FOOTNOTES

[503] [Tin-stone however occurs in Spain and Portugal; and Watson, in

his Chemical Essays, states that Spain furnished the ancients with

considerable quantities of tin.]

[504] Native tin never, or at any rate, very rarely occurs. In the

year 1765 a piece was supposed to be found, of which an account may

be seen in the Phil. Trans. vol. lvi. p. 35, and vol. lix. p. 47. But

the truth of this was denied by most mineralogists, such for example

as Jars in Mémoires de l’Acad. à Paris, année 1770, p. 540. Soon after

the above-mentioned piece of tin was found in Cornwall, some dealers

in minerals sold similar pieces to amateurs at a very dear rate; but

all these had been taken from roasting-places, where the tin exudes;

and very often what is supposed to be tin is only exuded bismuth, as is

proved by some specimens in my collection.

I shall here observe, that it may not be improper, in the history of

tin, to show that it was believed more than two hundred years ago that

this metal was found in a native state.

[505] Having requested Professor Tychsen, to whose profound knowledge

of Oriental history, languages, and literature I have been already

indebted for much assistance, to point out the grounds on which _bedil_

is considered to be our tin, I received the following answer, with

permission to insert it in this place.

“_Bedil_, בדיל, according to the most probable derivation,

means _the separated_. It may therefore, consistent with etymology, be

what Pliny calls _stannum_, not tin, but lead from which the silver has

not been sufficiently separated. The passage in Isaiah, chap. i. ver.

25, appears to afford a confirmation, because the word there is put in

the plural, equivalent to scoriæ, as something separated by fusion.

“Others derive _bedil_ from the meaning of the Arabic word بدل _badal_,

that is, _substitutum_, _succedaneum_. In this case indeed it might

mean tin, which may be readily confounded with silver.

“The questions, why _bedil_ has been translated tin, and how old this

explanation may be, are answered by another: Is κασσίτερος tin? If

this be admitted, the explanation is as old as the Greek version of

the seventy interpreters, who in most passages, Ezekiel, chap. xxii.

ver. 18 and 20, and chap. xxvii. ver. 12, express it by the word

κασσίτερος. In the last-mentioned passage, tin and iron have exchanged

places. The Targumists also call it tin; and some, with the Samaritan

translation, use the Greek word, but corrupted into _kasteron_,

_kastira_. It is also the usual Jewish explanation, that _bedil_ means

tin, as _oferet_ does lead.

“In the oldest passage, however, where _bedil_ occurs, that is in

Numbers, chap. xxxi. ver. 22, the Seventy translate it by μόλιβος,

lead, and the Vulgate by _plumbum_, and _vice versâ_, the Seventy for

_oferet_ put κασσίτερος, and the Vulgate _stannum_. This, as the

oldest explanation which the Latin translator found already in the

Septuagint, is particularly worthy of notice. According to it, one

might take בדיל, μόλιβος, _stannum_, for the _stannum_ of Pliny, lead

with silver; the gradation of the metals still remains; the κασσίτερος

of the Seventy may be tin or real lead. It may have denoted tin and

lead together, and perhaps the Seventy placed here κασσίτερος, in

order that they might have one metal more for the Hebrew _oferet_. But

from this explanation it would follow that Moses was not acquainted

with tin.

“The East has still another name for lead and tin, אנך, _anac_, which

occurs only in Amos, chap. vii. ver. 7 and 8, but is abundant in the

Syriac, Chaldaic, and Armenian, and comprehends _plumbum_, _nigrum_,

and _candidum_.

“In the Persian tin is named _kalai_, _resâs_, _arziz_, which are all

of Arabic, or, like _kalai_, of Turkish extraction. None of these have

any affinity to κασσίτερος and _bedil_.

“As tin is brought from India, it occurred to me whether the oldest

name, like _tombak_, might not be Malayan. But in the Malayan, _tima_

is the name for tin and lead. Relandi Dissertat. Miscell. iii. p. 65.

It would indeed be in vain to look for Asiatic etymologies in regard to

κασσίτερος, since, according to the express assertion of Herodotus,

the Greeks did not procure tin from Asia, but from the Cassiterides

islands. The name may be Phœnician; and though Bochart has not ventured

to give any etymology of it, one, in case of necessity, might have been

found equally probable as that which he has given of Britannia. But

it appears to me more probable that the word is of Celtic extraction,

because similar names are found in Britain, such as _Cassi_, an old

British family; _Cassivelaunus_, a British leader opposed to Cæsar;

_Cassibelanus_, in all probability, the same name in the time of

Claudius. _Cassi-ter_, with the Greek termination ος, seems to be

a Celtic compound, the meaning of which might perhaps be found in

Pelletier, Bullet, &c.”

[506] Plin. lib. xxxiv. cap. 16, § 47, p. 669.

[507] The last meaning is found in Pliny, xxxiii. 6, § 31, and xxxiv.

18, § 53:--“Est et molybdæna, quam alio loco galenam vocavimus,

vena argenti plumbique communis. Adhærescit et auri et argenti

fornacibus; et hanc metallicam vocant.” Here then there are both the

significations, first _bleyglanz_, secondly _ofenbruch_. The name

_galena_ seems to have been borrowed from foreign metallurgic works,

perhaps from the Spanish, as was conjectured by Agricola in Bermannus,

p. 434. This, at any rate, is more probable than the derivation of

Vossius from γέλειν, _splendere_, especially as the Greeks have not

the word _galena_.

[508] I explain the passage in this manner, but I acknowledge that

difficulties still remain. I have however thought that it might perhaps

be thus understood; that in the process of fusion, as then used, the

_galena_ formed the third part of the weight of the ore or paste, and

lead a third part of the _galena_; though I doubt whether the products

of metallic works were then so accurately weighed. I shall leave the

reader to determine whether the two explanations of Savot are better.

He supposes either that Pliny gives three ways of obtaining lead,

namely, from lead ore, argentiferous ore, and _galena_; or that he says

that silver forms a third, lead a third, and slag the remaining third.

But if the first opinion be correct, why did Pliny say “Plumbi origo

duplex?”

[509] Bermannus, pp. 450, 485.

[510] De Re Metallica, lib. iii. Franc. (1551), 8vo.

[511] De Metallis, cap. 22. Franc. 1606, fol. i. p. 322.

[512] Discours sur les médailles antiques par Louis Savot. Paris, 1627,

4to, ii. 2, p. 48. This work contains valuable information in regard to

the mineralogy of the ancients.

[513] In Aldrovandi Musæum Metallicum. Bonon. 1648, fol. p. 181.

[514] J. Jungii Doxoscopia, Hamb. 1662, cap. 5, _de metalli speciebus_.

[515] I shall here point out a few passages where such vessels

are mentioned. Dioscorides, ii. 84, p. 109.--Plin. xxix. 2, § 20;

xxx. 5, § 12, and xxx. 7, § 19.--Columella, xii. 41.--Vegetius, i.

16.--Scribonius Largus Composit. Med. Patavii, 1655, 4to, § 230.

[516] Sueton. Vitell. 6, p. 192; where it is said tin, which was of a

white colour, was to serve instead of silver.

[517] In the work already quoted, i. cap. 32, p. 64: “Vides stannum

Plinio esse quiddam de plumbo nigro, nempe primum fluorem plumbi

nigri;” so that when our lead ore is fused, the first part that flows

would be the _stannum_ of Pliny. “Et hoc docet Plinius adulterari

plumbo candido;” with our tin, and properly considered the _stannum_ of

Pliny is merely our _halbwerk_, of which those cans called _halbwerk_

are made.

Entzel deserves that I should here revive the remembrance of him. He

was a native of Salfeld; preacher, _pastor Osterhusensis_, and a friend

of Melancthon, who recommended the book for publication to Egenholf, a

bookseller of Frankfort, in a letter dated 1551, in which year it was

first printed. It was reprinted at the same place in 1557, and at Basle

in 1555, 8vo.

[518] The French letter-founders take four-fifths of lead and one-fifth

regulus of antimony; those of Berlin use eleven pounds of antimony,

twenty-five of lead, and five of iron. Many add also tin, copper, and

brass. [Those of England use three parts of lead and one of antimony.]

[519] Von Hutten-werken, p. 376.

[520] A good account of this manufactory may be found in the Journal

für Fabrik, Manufact. Handlung und Mode, 1793. We are told there that

the buttons were made of a composition which had a white silver-like

colour, and was susceptible of a fine polish. [This was probably some

alloy of nickel, one of the principal constituents of German silver.]

[521] Lib. iii. p. 254.

[522] That the merchants, in the oldest periods, endeavoured by false

information to conceal the sources of their trade, might be proved by

various instances.

[523] Supplementa in Lexica Hebraica p. 151.

[524] The authors here quoted, corresponding to the above letters, are

as follows:--

[a] Plinius, xxxiv. 16, p. 668.

[b] Cæsar De Bello Gallico, v. 12.

[c] Aristot. Auscult. Mirab. cap. 51, p. 100.

[d] Galenus De Antidot. i. 8. p. 209. ed. gr. Basil. vol. ii. p. 431.

[e] Plin. iv. 22. p. 630.

[f] Herodot. lib. iii. p. 254. edit. Wess.

[g] Plin. iv. 16, p. 223.

[h] Strabo, lib. iii. p. 219. ed. Almel.

[i] Strabo, lib. xv. p. 1055.

[j] Diodor. Sic. lib. v. p. 347. ed. Wess.

[k] Diod. Sic. lib. v. p. 361.

[l] Stephan. Byzant. v. Tartessus, p. 639.

[m] Dionys. Periegesis, v. 563.

[n] Prisciani Perieg. v. 575.

[o] Avienus Descript. Urbis, v. 743.

[p] Homeri Iliad. xviii. 612.

[q] Iliad. xi. 25.

[r] Iliad. xxiii. 561.

[s] Iliad. xviii. 565, 574.

[t] Hesiod. Scut. Herculis, v. 208.

[u] Aristot. Œconom. lib. ii. p. 594.

[v] Pollux Onomast. p. 1055.

[w] Pomp. Mela, iii. 6, 24, p. 275.

[x] Plin. xxxiii. 5, p. 621.

[y] Plin. xxxiv. 17, § 48, p. 669; and lib. xxxiii. § 45: Optima

specula apud majores fuerant Brundisiana stanno et ære

mixtis. From a similar mixture the best metallic specula are

cast at present.

[525] Borlase’s Antiquities of Cornwall. Ox. 1754, fol. p. 29.

[526] Lib. iv. cap. 22, p. 230.

[527] Minéralogie Homerique, Par. 1790, 8vo. A small treatise much

esteemed.

[528] Lib. xi. 24, 25.

[529] See what I have already said, vol. i. p. 472.

[530] Savot, p. 53.--Watson’s Chemical Essays, iv. p. 187.

[531] Schefferi Lapponia, Francof. 1673, 4to, pp. 210, 261, where a

figure is given of a Lapland woman drawing threads.

[532] Phil. Trans. 1702, 1703, vol. xxiii. p. 1129.

[533] Phil. Trans. 1759, vol. li. p. 13, where figures of the vessels

are given. Whitaker’s Hist. of Manchester, i. p. 306.

[534] Borlase’s Cornwall, p. 30; and his Observations on the Islands of

Scilly. Oxf. 1756, 4to.

[535] Natural Hist. of Cornwall, p. 177.

[536] In the Antiquities of Cornwall, p. 394: _Ik_, _yk_, _ick_, a

common termination of creeks in Cornwall, as _Pordinik_, _Pradnik_.

[537] Dionysii Orbis Descriptio. Londini, 1679, 8vo, p. 220, where

Hill’s observations deserve to be read.

[538] Voyages de Chardin. Rouen, 1723, 12mo, iv. 65, where it is

expressly said that Persia has no tin, but that it obtains it from

India. The same thing is confirmed by Tavernier.

[539] Fortunati Opera. Romæ, 1786, 4to, i. p. 14, lib. i. cap. 8.

[540] Proofs may be found in Dufresne.

[541] Wencesl. Hagec Böhmische Chronik. Nürnb. 1697, fol. p. 53.

[542] For example, Borlase in Natur. Hist.--Speed’s Theatre of Great

Britain.--Camden’s Britannia.--Anderson’s Hist. of Commerce, &c.

[543] This metal, however, must have remained long dear; for it is

remarked in the Archæologia, vol. iii. p. 154, from an expense-book

of the Earls of Northumberland, that vessels of tin, about the year

1500, in consequence of their dearness, had not become common. This is

confirmed also by a regulation respecting the household of Henry VIII.,

printed also in the Archæologia, where it is said, “Officers of the

squillery to see all the vessels, as well silver as pewter, be kept and

saved from stealing.”

[544] C. Bruschii redivivi Beschreib. des Fichtelberges. Nürnb. 1683.

[545] See Gegenwärtiger Staat von England, Portugal, und Spanien (by

Theodore King of Corsica), ii. p. 25.

[546] Narrisch Weisheit, p. 51.

[547] Yarranton’s England’s Improvement by Sea and Land, 1698.

[548] Watson’s Chem. Essays, iv. p. 203.--Anderson’s Commerce.

[549] This is related by Diderot in his article _Fer-blanc_ in the

Encyclopédie. That the _Fer-blanc_ of the French is tin plate every

one knows; but what are we to understand by _ferrum candidum_, a

hundred talents of which were given as a present to Alexander in India?

No commentator has noticed this appellation. In the index, however,

to Snakenburg’s Curtius, I find the conjecture that it may mean the

_ferrum Indicum_, which, lib. xvi. § 7. _ff_ de Publicanis, or Digest.

xxxix. 4, § 16, 7, is named among the articles liable to pay duty; but

some editions in this passage have _ebenum Indicum_. The reader is

referred also to Photii Biblioth. p. 145, where Ctesias relates a fable

in regard to Indian iron. Pliny, xxxiv. 14, p. 667, mentions _ferrum

Sericum_, which in his time was considered as the best; but still it

may be asked, why is the epithet white applied in particular to the

Indian iron? Compare Aristot. de Mirab. Auscult. pp. 96, 426.

[550] Ramusio, fol. i. p. 166. c.

[551] Ib. i. p. m. 317. d.

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