had existed from the earliest times), but was the consolidation
of the “Guild of Surgeons” with another body of Surgeons who were
incorporated, and practised under the name of “Barbers” in conjunction
with actual working Barbers; and, as the Act provided what the Surgeons
should and should not do, and the like as to actual Barbers, limiting
their operations also, most if not all difficulty and apparent
incongruity in the union seems to vanish.
The Act (32 Hen. VIII, cap. 42) which will well repay perusal, settled
the Barber-Surgeons in their corporate capacity for many a long year;
under it the old rival society disappeared, it being declared that the
two Companies should be united, so that by their assembling together,
the science of Surgery might be fostered and improved; whereupon it
was enacted that they should be incorporated under the style of “THE
MAISTERS OR GOVERNOURS OF THE MYSTERY AND COMMINALTE OF BARBOURS AND
SURGEONS OF LONDON.” The property of the old Company of Barbers was
handed over to the new Corporation (the Guild of Surgeons are not said
to have had any property to bring into the new concern). The usual
grant of a common seal, of power to plead and to be impleaded, to hold
lands, etc., will be seen at large in the Act. The Surgeons of the
Company were to be exempt from bearing armour or being put into watches
and inquests. The dead bodies of four malefactors were assigned to
the Company yearly for dissections. And, inasmuch as various persons
exercising the faculty of Surgery used to take into their houses
for cure, people afflicted with the pestilence and other contagious
diseases and “do use or exercise barbari, as washynge or shavyng and
other feates thereunto belonging,”[77] the same was declared “veraie
perillous,” and it was enacted that no one using the faculty of Surgery
should practise Barbery, and that no Barber should practise any point
in Surgery, the drawing of teeth only excepted. The Surgeons were to
exhibit a sign in front of their houses, and no Barber was to exercise
his calling unless free of the Company. Four Masters were to rule the
Company, whereof two were to be Barbers and two Surgeons. A penalty was
named for offenders against the articles, all were to pay scot and lot,
and private persons might keep their own Barber or Surgeon, without
interference by the Company.
[77] Here we have the common practice of the joint craftsman, the
“Barber-Surgeon,” clearly indicated.
The Act was passed on the 24th July, 1540, and will be found in
Appendix C. being taken from the original Black-letter copy in the
Author’s possession.
We now refer to the Company’s chief treasure, the Holbein picture, and
are at once met with a difficulty; does it represent the _granting
of a Charter_ to the Company? if so, the year was 1512; or does
it illustrate the union of the Barbers and Surgeons by _Act of
Parliament_? if so, the year was 1540.
The picture exhibits a Charter with the Great Seal pendant, and has
always been popularly known and described as the “granting of the
Charter to the Barber-Surgeons.” On the other hand, however, the King
was but 21 years of age in 1512 and 49 years in 1540, which latter
age accords with the picture; moreover, Vicary, Ayleff, Harman, and
the others represented, were members of the Court in the latter year,
but not in 1512. These considerations are sufficient to demolish the
“Charter” theory, and point to the hypothesis that it is the Union of
the Barbers’ Company with the Guild of Surgeons, accomplished by Act
of Parliament in 1540, which is _commemorated_, but then we must admit
a licence on the part of Holbein (which deceived no one at the time),
when he indulged his artist’s fancy by putting into the King’s hand
a Charter with seal pendant, instead of an Act of Parliament, which
latter would not indeed have been the King’s function to hand to the
Company, and would probably, if represented, have been depicted as a
mere roll, and not therefore so artistic or effective as a Charter with
a Seal in the King’s hand.
The Act received the Royal Assent 25th July, 1540; this would be
towards the close of the year of John Pen’s mastership. Vicary, who
is receiving the Instrument, was Master from September, 1541, to
September, 1542; there is every probability that the painting was
executed during his year of office, and that is why Holbein paid him
the compliment of putting him in the chief position in the painting,
which after all was intended, not as a strictly historical, but rather
as a commemorative picture.
The picture is 10 feet 2 inches long by 5 feet 11 inches high, painted
on oak panel and contains nineteen figures; it represents a room in
the palace (said to have been Bridewell), which is hung with beautiful
tapestry and appears to have been gilded; the King is seated on a
throne, his age apparently about fifty, the complexion florid, the
hair sandy, the eyes small but animated and restless; the expression
on the countenance is impatience, and he seems thrusting the document
hastily into the hand of Thomas Vicary, who receives it kneeling, on
his left; the face altogether might be pronounced handsome, were it
not for the low forehead and contracted eyebrows; he has on his left
thumb a signet ring, and other rings on the first and fourth fingers
of his right hand with which he holds a sword of state resting on his
knee; on his head is a jewelled crown; on his left leg the garter, and
round his neck the collar of the Order; the mantle is short and of
crimson velvet; all these ornaments are most beautifully executed and
are as fine as miniature painting; every hair of his head is distinct,
and the texture of his robe is finely given; his impatience seems to
have warmed him, and the rising colour flushing over his face is most
admirably painted. On the King’s right are three grave and closely
shaved personages on their knees. The first is Dr. John Chambre, one
of the Royal Physicians, he is represented in a skull cap and furred
gown, the sleeves very large and in which his hands are enwrapped; from
the expression of his countenance it would seem that he was anything
but pleased with the provisions of the Act, as the face has a sullen
and discontented look; next to him is the celebrated Dr. William Butts,
also one of Henry’s Physicians, and behind him is Thomas Alsop, the
Royal Apothecary, his hair is long and lank, and features coarse and
hard.
[Illustration]
On the King’s left are fifteen members of the Court on their knees,
and in livery gowns, evidently specially sumptuous for the occasion,
being of brocaded or damask silk, trimmed with fur, and each man wears
a livery hood of red and black upon his shoulder. The first of these
is Thomas Vicary, Serjeant-Surgeon, who wears a gold chain; next comes
Sir John Ayleff, Surgeon to the King, also with a gold chain and a ring
on his finger, the next is Nicholas Simpson, King’s Barber, who, like
Vicary and Ayleff, wears a skull cap, all the others have their heads
bare. Then comes Edmund Harman, King’s Barber, and one of the Witnesses
to Henry’s Will, he wears a gold chain; next him is James Monforde,
King’s Surgeon, then John Pen, the King’s Barber, and Nicholas Alcocke;
the expression on the countenances of all these men is grave and
solemn; the next, Richard Ferris, who has a somewhat merrier face, and
was also King’s Surgeon, completes the front row. The moustaches and
beards of the whole, including the King, would appear as if they had
had great care and attention bestowed upon them. Of the remaining seven
figures in the back row, the names of but two have been preserved,
viz., Christopher Salmond and William Tilley.
This picture of Holbein’s is not surpassed, if indeed it is equalled,
by any other of that master, every part is most elaborately and
delicately finished; the position of none of the figures is
constrained, and there is no attempt at theatrical effect, yet every
person represented is in action, the colouring is chaste, and kept
down, nor is there any of that hardness and stiffness often observed
in Holbein’s pictures. Its reputation has been truly said to be
world-wide, whilst it has been eulogistically described by some one to
be “as glowing as a Titian, and minutely faithful as a Gerard Dow.”[78]
[78] Part of the above description has been adapted from an anonymous
paragraph, which I found interleaved in Allen’s History of London, at
the Guildhall Library.
The names of the persons represented have been somewhat rudely affixed
to their effigies, probably a few years after the picture was painted,
and whilst we cannot but deplore the disfigurement, it is more than
compensated for, as the means of identification of so many of our
illustrious predecessors. The tablet, with inscription, has been said
to be of later date than Holbein’s work, and to have been painted over
a window, through which was once seen the old church of St. Bride;
this, however, is most improbable, as it is personally dedicatory to
Henry. The inscription is as follows:--
HENRICO OCTAVO OPT MAX: REGI ANGLIÆ FRANCIÆ
ET HIBERNIÆ FIDEI DEFENSORI AC ANGLICANÆ HIBERNICÆQ
ECCLESIÆ PROXIME A CHRISTO SVPREMO CAPITI SOCIETAS
CHIRVRGORVM COMMVNIBVS VOTIS HÆC CONSECRAT.
TRISTIOR ANGLORVM PESTIS VIOLAVERAT ORBEM
INFESTANS ANIMOS CORPORIBVSQVE SEDENS
HANC DEVS INSIGNEM CLADEM MISERATVS AB ALTO
TE MEDICI MVNVS JVSSIT OBIRE BONI
LVMEN EVANGELII FVLVIS CIRCVMVOLAT ALIS
PHARMACON AD FECTIS MENTIBVS ILLVD ERIT
CONSILIOQ TVO CELEBRANT MONVMENTA GALENI
ET CELERI MORBVS PELLITVR OMNIS OPE
NOS IGITVR SVPPLEX MEDICORVM TVRBA TVORVM
HANC TIBI SACRAMVS RELIGIONE DOMVM
MVNERIS ET MEMORES QVO NOS HENRICE BEASTI
IMPERIO OPTAMVS MAXIMA QVE QVE TVO.
TRANSLATION.
To Henry the Eighth, the best and greatest King of England, France,
and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, and next to Christ, supreme
head of the Church of England and Ireland, the Company of Surgeons
dedicate these, with their united prayers.
A grievous plague had ravaged the region of England,
Afflicting man’s spirits and penetrating his frame;
God, pitying from on high this remarkable scourge
Commanded thee to perform the office of a good physician.
The light of the gospel flies around on glowing wings,
This will be the balm to enfeebled minds:
Whilst the disciples of Galen meet to raise a monument to thee,
And all disease is swiftly dispelled by thy power.
We, therefore, a suppliant band of thy Physicians,
Solemnly dedicate this house to thee,
And mindful of the favour with which thou, O Henry, hast blessed us,
Invoke the greatest blessings on thy rule.
The following fragmentary notices of the persons represented in the
picture, will be found of some interest.
The first figure to the left is Thomas Alsop; he was the King’s
Apothecary, and Henry VIII, by his will, left him 100 marks.
Next to him is Dr. William Butts, one of the King’s physicians,
ever famous for his memorable interference with the King on behalf
of Archbishop Cranmer in 1544, when the Roman Catholic party in the
Council endeavoured to procure Cranmer’s committal to the Tower. A
full account of this incident will be found in Strype’s Memorials of
Cranmer (Oxford Ed., 1812, pp. 177-181), and Shakespeare in his play of
Henry VIII (act v., sc. 2) has also graphically described it. Cranmer’s
Secretary, aware of Butts’ great influence with the King, sent for the
Doctor, and acquainted him with the slight which had been put upon the
Archbishop by keeping him standing in the ante-room of the Council
Chamber among lacqueys and servingmen, upon which Butts immediately
repaired to the King, and said:--
“I’ll show your Grace the strangest sight,
The high promotion of his Grace of Canterbury:
Who holds his State at door, ’mongst pursuivants,
Pages and foot boys.”
whereupon Henry replies,--
“Ha! ’tis he indeed!
Is this the honour they do one another?
’Tis well there’s one above them. Yet, I had thought
They had parted so much honesty among ‘em
(At least good manners) as not thus to suffer
A man of his place and so near our favour,
To dance attendance on their lordships’ pleasures,
And at the door too, like a post with packets,
By Holy Mary! Butts, there’s knavery.
Let them alone, and drawn the curtain close:
We shall hear more anon.”
Henry spoke his mind so freely to the Council, that they one and all
shook hands with the Archbishop, and, as Strype says, “Never more durst
any man spurn him during King Henry’s life.”
Dr. Butts must have had the best practice of any man of his time; there
are several references to him among the State papers at the Record
Office, of which the following are a few examples, and indicate that
his patients were the aristocracy of the day.
25th May, 1524. Among the funeral expenses of Sir Thomas Lovell,
K.G., is this item:--“To John Hewson, riding to Cambridge, to fetch
Dr. Buttes when my master was sick, 4_s._ 8_d._”
28th April, 1525. The Duke of Norfolk, writing to Cardinal Wolsey,
says that last night at 7 o’clock the Lord Marney was “drawyng the
draghts of deth, and Mr. Butts determyned he shuld not lyve after 5
owrys” (hours).
14th October, 1525. A warrant was signed by Wolsey, directed to Sir
Andrew Windsor, for delivery to Dr. Butts, who had been appointed
physician to my lady Princess, of a livery in blue and green, in
damask for himself, and in cloth for his two servants.
17th May, 1528. In a letter from the Duke of Norfolk to Wolsey, the
Duke says that Mr. Butts had come to him from the King, without whose
aid he thought that he should not have recovered from his sickness.
23rd June, 1528. In a letter from Brian Tuke (to Cardinal Wolsey) he
speaks of an infection which had been much about of late, and how the
King told him that Mistress Ann Boleyn and my lord Rochford both have
had it; what jeopardy they have been in, by the turning in of the
sweat before the time; of the endeavour of Mr. Buttes who hath been
with them in his return; and finally of their perfect recovery.
19th January, 1530. A letter from De Augustinis, written from the
palace at Esher, to Cromwell, desires that Dr. Butts or Dr. Walter
Cromer may be sent to the Cardinal and requesting that Balthazar the
physician, may be spoken to, to obtain some leeches; no time was
to be lost and the doctors were to bring with them some vomitive
electuary.
Dr. Butts was a personal friend of Henry’s, who, in 1537, granted him
the manor and advowson of Thornage, in Norfolk. He died 17th November,
1545, and lies buried in Fulham Church, where there is (or was) a
monument to his memory.
Next to Butts, and immediately to the King’s right, is Dr. John
Chambre; he was physician to and a great favorite of Henry’s, holding
several clerical preferments as well. He was a Fellow and Warden of
Merton College, Oxon, where he was admitted Doctor of Physic, 29th
October, 1531. In the list of persons to whom Wolsey, in 1526, assigned
lodgings at the King’s house, when they should repair thither, occurs
the name of Dr. Chambre. There is also a catalogue of the King’s new
year’s gifts, in 1528, by which it appears that the Doctor had a piece
of plate weighing 24-3/8 ozs., at the same time the Cardinal’s gift was
40-1/4 ozs., and that of the Archbishop 31 ozs.
In Brian Tuke’s letter (23rd June, 1528), before referred to, he tells
Wolsey that when he called on the King with his letters, he found him
in “secret communication with his physician, Mr. Chambre, in a tower,
where he sometimes sups apart.”
Dr. Chambre was Dean of St. Stephen’s Chapel, Westminster, Canon of
Windsor, Archdeacon of Bedford, Prebendary of Comb and Harnham in
Salisbury Cathedral, Treasurer of Wells Cathedral, and beneficed in
Somersetshire and Yorkshire. Truly the lines had fallen unto him in
pleasant places!
He was one of the physicians in attendance on Queen Jane, at the birth
of Edward VI, and in a letter written by him to the Privy Council,
concerning the Queen’s critical state, he signs himself “priest.”
He was also in attendance on Anne Boleyn, in her confinement with
Elizabeth. His name is mentioned with that of Linacre and three others,
in the Charter to the College of Physicians, in 1518.
Sir William Compton, K.G., in 1522, nominated Dr. Chambre one of his
executors, in conjunction with the Bishop of Exeter, and Sir Henry
Marney, Lord Privy Seal.
Dr. Chambre built a “very curious cloyster,” in St. Stephen’s Chapel,
which cost him 11,000 marks, and he gave the canons of that chapel some
lands. He died in 1549.
On the King’s left is, first, Thomas Vicary (sometimes Vicars and
Vyccary), Master of the Barbers in 1530, and of the Barber-Surgeons
in 1541, 1546, 1548 and 1557. He was a man of great eminence in his
profession, having been Surgeon to St. Bartholomew’s Hospital, and
Serjeant-Surgeon to Henry VIII, Edward VI, Mary and Elizabeth. He was
the author of “The Profitable Treatise of Anatomy” in “The Englishman’s
Treasure, with the true Anatomie of Man’s Body.” An account of Vicary
will be found in D’Arcy Power, pp. 102, etc., and several particulars
relating to his connection with St. Bartholomew’s Hospital, are
recorded in a paper by Dr. Norman Moore (Hospital Reports, vol. xviii,
pp. 333-358); see also Dr. Furnivall’s exhaustive account (Early
English Text Society).
Next comes Sir John Ayleff (Aylif, Aylyff, etc.). He was Master of the
Barbers in 1538, and Surgeon to the King, with whom he was doubtless on
terms of friendship, as Henry bequeathed him 100 marks. Ayleff treated
Henry for fistula and cured him, at Brinkworth in Wilts, for which
the King bestowed upon him a great estate there in gratification. He
subsequently became a Merchant of Blackwell Hall, Sheriff of London in
1548, and Alderman of Bridge Without in 1550.
17th July, 1550. In the Repertories of the Court of Aldermen is a
Record that the Court of the Barber-Surgeons gave their assent to the
Translation of Sir John from theirs to the Grocers’ Company, of which
Company he was crowned Upper Warden 9th June, 1556.
Sir John Ayleff was buried 20th October, 1556, in the Church of St.
Michael Bassishaw, where there was formerly a marble tomb with this
inscription thereon--
In Chirurgery brought up in youth,
A Knight here lyeth dead;
A Knight and eke a Surgeon such
As England seld hath bred.
For which so soveraigne Gift of God
Wherein he did excell,
King Henry VIII call’d him to Court,
Who lov’d him dearly well.
God gave the Gift, the King gave Goods,
The Gift of God t’enhance;
Where God and such a Prince do joyne,
Such Man hath happy Chance.
King Edward for his service sake,
Bade him rise up a Knight,
A name of Praise and ever since
He, Sir John Ailiffe hight,
Right Worshipful, in name and charge
In London lived he than,
In Blackwell Hall the merchant chiefe
First Sheriffe, then Alderman.
The Hospitals bewaile his death
The Orphan children mone,
The chiefe Erector being dead
And Benefactor gone.
Dame Isabel who lived with him,
His faithful Wife and Mate,
With him (as dearest after death)
Doth not her Knight forsake
The Knight the 24[79] of October.
Yeelded up his breath,
And she soon after followed
To live with him in death.
[79] Probably a mistake for 14th.
19 April, 1558. My lady Aylyff gave a fyne table cloth of damaske
worcke to sr̃ve for the uppermost table in the hawle the w{ch} of her
jentyllness she gave frely unto this hawle.
John Ayleff (son of the Knight) was admitted to the freedom of the
Barber-Surgeons, 3rd June, 1552.
Next to Sir John Ayleff, is Nicholas Simpson, concerning whom nothing
is known to me, but that he was “King’s Barber,” and Master of the
Barbers in 1537.
Edmund Harman, “King’s Barber,” follows next; he was admitted to the
freedom in 1530, and served Master in 1540. Henry VIII bequeathed him
200 marks, and he was one of the attesting witnesses to the King’s
will. There are several references to him among the State Papers and
Household Ordinances. His dignified bearing and expression in the
picture are very striking.
James Monforde (or Mumford), “King’s Surgeon,” is next; he was Upper
Warden in 1540 and again in 1543, but never served as Master. He gave
the Company their silver hammer, still used by the Masters in presiding
at Courts.
Then comes John Pen (Penn or Penne), “King’s Barber,” and Groom of
the Privy Chamber; he was admitted to the freedom in 1527 and was
Master 1539. He married Lucy, daughter and heiress of Edmond Chevall,
of Coddicote, Herts, by whom he had a good estate and seven children
(_vide_ Harl. Soc. Pub. xxii., 82 & 116).
In Liber Niger Domus Regis (Harl. MS. 642) among the orders made for
the regulation of the Household of Henry VIII was one, that none but
fifteen persons whose names are specified should be allowed to enter
the Privy Chamber, and one of these is John Penne.
The following quaint regulation, concerning the King’s Barber, is to be
found in the same MS.--
Item. It is alsoe ordeyned that the Kingꝭ Barbor shalbe daylie by
the Kingꝭ upriseinge readdye and attendant in the Kingꝭ Privye
Chamber there haveinge in reddynesse his Water Basons Knyvesꝭ Combes
scissourꝭ and such other stuffe as to his Roome doth appertaine for
trymminge and dressinge of the Kingꝭ heade and bearde. And that the
sayd Barbour take a speciall regarde to the pure and cleane keepinge
of his owne p’son and apparrell useinge himselfe allwayes honestlye
in his conversationne withoute resortinge to the Companye of vile
personnes or of misguided woemen in avoydeinge such daunger as by
that meanes hee might doe unto the Kingꝭ most Royall person not
fayling thus to doe uppon payne of looseinge his Roome and farther
punnishement at the Kingꝭ pleasure.
In this MS. is also to be found an earlier order, of the time of Edward
IV touching the King’s Barber, which is curious, as indicating that
Saturday night was then (as still it is with many) “tub night” with the
King; and we may also infer from the expression “_if_ it please the
King to cleanse his head, legs or feet,” that it was _not_ a fixed rule
for him to do so _every_ Saturday night.
A BARBOUR for the Kingis most highe and drad p’son to be taken
in this Court, after that he standeth in degree gentleman yoman
or groome. It hath bin much accustomed to one or two well knowne
officers of the Ewrie in housold Daily of such as bene for the monthe
Sergeant or othir. Also we finde how this hath bene used amonge by a
weele betrusted yoman of chambre ffor lacke of cunning of these other
men. It is accustomed that a knight of the Chambre or elles squire of
the bodie or both be p’sent every time when the Kinge wolle shave.
This Barbour shall have every satterday night if it please the Kinge
to cleanse his head leggꝭ or feete and for his shaveing two lovis[80]
one pitcher wine. And the usher of chambre ought to testifie if this
be necessary dispensed or not.
[80] Loaves.
It is said that the portrait of Pen was greatly admired by Sir Robert
Peel, who frequently came to the Hall to look at it, and who is
reported to have offered the Company £2,000 for the head, if it might
be cut from the picture, he undertaking to make good the damage! He is
also alleged to have said at one of his visits, that he should like to
sleep on the table at the Hall, so that the first thing he would see
on waking in the morning might be Pen’s head. Had Sir Robert known the
legend[81] of the _table_ he would perhaps have suggested a different
bed. Henry VIII left, by his Will, 100 marks to Pen.
[81] Said to have been part of the dissecting table!
Concerning the next man, Nicholas Alcocke, nothing is known beyond
that he was Surgeon to Edward VI, and was admitted to the freedom in
1523. He was doubtless a member of the Court, though he never served as
Warden.
The last on the front row is Richard Ferris (or Ferrers), Master in
1563 and Serjeant-Surgeon to Elizabeth. Like others of his brethren, he
also benefited under Henry’s will, to the extent of 100 marks, and was
one of the King’s Surgeons.
In the back row are seven figures, but of these the names of only two
survive, viz., William Tylley, Upper Warden 1546, and Christopher Samon
(Salmon, Sammond), admitted to the freedom in 1528, and Master in 1553.
By Domestic Papers, Henry VIII, vol. 5, p. 690, it appears that one
Christopher Samon was living in Lombard Street in 1532: this might be
the same man.
29 August, 1668. Dear old Samuel Pepys visited us this day, and thus
records his intentions and opinion concerning the picture--