
Margaret are fulfilled: twins are born dead, and a moment afterwards
the mother also expires. Amid general despair the widow Sandal now
makes a confession to her son, with the result that his reason is
extinguished for ever. Solicitous to secure for her son the family
estates, she had invented a story which she had imparted to him the
night before his intended nuptials with Elinor, according to which
he was not her son, but the offspring of an ‘illicit commerce of her
husband the preacher with the Puritan mother of Elinor’--and this story
she had bound her son by oath never to disclose to Elinor.
After this catastrophe the life of Elinor is devoted to the tending
of the patient, whom she never leaves. It then befalls that they
are, on one of their evening walks, approached by a stranger, who
introduces himself by showing them some slight attentions and speaking
on indifferent subjects. Their acquaintance continues some time,
till it suddenly ends by the stranger saying something that causes
Elinor wildly to rush to a neighbouring clergyman for assistance. The
clergyman happens to be the identical friend of Melmoth the Wanderer
who witnessed his apparent death in Germany, which strange event he
now discloses to Elinor; as for Melmoth, he departs on recognizing the
clergyman, and troubles Elinor no longer. Her time passes on in the
same occupation, until her ward dies, and, in his last moments knows
her, nor does she survive him long.
* * * * *
This beautiful story, though little noted by commentators, is inferior
to none in the book, except the opening chapters describing the death
of the old Irish miser; on the contrary, it seems rather the best of
all the longer tales. Maturing favourite period in English history was
sure to become to him a source of highest inspiration, whenever he
turned to it, and to his other good qualities is here added that of
an impartial historian. When Elinor, as a child, is taken up at the
castle, she is said to come to the conclusion ‘that there must be good
on both sides, however obscured or defaced by passion, where so much
intellectual power, and so much physical energy, had been displayed by
both;’ and in this spirit the controversies are treated throughout the
story. That the author’s sympathies rest with the cavaliers is evident
enough, but the errors of Puritanism--fortunately--do not irritate
him so much as to prevent him from speaking of them with calmness,
mingled with an almost imperceptible tinge of humour. And the peculiar
spirit of the period he catches by the forelock and never leaves hold
of it; Maturin had penetrated to the very soul of that wonderful
time, when furious contests, religious and political, splintered
family ties and shook the foundations of the empire, and when the last
remnants of ancient chivalry clashed against growing democracy and
sturdy Puritanism. Yet as the principal part of the tale takes place
_after_ the Restoration, when the wounds of the civil war are already
beginning slowly to heal, he contrives to make those turbulent events
felt through the pages as the after-rolls of a mighty storm. And as
the plot consists of the tragical downfall of a great and illustrious
house, there is, in the style, something like the glow of an autumnal
sun setting over a rich and glorious landscape. It is, in fact, in
autumn--the season Maturin loved best--that most of the incidents
occur, and the pages abound in magnificent descriptions of nature, like
the following:
Elinor took the path through the park, and, absorbed in new feelings,
was for the first time insensible of its woodland beauty, at once
gloomy and resplendent, mellowed by the tints of autumnal colouring,
and glorious with the light of an autumnal evening,--till she was
roused to attention by the exclamations of her companion, who appeared
rapt into delight at what he beheld. -- -- -- -- As they approached
the Castle, the scene became glorious beyond the imagination of a
painter, whose eye has dreamed of sunset in foreign climes. The vast
edifice lay buried in shade,--all its varied and strongly charactered
features of tower and pinnacle, bartizan and battlement, were melted
into one dense and sombrous mass. The distant hills with their conical
summits, were still clearly defined in the dark-blue heaven, and their
peaks still retained a hue of purple so brilliant and lovely, that
it seemed as if the light had loved to linger there, and, parting,
had left that tint as the promise of a glorious morning. The woods
that surrounded the Castle stood as dark, and apparently as solid as
itself. Sometimes a gleam like gold trembled over the tufted foliage
of their summits, and at length, through a glade which opened among
the dark and massive boles of the ancient trees, one last rich and
gorgeous flood of light burst in, turned every blade of grass it
touched into emerald for a moment,--passed on its lovely work--and
parted. The effect was so instantaneous, brilliant, and evanishing,
that Elinor had scarce time for a half uttered exclamation, as she
extended her arm in the direction where the light had fallen so
brightly and so briefly.
This style is sustained throughout the narrative, but instead of
rendering it monotonous, it only makes the ‘atmosphere’ intense
and harmonious in the extreme, which is the chief merit of _The
Lovers’ Tale_. The characters, if not exactly conventional, are less
originally conceived. Margaret and Elinor are a pair of heroines known
from countless romances of all ages: the former high-spirited and
vivacious, demanding homage and obtaining it at the same moment; the
latter tender, pale, soft and contemplative, yet not without traits
of distinct individuality. The characterization of John Sandal is not
successful--it is the only thing in the tale which is not--he is too
gentle, too ‘milky’ to be a young sailor and warrior, and is depicted
with a considerable amount of sentimentality. He appears, however, but
little; the principal personage is Elinor, whose hopes and sufferings
are delineated with a psychological insight recalling corresponding
passages in _Women_. Like Zaira, in the last-named romance, Elinor in
vain seeks forgetfulness in philanthrophy and religion. In her aunt’s
house nothing is changed since her earliest childhood. The Puritanic
ideals and the memories of celebrated preachers are still cherished
by the old maid with undiminished force; but Elinor cannot, in spite
of desperate endeavours, find consolation in what once was all in all
to her, too. It is not only that her heart is broken; she belongs to
a new time, and her views have been enlarged during her life in the
castle. The difference between two generations, in the persons of these
two women, is brought forth with exquisite fineness, and the great and
heroic qualities in Puritanism are freely admitted:
An old non-conformist minister, a very Saint John for sanctity of
life, and simplicity of manners, had been seized by a magistrate while
giving the word of consolation to a few of his flock who had met at
the cottage of her aunt.
The old man had supplicated for a moment’s delay on the part of the
civil power, and its officers, by an unusual effort of toleration or
of humanity, complied. Turning to his congregation, who, amid the
tumult of the arrest, had never risen from their knees, and only
changed the voice of supplication from praying with their pastor to
praying for him,--he quoted to them that beautiful passage from the
prophet Malachi, which appears to give such delightful encouragement
to the spiritual intercourse of Christians,--“Then they that feared
the Lord, spoke often to one another, and the Lord heard it,” etc. As
he spoke, the old man was dragged away by some rougher hands, and died
soon after in confinement.
On the young imagination of Elinor, this scene was indelibly written.
Amid the magnificence of Mortimer Castle, it had never been effaced or
obscured, and now she tried to make herself in love with the sounds
and the scene that had so deeply touched her infant heart.
Resolute in her purposes, she spared no pains to excite this
reminiscence of religion--it was her last resource. Like the wife of
Phineas, she struggled to bear an heir of the soul, even while she
named him _Ichabod_,--and felt the glory was departed. She went to the
narrow apartment,--she seated herself in the very chair that venerable
man occupied when he was torn from it, and his departure appeared to
her like that of an ascending prophet. She would _then_ have caught
the folds of his mantle, and mounted with him, even though his flight
had led to prison and to death. She tried, by repeating his last
words, to produce the same effect they had once had on her heart, and
wept in indescribable agony at feeling those words had no feeling now
for her.
The faint hope wakened in her half-benumbed heart by Margaret’s first
letter is soon extinguished. Gradually she loses her beauty and her
strength, and when addressed by Melmoth she is, bodily, almost as weak
as her ward. It has been said[144] that it is not clear why he tempts
Elinor; it must be presumed that he would have the power to restore the
mind of John, though his chance of succeeding with Elinor is certainly
slight, she being altogether resigned to her fate.--
That _The Lovers’ Tale_ is told by Melmoth himself, and told in such
a way as it is, belongs to those curiosities in the composition of
the book, which simply must be accepted as freaks of a careless yet
self-conscious imagination that follows laws of its own. Aliaga,
naturally enough, is at a loss to comprehend how this tale could be
applied to him; but the next day, as they continue their journey
together, Melmoth briefly recapitulates the early history of
Isidora--the details of the shipwreck and her discovery later are
now first revealed to the reader--adding that Aliaga should not lose
a moment to save his daughter. Notwithstanding this warning, Aliaga
allows concerns of business to detain him, and in the meantime the
fatal nuptials of Melmoth and Isidora take place. After the Indians’
tale then has been brought to an end, the thread of the original
narrative is at last resumed and the reader once more conducted to
where young John Melmoth and the Spaniard Monçada are sitting in the
desolate Irish country-house. Their conversation is interrupted by the
sudden appearance of the subject of all these adventures. The term of
his supernaturally prolonged existence is drawing to a close, and the
terrible lustre of his eyes is already extinguished. He assures the
horrified youths that there is nothing to fear; his wanderings are
finished, and the reason for these wanderings need no longer be kept
secret, any more than the failure of all his pursuits:
No one has ever exchanged destinies with Melmoth the Wanderer. _I have
traversed the world in the search, and no one, to gain that world,
would lose his own soul!_ Not Stanton in his cell--nor you, Monçada,
in the prison of the Inquisition--nor Walberg, who saw his children
perishing with want--nor--another--
After this confession the Wanderer asks for a moment’s repose, to
sleep for the last time in his human existence. His dreams, however,
are filled with a grand and awful vision of the realm of death which
is awaiting him and which he has no hope of escaping. During the night
mysterious voices issue from the room in which he has shut himself. In
the morning the room is empty, but footsteps can be traced up to a rock
overlooking the sea. John and Monçada follow the steps until they gain
the last summit of the rock:
The ocean was beneath--the wide, waste, engulphing ocean! On a crag
beneath them, something hung as floating to the blast. Melmoth
clambered down and caught it. It was the handkerchief which the
Wanderer had worn about his neck the preceding night--that was the
last trace of the Wanderer!
Melmoth and Monçada exchanged looks of silent and unutterable horror,
and returned slowly home.--
The conclusion of _Melmoth the Wanderer_ is very impressive; the
descriptions are well-balanced, suggestive, and not too furious,
although, in certain details, not decidedly original in invention. As
in the transformation of Melmoth by an apparent death an influence
from a contemporary work of the school of terror can be discerned, his
real death can be traced back to the _Faustus_ of Marlowe.[145] The
preparations of Faustus and Melmoth for the dreadful last night are
carried on in the same way:
_Faustus._ Aye, pray for me--pray for me--and whatever noise soever
you hear, come not unto me, for nothing can rescue me.
Melmoth says:
Leave me--I must be alone for the few last hours of my mortal
existence--men retire--leave me alone--whatever noises you hear in
the course of the awful night that is approaching, come not near this
apartment, at the peril of your lives.
The final fulfilment of the bond, however, is only suggested by
Maturin, while in Marlowe the devils who come to fetch Faustus are
actually brought to the stage. In this respect the end of _Melmoth the
Wanderer_ differs, much to its advantage, from the end also of _The
Monk_,[146] where the enemy in person takes hold of Ambrosio, soars
with him in the air and dashes him to pieces against a sharp point of
rock.
* * * * *
When the story of _Melmoth_, on one of the last pages of the book,
turns back to the Irish country-house, the author expresses a fear
that the reader has, perhaps, forgotten the existence of young John
Melmoth. If he has not, he would at least have had plenty of time
to do so; for the whole fabric of the work is nothing but a gigantic
digression from the first action, in the form of tales within tales,
told and read and read and told by somebody to somebody else, in an
exceedingly intricate way rendering a general view of them a matter of
considerable difficulty. The construction of _Melmoth the Wanderer_ is
extravagant beyond any degree reached by _Montorio_ or _The Wild Irish
Boy_, and has been subjected to severe criticism. Saintsbury[147] calls
the arrangement ‘execrably bad,’ wondering ‘how anything quite so bad
in form can have been put forth by anybody so clever.’ One explanation
would be that this form implies an intentional disregard of the rules
of composition, rather than a failure of ability to adhere to them,
in other words, that the general effect is not calculated to rest
upon regularity of construction, any more than in, for instance, the
second part of _Faust_. But even if--which is more probable--Maturin
really sat down to compose a story of ‘ordinary’ proportions and
was unconsciously carried away on the wings of his ungovernable
imagination, the general impression left by the book is such as to
make the defects in its arrangement decidedly appear a question of
secondary importance, just as the many literary reminiscences which
present themselves during the perusal, cannot detract anything from
the originality of the hero. Little as he actually appears, he is the
locomotive power without which the whole would collapse, and he is
remembered still when everything else is forgotten. From behind the
various and manifold scenes of this amazing labyrinth, there arises the
pale figure of the Wanderer, terrible and diabolical, yet suffering and
despairing, to bear witness to his own defeat and the victory of human
nature, so weak and yet so invincible, the object of at once his hatred
and his adoration; and is it not, when we stand face to face with this
wonderful creation of a great genius, indifferent where and when and
by whom the separate tales are related? That the Wanderer, however,
is capable of making so powerful an impression, is due to this curious
fact, that the book, in its most essential feature, does not at all
correspond to the passage in Maturin’s sermon which he maintains to
have inspired it.
Several writers, from the most worthless to the most competent, have
expressed their wonder at the very poor success Melmoth, with all
his supernatural endowments, can boast of. The savage critic in the
_Quarterly Review_[148] sneers that Melmoth ‘during his peregrination
of two centuries, does less mischief than a clever mortal would
have done;’ and Edgar Allan Poe[149] observes that Melmoth ‘labours
indefatigably, through three octavo volumes, to accomplish the
destruction of one or two souls, while any common devil would have
demolished one or two thousand.’ The common devils certainly are more
fortunate, and their difference from Maturin’s hero is conspicuous
enough. In Balzac’s half-parody, _Melmoth Reconcilié_ (1835), the
Wanderer is delivered of his curse by a criminal, a cashier who
has committed a fraud and is desirous to escape his sentence, and
afterwards it passes from hand to hand among similar individuals.
In Stevenson’s story of _The Bottle Imp_ (1893); which has the same
motive, the miracle-working and soul-destroying imp is at last, without
subsequent repentance, purchased by a drunken boatswain who reckons
he is going to hell anyway. The cause of Melmoth’s failure, and the
precise character of his uncleverness, which consists in his strange
ignorance whom to address, is in obvious contradiction to the sermon,
where the final sin is declared to be too frightful even to those who
have ever so much
departed from the Lord, disobeyed His will, and disregarded His word.
Now the persons who are subjected to the temptations of Melmoth the
Wanderer have done nothing of the kind: on the contrary, most of them
come as near perfection as poor human nature can possibly do. The
tempter invariably takes care to accost those with whom he is least
likely to succeed. He leaves unnoticed a character like the parricide,
who is said to be beyond the redemption of a Saviour, and who, it must
be assumed, would most joyfully accept the bond--to waste his time and
energy on Alonzo di Monçada, whom he perceives to be as firm as any
rock. Of Stanton, of Walberg, of Isidora, of Elinor, not one single
wrong deed is recorded which would speak for the probability of their
succumbing to his seductions. To all the tales, it has finely been
observed,[150] can be applied a motto from _Faust_: ‘ein guter Mensch
in seinem dunkeln Drange ist sich des rechten Weges wohl bewusst;’
but it is not the good instinct in the good, but the good instinct
in the bad, which Maturin, in the preface, promises to demonstrate.
In consequence, however, of this ‘blunder,’ the character of Melmoth
the Wanderer becomes so impressive, so impassioned, so distinct from
all common men and common devils. The attraction exercised upon him
by the good has its root in what there is human in him; what causes
him his keenest sufferings is not that he is shut out of paradise but
that he is shut out of the community of the good among human beings;
and what he insists on trying, amid rage and despair, is that some
one of those _good_ would voluntarily share his fate and relieve his
bitter loneliness. The relation of Melmoth to mankind is marked by that
intense sense of loneliness, that sense of being ‘among them, but not
of them,’ or, as Maturin says, ‘mingling with, yet distinct from all
his species’--which goes through the romantic literature of the period
and which indeed is genuinely romantic in its implication of something
exceptional, something outside the common rules of life. The anguish
of loneliness is shared alike by good and bad, by all whom adverse
circumstances or else their own bodily or mental deformities have
placed in a solitary position in the world. In _Montorio_, Ippolito is
undeservedly overtaken by the fate which Melmoth deliberately invokes
upon himself; but their anguish is the same. It is felt by St. Leon,
the moment he attains earthly immortality and understands that those
whom he has loved can mean nothing to him any longer; it is felt by the
Black Dwarf when he contemplates the happiness of the strong and the
beautiful, which he is never to share; and even the miserable monster
created by Frankenstein prays for one being of the same species as
himself, who might smile upon him and not answer his approaches with
curses and maledictions. It was Maturin’s desire to dwell upon this
emotion that in the long run decided the mould of the characters in
_Melmoth the Wanderer_ in a way, perhaps, not intended by him from
the first. Viewed in the light of this same emotion, the contempt of
Melmoth for his victims is only half-real, nor is it probable that
Maturin meant him to appear so superior to humanity as he is shown by
Baudelaire[151] in his well-known _Essay de l’essence du rire_:
Quoi de plus grand, quoi de plus puissant relativement à la pauvre
humanité que ce pale et ennuyé Melmoth? Et pourtant, il y a en lui un
côté faible, abject, antidivin et antilumineux. Aussi comme il rit,
comme il rit, se comparant sans cesse aux chenilles humaines, lui si
fort, si intelligent, lui pour qui une partie des lois conditionelles
de l’humanité, physiques et intellectuelles, n’existent plus! Et ce
rire est l’explosion perpétuelle de sa colère et de sa souffrance.
Il est, qu’on me comprenne bien, la résultante nécessaire de sa
double nature contradictoire, qui est infiniment grande relativement
à l’homme, infiniment vile et basse relativement au Vrai et au Juste
absolus.
The members of this _pauvre humanité_ still represent the power of
absolute Justice and Truth, the power so infinitely stronger than
Melmoth. Theirs is the ultimate triumph.
* * * * *
_Melmoth the Wanderer_ created, at its first appearance, a greater
sensation than any of Maturin’s previous novels. Economically it also
was something of a success: the profits it brought to the author are
said[152] to have amounted to 500 pounds. A second edition appeared
the following year as well as a French translation, _Melmoth, ou
l’Homme errant_, by J. Cohen, and a ‘free’ German translation called
_Melmoth der Wanderer_.--All the works of Maturin, except _Manuel_ and
_Fredolfo_, were translated into French soon after their appearance in
English, and with the rendering of _Melmoth_ his fame became definitely
established in that country, where, in fact, it has always been
greater than in England. A. A. Watts says[153] that his father, while
travelling in France, possessed a passport to the romantic circles as
the friend of that ‘triste et terrible Maturin.’--In 1823 the romance
was published in the form of a melodrama in three acts, by B. West.
This production is a combination of the _Tale of Guzman’s Family_ and
the _Tale of the Indians_; Isidora is represented as the daughter of
Walberg, and has loved Melmoth in her youth. Walberg and Isidora are
both, through the machinations of Melmoth, thrown into the prison of
the Inquisition, whence they are rescued by another lover of hers,
while Melmoth is killed by thunder. The play is without any literary
value whatever, but shows clearly which two tales were most appreciated
by the public.--The principal periodicals of the time also reviewed
_Melmoth_ at a considerable length, although, for the most part, with
a negative result. In the _Quarterly Review_ Croker raged against the
book even more furiously than he had done against _Women_, pronouncing
it to be the very acme of all that is execrable:
Indeed, Mr. Maturin has contrived, by a ‘_curiosa infelicitas_,’ to
unite in this work all the worst particularities of the worst modern
novels. Compared with it, Lady Morgan is almost intelligible--The
Monk, decent--The Vampire, amiable--and Frankenstein, natural. We
do not pronounce this judgment hastily, and we pronounce it with
regret--we honour Mr. Maturin’s profession even when he debases it,
and if ‘Melmoth’ had been only silly and tiresome, we should gladly
have treated it with silent contempt; but it unfortunately variegates
its stupidity with some characteristics of a more disgusting kind,
which our respect for good manners and decency obliges us to denounce.
After declaring, in italics, that the hero of the book is _the Devil
himself_, the reviewer solemnly accuses the author of nonsense,
want of veracity, ignorance, blasphemy and brutality, and a dark,
cold-blooded, pedantic obscenity; and finishes his article with
a hint that it certainly is quite right that the Church does not
provide subsistence for him.--That critics, upon the whole, spoke
unfavourably of _Melmoth_ is not to be wondered at. The school of
terror had irrevocably had its day, and very different literary ideals
were being established. The magic art of Scott held a strong sway
over all minds, while the well-bred drawing-room adventures of Maria
Edgeworth and Jane Austen were now, in their turn, felt as a relief and
a liberation from the wilder forms of romanticism. The extravagances
and horribly startling incidents in Maturin’s romance were enough to
cover its powerful originality and lasting merits--which probably
would be the case did the book appear to-day. Yet the author’s genius
was unreservedly admitted even by most of those who disapproved of
the style and contents of _Melmoth_; the end of the article in the
_Edinburgh Review_ is characteristic, its tone being as dignified as
that of the _Quarterly Review_ is base:
Let it not be imagined, from any thing we have now said, that we
think meanly of Mr. Maturin’s genius and abilities. It is precisely
because we hold both in respect that we are sincerely anxious to
point out their misapplication; and we have extended our observations
to a greater length than we contemplated, partly because we fear
his strong though unregulated imagination, and unlimited command
of glowing language, may inflict upon us a herd of imitators who
‘possessing the contortions of the sybil without her inspiration’ will
deluge us with dull, turgid, and disgusting enormities;--and partly
because we are not without hopes that our animadversions, offered in
a spirit of sincerity, may induce the Author himself to abandon this
new Apotheosis of the old Raw-head-and-bloody-bones, and assume a
station in literature more consonant to his high endowments, and to
that sacred profession to which, we understand, he does honour by the
virtues of his private life.
The _Edinburgh Magazine and Literary Miscellany_ writes essentially to
the same purport:
There is one point of resemblance between this author and his hero.
They both, in a different way, possess very considerable powers,
which seem to have some invisible and mysterious limit, beyond which
they cannot pass. The wild and wonderful, the odd and eccentric,
seems to be Mr. Maturin’s chosen province;--into the regions of
nature and probability he is either unable or unwilling to penetrate.
Perhaps this is saying too much, but, if he does make an advance into
these quiet precincts, his love of extravagance and exaggeration
immediately leads him back into his wonted path. -- -- It is difficult
to understand the construction of a mind so pregnant with every
aggravation of mental and bodily suffering, that it seems absolutely
to luxuriate, not only in the pain it describes, but in that which he
produces in his readers. Surrounded as he is with terrible objects,
and gleams of sulphureous flame, which his hero is ever and anon
presenting to our view, the reverend author appears to our imagination
like some Vulcan of the anvil, assiduously labouring and forging
shackles, bolts, and instruments of torture, with this difference,
that with the poor mechanic it was not matter of choice, whereas
Mr. Maturin, with all the flowery paths of fiction open to him, has
preferred this tortuous and gloomy one.
The only one who expresses himself with unrestrained admiration is the
critic in the _Blackwood’s Magazine_--also referred to once above.
Even he, it is true, points out that there are faults and errors in
Maturin’s writings; but he admits that they are more than atoned for by
the merits:
And yet, where is the lover of imaginative excitement, that ever
laid down one of his books unfinished--or the man of candour and
discrimination, who ever denied, after reading through any of them,
that Maturin is gifted with a genius as fervently powerful as it is
distinctly original--that there is ever and anon a truth of true
poetry diffused over the thickest chaos of his absurdities--and that
he walks almost without a rival, dead or living, in many of the
darkest, but, at the same time, the most majestic circles of romance?
This critic, however, could hardly be taken seriously by the author,
inasmuch as he places _Montorio_ before the present work:
We are far from saying that Mr. Maturin should write less--but we do
say, that he should write a great deal more--observe a great deal
more--and correct a great deal more. If he does not, he may depend
upon it he will never fulfil the rich promise of his _Montorio_; for
that, we rather think, was his first--and, we are quite sure, is the
best of all his performances.
It is of interest to notice these opinions; for, however slight their
authority, they seem to have had the desired effect of checking
the ‘extravagances’ of Maturin’s genius--so much the worse for
literature. His desire to please--for such desire there was in his
temperament, quite apart from all pecuniary considerations--was once
more discouraged, and he began to grow weary of being told the same
things over and again. It was several years before he again produced
a novel, and when he did, he painfully strove to adhere to patterns
universally accepted, and avoid displaying those peculiarities which
were distinctly his own, but the absence of which to a production of
his irreparably meant the loss of vital power, notwithstanding a small
temporary success. A sense of ultimate failure and disappointment has,
among other things, its share in the unmistakable gloom cast over
Maturin’s last years.
V.
1821-1824.
When ance life’s day draws near the gloamin’,
Then fareweel vacant careless roamin’;
An’ fareweel cheerfu’ tankards foamin’,
An’ social noise;
An’ fareweel, dear deluding woman!
The joy of joys!
Burns.
Maturin’s last period opens with a poetical enterprise which is
bound up with a mystery exactly opposite to that appertaining to the
publication of the _Waterloo_ prize poem in 1815. In 1821 appeared a
lengthy poem in blank verse, called _The Universe_, under the name of
the Rev. C. R. Maturin, received--very undeservedly--with something
like acclamation. The real authorship of the poem was, even at the
time, claimed by Mr. James Wills, a name afterwards not quite--though
nearly--unknown in the world of letters; but it was not until 1874 that
the case was brought before the public. For the sake of the composition
itself it would be unnecessary long to dwell upon the question, had not
the controversy called forth the publication of a manuscript of Wills,
which throws an interesting, if not entirely agreeable, light upon his
acquaintance with Maturin and the circumstances connected with the
origin of _The Universe_.
A correspondent in the _Notes and Queries_[154]--who was a great
admirer of the poem--happened, in the year mentioned above, to allude
to its disputed authorship and utter some doubts as to the statements
of Wills. Against this view the surviving family of that writer
energetically protested; two sons of Wills, referring to a note in the
second edition of Lord John Russell’s biography of Moore,[155] and
producing two or three utterances of some of their father’s friends
who were initiated into the secret, put about the following statements
concerning _The Universe_. Maturin was engaged by Colburn to compose
for him a poem consisting of a thousand lines. The renumeration--500
pounds--was paid in advance; but, having spent it, Maturin found the
fulfilment of his engagement to be encumbered with insurmountable
difficulties. Being at a loss how to get on with the work, he was shown
a poem of Wills, then a very young man. Maturin pathetically entreated
him to lend it to him for use, promising, first, to let Colburn know of
the transaction, and secondly, to reveal the real authorship after the
publication; neither of which promises was kept, the poem being read
and reviewed as a production of Maturin’s.
In the polemics in the _Notes and Queries_ the Wills family--who also
considered the _Universe_ a work of uncommon merit--had the last word,
and their assertions were, a little later, supported by the _Dublin
University Magazine_,[156] whose editor had received a record in the
handwriting of Wills, found between the covers of an old copy of the
poem and sent to Dublin by Messrs. Chatto & Windus, the well-known
London publishers. In this record, which the editor supposes to have
been written for the benefit of Lord Russell before the publication
of the second edition of his life of Moore, Wills relates that he had
composed the poem in the years 1819 and 1820,[157] while residing at
Bray, the then most fashionable watering-place in the neighbourhood of
Dublin. He intended it to be a very great work which was to fill up all
his life-time; but having written upwards of 800 lines, he made a new
acquaintance of whose appearance he gives the following description:
There was an accession of guests (at the table d’hôte), and among them
a very remarkable-looking gentleman attracted my attention, and I was
struck by the extreme precision of his dress, his handsome and well
sitting black wig, which, on a first glance, looked like a splendid
head of hair, his silver spectacles, neatly cut features, and the
imposing modulation of his deep voice. Had he been some years younger,
I should have said there was a little shade of the clerical dandy in
his appearance. As it was I thought I could discern the air of one who
aimed to be very _recherché_ in his manners and conversation, and that
all his personal advantages were a little overdone. Who he could be I
had no notion.
I was seated at a side table: but when the cloth was removed he
beckoned to me, and I went and took a seat next to him. He pushed his
bottle to me, and asked me to join him in his wine, and addressed
his conversation entirely to me. I presently took exception to some
fallacy which he let drop: and as he seemed disposed to contest the
point (whatever it was) the conversation degenerated into argument.
The gentleman I soon found, though extremely pointed, witty and
epigrammatic, and very happy in allusion, had very little power in
disputation, and he presently gave in with a good grace.
In the course of the same day Wills was formally introduced to his
opponent, who he had learnt, was Maturin. Their acquaintance soon
ripened into intimacy. The fascinating personality of the novelist cast
a strong spell over Wills, although he received the impression that
Maturin was ‘a little too flattering’ and not quite sincere. When the
transaction as to the poem was then proposed to him, Wills felt extreme
reluctance, but at last yielded, overcome by Maturin’s persuasions
and the consideration that Maturin’s family, to whom he had been
introduced, would be ruined if the money had to be refunded to Colburn.
The accomplishment of this great work is told by Wills with a naive
open-heartedness, amusing indeed when regarded in the light of the
controversy in _Notes and Queries_, where his sons seriously maintain
that both Scott and Campbell considered _The Universe_ the best thing
produced by Maturin, and the other party as seriously declares it to
contain passages equal to Milton:
I then went stoutly to work and as I had engaged to expand my poem
into 2,000 lines within the next month, without the materials which
the original plan required, I diluted it with whatever came uppermost.
It was thus easily completed within the time, and copied from my
own first draught by different transcribers as I had insisted on
preserving my own M. S., which I still have. I also wished to keep
possession of my plan and the original passages, all of which had been
carefully elaborated, though the filling up was carelessly done.
The poem being completed and sent to the publisher, it became clear to
Wills that Maturin was determined not to reveal the secret. It came
out, however, ‘with a celerity truly surprising;’ the literary circles
of Dublin were divided in two contesting parties, the one standing
by Maturin, the other by Wills, and the matter was eagerly discussed
in the drawing-rooms of Lady Morgan and the Mrs. Smith mentioned by
Moore. The former was also deeply impressed by the production; when
assured by Wills that Maturin never wrote a line of it, she answered,
‘well, then, you must do something very considerable to convince the
world you could have written it.’ Nevertheless Wills seems to have
succeeded in convincing Lady Morgan, for it was she who, according to
him, communicated the particulars to Colburn. When Wills some time
afterwards met the publisher in London, he presented Wills with all
the remaining copies of the stock, hinting that the affair ‘had been
injurious to Mr. Maturin in his relations with him as a publisher.’--
In connection with this version of Wills it is not out of place to
quote a passage from an unpublished letter of Maturin to Sir Charles
Morgan, dated 1821:
-- -- Apropos to the _cursed_ booksellers, you can render me a most
essential service by simply making an inquiry. I have Mr. Colburn’s
written engagement to give £ 500 for my present work. I wrote to
Charles Phillips three months ago to request he would inform C. that
the work was more than half completed, that I was willing to place
the M. S. in his hands and depended on his fulfilling his engagement.
I have never had a line from Phillips in answer, though I stated my
distress to him repeatedly and in the most urgent terms. Now, my dear
friend, if without _committing me_ you could make C. speak out, it
would relieve me from considerable anxiety.
This seems to prove that the £ 500 was not paid in advance, and
that Maturin had written a large part of some work agreed upon with
Colburn, before he received anything for it. Whether the manuscript
here referred to was published as a constituent part of _The Universe_
it is hazardous to decide; if it was, Maturin had probably lost
all interest in the poem and entreated Wills to complete it--the
alternative being that the manuscript was deemed unfit, and Wills
supplied all the materials. The poem itself gives little clue to the
mystery. When speaking of _The Universe_, Wills more than once alludes
to the ‘effective passages’ and the ‘filling up;’ but to a modern
reader it is not easy to distinguish which is which, the whole being
extraordinarily ineffective. The subject resolves itself into something
that cannot possibly be firmly grasped. A contemporary critic[158]
says not inappropriately: ‘Where in the name of criticism and common
sense, could he begin with a subject that had no beginning, or finish
with that which, being infinite and eternal, can have no end? He has
followed no plan--he has given his fancy the rein. His flight is wild
and discursive, but indicates a bearing in no particular direction. --
-- -- His poem is not a _whole_: any man might as well have tried to
cram the solar system into a cockle-shell as to produce a complete and
finished poem on such a subject.’ The following passage belongs, in the
critic’s opinion, to the happiest in the poem:
So array’d
In manifold radiance, Earth’s primeval spring
Walk’d on the bright’ning orb, lit by the Hours
And young exulting Elements, undefil’d,--
And circling, free from tempest, round her calm
Perennial brow,--the dewy Zephyrs, then,
From flower-zon’d mountains, wav’d their odorous wings
Over the young sweet vallies, whispering joy--
Then goodliest beam’d the unpolluted--bright--
Divine similitude of thoughtful man,
Serene above all creatures--breathing soul--
Fairest where all was fair,--pure sanctuary
Of those sweet thoughts, that with life’s earliest breath,
Up through the temperate air of Eden rose
To Heav’n’s gate, thrilling love!--Then, Nature,--then,
Thy Maker looked upon his work and smiled--
Seeing that it was good!--And gave thee charge
Thenceforth for evermore with constant eye
To watch the times and seasons, and preserve
The circling maze, exact.
These lines are, as a matter of fact, neither better nor worse than any
others of the two thousand of which this sorry production consists.
There are no traces of the rugged beauty of _Bertram_ and _Fredolfo_,
and it is really difficult to imagine that Maturin had any part in the
work. On the other hand it must be admitted that it is equally inferior
to the poetry later produced by Wills.[159] The matter ought to have
been taken very quietly by those whom it concerned, nor did it, to
judge from the record of Wills, stop their friendly intercourse. It may
lastly be mentioned that Maturin dedicated _The Universe_ to his old
antagonist Samuel Taylor Coleridge; which must have happened either in
a fit of Christian forgiveness or of deliberate irony.
* * * * *
The picture which Wills draws of Maturin is, it will be observed,
totally different from the description quoted in connection with his
mode of composing _Melmoth_. It also differs from what other scanty
records there are preserved of Maturin, which all agree that he was,
at that time, beginning to lead a retired life and appear but little
in society. His pecuniary embarrassments were extremely distressing;
the profits he had reaped by _Melmoth_ and _The Universe_ had probably
been swallowed up by the old debt he had contracted some time about
1815, besides which he undoubtedly was something of a spendthrift
and unpractical in business-transactions. His home had undergone a
melancholy change since the success of _Bertram_, as depicted by the
writer in _Douglas Jerrold’s Shilling Magazine_ 1846:
The inside of the house was gloomy and melancholy in the extreme: just
the house for the romancist who penned “Melmoth.” The dull kitchen
candle of the servant threw but a faint light; and my feet struck
with a lonely sound on the naked flags of the hall, which was barely
furnished with two chairs surmounted by his crest, a galloping horse;
the stairs were without carpets. On entering the drawing-room, it
almost appeared to be unfurnished. A single drugget partly covered
the floor, and a small table stood in the centre: but the entire end
nearest the door was occupied by a divan covered with scarlet, which
appeared strangely out of character with the general meagreness of the
apartment; beside the folding-doors was a square piano; at the fire
was placed an old armchair, in which I afterwards saw him sit for many
a weary hour, till three or four o’clock in the morning, while writing
the “Albigenses;” and on a small work-table between the windows lay a
very ancient writing-desk. Such was my first glimpse of the author’s
domicile, which had once been a witness of very different scenes.
The gloominess of Maturin’s existence was brightened by the return
of Lady Morgan to her native country in 1821, after an absence of
several years abroad. The little governess who had earned her first
laurels with _The Wild Irish Girl_ was now transformed into one of the
foremost literary celebrities of the day. In 1812 Miss Owenson had
become the wife of Dr. Thomas Charles Morgan, physician to the Marquis
of Abercorn, who had shortly before been ‘knighted by the viceroy--at
a hint, it is said, from the doctor’s enterprising fiancée. She had,
since then, published numerous novels, amongst others the Irish story
_O’Donnel_ (1814). Her greatest fame, however, was due to the extensive
work on _France_ (1817), the strongly liberal views of which had roused
the fury of the _Quarterly Review_ and caused the fierce contest of
which Maturin also had borne his share of the brunt in the vehement
attacks upon his best romances. From the rare and brief political
utterances in Maturin’s works, sermons, and letters, it may be gathered
that he rather inclined to toryism; but uninterested as he was in
politics, his opinions did not in any way bias his regard for Lady
Morgan, of whom he used to speak ‘in terms of the most extravagant
admiration.’[160] Though the two were the only authors of repute
residing in Dublin, there was no kind of jealousy between them. The
character of Lady Morgan was broad-minded and generous, and her desire
to help Maturin was sincere beyond any doubt. Her weekly _réunions_ in
Kildare Street, pleasantly described by her biographer,[161] were among
the few relaxations Maturin allowed himself in his later years:
In this agreeably situated mansion there was regularly held for a long
series of years, a still more voluminous series of most delightful
and select literary réunions, which are remembered by the surviving
few who had the privilege of access, with enthusiastic feelings of
pride and pleasure. A constant guest was the brilliant, eccentric,
and almost forgotten Charles Robert Maturin. Domestic sorrows
and pecuniary reverses threw a gloom over the later years of his
existence; and, as a contemporary record informs us, every inducement
failed to make him desert his melancholy hearth save the intellectual
circle which Lady Morgan illuminated by her sparkling wit, or the
romantic solitudes of Wicklow wherein some of his richest veins of
inspiration had been caught in happier bygone days.
Among the domestic sorrows was the loss of a child, in 1821,
immediately after its birth. When Lady Morgan called to inquire after
Mrs. Maturin during her confinement, Maturin sent her this reply: ‘My
angel is better, The Cherub is flown’--which words she noted down on
a letter she received from him shortly afterwards.--That there were
troubles also of another kind can be inferred from some lines in the
above-mentioned letter to Sir Charles: ‘You terrify me by saying
there is a _prejudice_ against me amongst the Catholics; what have
I done? I have never been a partizan--my voice was never heard at a
meeting--I am not a public man in the least--what _can_ I have done?’
Whatever this may have reference to, the answer obviously would have
been, that he had written _Melmoth_. Although he had never meant to
offend his Catholic townsmen, their resentment was not altogether
inexplicable, and it is certainly curious that it should have come
to him so unexpectedly. If the Methodists had not been favourably
disposed towards him after the publication of _Women_, he now got the
Catholics against him; but as it was only the errors of both creeds he
had wished to attack, he must have suffered much from the feeling of
having, perhaps, given personal offence.--Yet in all this dreariness
there would occasionally be outbursts of the old eccentricity and the
invincible desire sometimes to assume the rôle of a _grand seigneur_,
which he, in his harmless way, imagined best to suit him. The following
anecdote[162] has a characteristic ring about it:
Sir Charles raised a subscription for him, amounting to fifty pounds.
The first use he made of it was to give a grand party. There was
little furniture in the reception room, but at one end there had been
erected an old theatrical property throne under a canopy of crimson
velvet, where he and Mrs. Maturin sat to receive their visitors.--
That Maturin did not greatly care about the completion of _The
Universe_ is evident from the fact that he was, so early as 1821,
engaged on a new play. In a note to Lady Morgan he mentions that it
will be acted at Hawkins’--‘the profits will be far inferior to those
of Covent Garden, but they will be something.’ Still the play was,
later on, sent to Covent Garden, Sir Charles undertaking to use his
influence with Kean who appears, from the very first, to have been
unwilling to accept it. In a letter dated Dec. 16, 1822, Maturin writes
to Sir Charles:
I never felt my “lack of words” so great as at this moment when they
altogether fail me in adequately expressing my gratitude for your
kindness. Matters are not however so bad as it is _Elliston_, not
_Kean_, who has rejected the play. I have written to Kean to beg him
to read over the play _himself_, and to assure him I will acquiesce in
his judgment, whatever it be.
I need not say how much it would enhance my numerous obligations to
Lady Morgan were she to write to Kean merely to _enforce my request_,
to beg he will read over the play (which he has not done) and
determine _for himself_ whether it is worthy of his powers or not.
No decision of his can diminish my gratitude to Lady M---- and to you.
Whether there was an intervention on the part of Lady Morgan or not,
the play was doomed never to see the light. It can hardly have been
any other than the one to which Watts refers in his autobiographical
notes:[163]
He had another tragedy in the hands of Edmund Kean, but on this he
could obtain no decision whatever. It was entitled _Osmyn_, and is
said to have been the most careful and effective of his dramatic
compositions. I made many attempts to obtain its restitution, but in
vain. On one occasion I attacked Kean before a large party, and dwelt
upon the cruel injury which Maturin had sustained from his persistent
disregard of the matter. Finally, I obtained from him a promise that
the M. S. should be forthcoming, if I could call in Clarges Street for
it on the ensuing day. This of course I did, but was denied access to
Mr. Kean, who was said to be too ill to see me.
The only person who has been able to give an account of and publish
some extracts from the play is the writer in the _Irish Quarterly
Review_ 1852. He states that a completed tragedy called _The Siege of
Salerno_ was found among Maturin’s manuscripts after his death, without
explaining when and how he had an opportunity of seeing it. He states
further that the plot bears, in conception, some resemblance to Byron’s
_Siege of Corinth_--the hero in both works being, in fact, a renegade
who leads Turkish forces against a Christian town. The passage quoted
in the _Irish Quarterly Review_ consists of a scene where Osmyn--the
copy sent to Kean apparently bore the name of the hero--relates the
story of his life. He has formerly been the prince of Salerno, the very
town which he now attacks as a Turkish captain. He lived in happiness
with his wife Matilda, when suddenly his enemy
Manfred, the terror of the neighbouring states;
Plunderer of all, and tyrant of his own,
invaded his country. Osmyn was thrown into the dungeon of his own
castle, where he was kept for years. A time came when his prison walls
were destroyed by a tempest--that is, an earthquake--and he gained his
liberty. Being recognized by no one he wandered about in the streets
and became witness of a procession where Matilda, now the wife of
Manfred, was borne in solemn festival. In despair he left the country:
On the last shore of Italy I kissed
A cross my mother bound about my neck,
And flung it towards these towers. On Asia’s coast
I grasped the crescent.
The story, we see, is rather improbable, and the deliverance of Osmyn
from his prison belongs to the most hackneyed tricks of the older
school of terror. The hero is, however, typically Maturineian. He is a
kind of Bertram in Ottoman costume; the one returns as a robber-chief,
the other as the leader of an infidel army, and the speech of Osmyn is
a distinct echo from Maturing first play:
If thou would’st make man wretched, make him vile:
Sear up his conscience--make his mind a desert,
His heart an ulcer, and his frame a stone;
Countryless, friendless, wifeless, childless, Godless;
Accused of heaven, and hated.--Make him Osmyn.
Thus have they dealt with me.
The writer in the _Irish Quarterly Review_ assures his readers that
the play ‘abounds in passages of great power and beauty;’ the extracts
which he communicates, however, do not rise to the level of the best
pages in _Bertram_ or _Fredolfo_.--
One more tragedy contemplated by Maturin in his last years may yet
be mentioned. A motive from the recent history of France had been
suggested to him, to which he refers in a letter[164] of Oct. 20:th
1823:
I feel myself flattered by the reference to me contained in your
letter.--I am not disposed to think favourably of the French Tragedies
which are rather declamatory than impassioned but will do my utmost
with the subject you have sent me.
The allusion to Buonaparte, appears to me to constitute the _forte_
of the story, and as he is (fortunately for Europe) now dead, I
cannot think that the most inveterate Jacobin would be offended by a
representation of him on the stage to which I am convinced Mr. Kean’s
powers would give the most distinguished effect.
The recipient of this letter is not known, nor anything else
connected with the matter, with which all the biographers seem to be
unacquainted. Among other unfulfilled projects is said[165] to have
been a poem the scene of which was ‘to be laid in Ireland during the
period of harps and minstrels;’ besides which Maturin wrote,[166] some
time before his death, a short tale founded upon the family legend
quoted in the first chapter of the present study.
A determination of Maturin ‘to devote himself more exclusively to
the service of his calling’[167] led to the publication, in 1824,
of _Five Sermons on the Errors of the Roman Catholic Church_. These
controversial sermons were preached during the Lent of the same year
before an audience unparalleled in number. ‘Never since Dean Kirwan’s
time,’ it is stated in a contemporary memoir,[168] ‘were such crowds
attracted to the Parish Church as during the delivery of these sermons;
neither rain nor storm could subdue the anxiety of all classes and
all persuasions to hear them.’ The sermons are explicitly said to be
directed, not against Catholics, but Catholicism; Maturin endeavoured
earnestly to avoid a tone of personal offensiveness, although it is
much to be questioned whether he did not, in the following passage,
underrate the attachment of the Irish Catholics to their faith:
I will add, that of all the Protestant Ministers in Dublin, I have
happened to have the most extensive and intimate intercourse with
Roman Catholics, and that I have found many of them so truly amiable
and excellent, that I could heartily have wished myself, and all I
loved, to be “almost and altogether like unto them, _except their
bonds_”--but amongst all of them I have remarked such an obvious,
though tacit admission, of the errors of their Church--such an
earnest wish for scriptural instruction and mental enlargement--such
a desire for the only true _Catholic Emancipation_, the emancipation
of the intellect and the conscience, that though I would have felt it
unfit to turn the stream of social conversation into the channel of
controversy, I did most anxiously wish for an opportunity of pointing
out to them in a public address, those errors of which they themselves
appeared so deeply conscious.
The volume was received very favourably and reprinted in 1826.
* * * * *
In autumn 1824 appeared the last of Maturin’s lucubrations, a
historical novel called _The Albigenses_. Though of imposing
length--four volumes, together about 1500 pages--it was intended to be
but the first series of a great trilogy, ‘illustrative,’ as stated in
the preface, ‘of European feelings and manners in ancient times, in
middle, and in modern.’ How the second and third parts had been planned
is thus described:
The more subtle policy, improved system of government, and commencing
diffusion of literature in the second period,--and the still more
enlightened political system, confirmed knowledge, and popular
influence, that distinguish times nearer to our own,--give obvious
room for all that is picturesque, intelligent, and interesting in
description.
There is little doubt that Maturin was induced to turn to the
historical romance by the immense popularity of Scott, whose fame now
stood at its zenith. He knew that this _genre_, at any rate, would not
be objected to as obsolete or offensive to good feeling, as had been
the case with his previous work. An outward success, moreover, was
now more imperative than ever before, and everything could be hoped
from the public rage for historical novels. This field of fiction
was entirely new to Maturin; in _The Lovers’ Tale_ only the general
‘atmosphere’ is historical--the incidents might have taken place in
any age. The experiment, if praiseworthy, was decidedly hazardous; to
outdo Mrs. Radcliffe and Lewis had been easy enough, but to enter
into competition with the Author of _Waverley_ was a serious matter
for a writer whose powers lay in depicting what was passing before
his own eyes, or else, what never could have happened at all. That
most contemporary critics nevertheless hailed _The Albigenses_ as
Maturin’s best work only proves their partiality for the style in
which it was written; of later judges even his greatest admirer admits
that Maturin’s attempt to ‘marry history to fiction’ turned out a
failure.[169]--