[Transcriber's Note: The spelling inconsistencies of the original
are retained in this etext.]
NARRATIVE
OF A
VOYAGE
TO SENEGAL
IN 1816.
_No person can read this Interesting Narrative without being deeply
affected by the perils and misfortunes to which the small remnant of
persons, who were saved from this deplorable Shipwreck, were exposed. Of
one hundred and fifty persons embarked upon the raft, and left to their
fate, only fifteen remained alive thirteen days afterwards; but of these
fifteen, so miraculously saved, life constituted the sole possession, being
literally stripped of every thing. At Paris, some benevolent individuals
have recently opened a subscription for their relief. Should any persons,
in this country, feel disposed to contribute to this humane object, Mr.
Colburn will feel great pleasure in becoming the medium for transmitting
their subscriptions to the unfortunate sufferers._
NARRATIVE
OF A
VOYAGE TO SENEGAL
IN 1816;
UNDERTAKEN BY ORDER OF THE FRENCH GOVERNMENT,
COMPRISING AN ACCOUNT
OF THE
Shipwreck of the Medusa,
THE SUFFERINGS OF THE CREW,
AND THE VARIOUS OCCURRENCES ON BOARD THE RAFT,
IN THE DESERT OF ZAARA, AT ST. LOUIS,
AND AT THE CAMP OF DACCARD.
TO WHICH ARE SUBJOINED
OBSERVATIONS RESPECTING THE AGRICULTURE
OF THE
WESTERN COAST OF AFRICA,
FROM CAPE BLANCO TO THE MOUTH OF THE GAMBIA.
BY
J.B. HENRY SAVIGNY,
AND
ALEXANDER CORRÉARD.
ILLUSTRATED WITH THE NOTES OF M. BREDIF
AND EMBELLISHED WITH
A PLAN OF THE RAFT, AND A PORTRAIT OF KING ZAIDE.
1818.
ADVERTISEMENT.
At the moment that we publish a Second Edition of our Narrative, we learn
that Mr. Sevigny [A] is going to publish a pretended Account, by Mr.
Richefort, an auxiliary Ex-Officer of the French Marine.
Our readers will not have forgotten a certain pretended sea-officer who was
partly the cause of our misfortunes, and who, when on board the Medusa,
gave such unhappy advice to the captain, who still more unhappily, followed
it too closely; well; this _ex-officer_, this fatal _auxiliary_, who
conducted the frigate upon the bank of Arguin, is no other than Mr.
Richefort!
Having gone on board the governor's boat, he remained a stranger to the
disasters which he had partly caused, and consequently, knew nothing of
what passed, either upon the raft, or on board the boats which stranded, or
in the desert.
We make no farther remarks; the public will judge of his account and ours.
CORRÉARD AND SAVIGNY.
[A] This Mr. Sevigny must not be confounded with Mr. Savigny, one of the
authors of this narrative.
This Mr. Sevigny is one of the directors of an anonymous company, which one
of the King's Ministers has recommended in the following manner:
"The keeper of the seals has informed the magistrates, that an anonymous
company, which had formed itself under the name of the _Colonial
Philanthropic Society of Senegambia_, and which announced the project of
procuring for all those who should confide in it, colonial establishments
on the coasts near Cape Verd, has received no authority from the
government, and that, on the steps which it has taken, to obtain such
authority, it has been found that it was not in a condition to fulfil its
promises, which, therefore, were a kind of snare, for those whom they might
have seduced. It has been, consequently, prohibited from making any
enterprise, or any expedition. The agents of this Society having no other
object than to deceive the public credulity, must be denounced to his
Majesty's Attorney-General, who will take against them the measures
prescribed by the law."
(_Journal des Débats, Novembre _24, 1817.)
PREFACE.
The annals of the marine, record no example of a shipwreck so terrible as
that of the Medusa frigate. Two of the unfortunate crew, who have
miraculously escaped from the catastrophe, impose upon themselves the
painful and delicate task, of describing all the circumstances which
attended it.
It was in the midst of the most cruel sufferings that we took the solemn
resolution, to make known, to the civilized world, all the details of our
unhappy adventure, if heaven permitted us again to see our dear country. We
should believe that we failed in our duty to ourselves, and to our fellow
citizens, if we left buried in oblivion facts which the public must be
desirous to know. All the details of the events at which we were not
present, have been communicated to us by respectable persons, who have
warranted their authenticity. We shall, besides, advance nothing which
cannot be proved.
Here, we hear some voices ask, what right we have to make known to the
government, men who are, perhaps, guilty, but whom their places, and their
rank, entitle to more respect. They are ready to make it a crime in us,
that we have dared to say, that officers of the marine had abandoned us.
But what interest, we ask, in our turn, should cause a fatal indulgence to
be claimed for those, who have failed in their duties; while the
destruction of a hundred and fifty wretches, left to the most cruel fate,
scarcely excited a murmur of disapprobation? Are we still in those times,
when men and things were sacrificed to the caprices of favour? Are the
resources and the dignities of the State, still the exclusive patrimony of
a privileged class? and are there other titles to places and honours,
besides merit and talents?
Let us venture to advance another truth, a truth useful to the Minister
himself. There exists among the officers of the Marine, an intractable
_esprit de corps_, a pretended point of honour, equally false and arrogant,
which leads them to consider as an insult to the whole navy, the discovery
of one guilty individual. This inadmissible principle, which is useful only
to insignificance, to intrigue, to people the least worthy to call on the
name of honour, has the most ruinous consequences for the State, and the
public service. By this, incapacity and baseness are always covered with a
guilty veil, which they dare to attempt to render sacred; by this, the
favours of government are bestowed at random, upon persons, who impose upon
it the strange obligation of being perpetually in the dark respecting them.
Under the protection of this obligation of officious silence, hitherto
seconded by the slavery of the press, men without talents survive every
revolution, exhibit in every antichamber their privileged incapacity, and
braving public opinion, even that of their comrades, who are the first
victims of a foolish and arrogant prejudice, which deceives them, shew
themselves more eager to monopolise favours and honours, in proportion as
they are less able to render themselves worthy of them.
We shall believe that we have deserved well of our government, if our
faithful narrative can make it sensible how much its confidence is abused.
Just, besides, and not animated by passion, it is with real pleasure that
we shall make those known, who, by their conduct in our shipwreck, have
acquired a right to general esteem. Others will doubtless complain of the
severity of our accusing language; but honest men will grant us their
approbation. If we hear it said, that our frankness may have been useful to
our country, this success will be, at once, our justification and our
recompence.
We have questioned, concerning the nautical details, several gentlemen of
the navy who were on board; we confess, however, that on comparing their
accounts, we have observed that they did not always entirely agree; but we
have taken those facts which had the most witnesses in their favour. We
shall be sometimes obliged to record cruel truths; they will, however, be
directed only to those, whose unskilfulness, or pusillanimity have caused
these dreadful events. We venture to affirm, that the numerous
observations, which we have collected, will give to our work all the
accuracy rigorously required in so interesting a narrative.
We must observe to our readers that it has been impossible for us to avoid
the use of naval terms, which will, perhaps, give a great degree of
roughness to our narrative, but we hope that the public who are always
indulgent, will be so on this occasion, to two unfortunate men, who pretend
only to make them acquainted with the truth, and not to give them a
superior work. Besides, as we in a manner, submit these events, to the
judgment of the gentlemen of the French Navy, it was necessary to make use
of the technical terms, that they might be able to understand us.
This second edition is enriched with notes, which will give the reader
interesting details on many points, which in the former we could only
slightly touch upon. He will have nothing more to desire, particularly
respecting the march in the desert after the stranding of the long-boat.
These notes begin with the moment that the frigate stranded, and terminate
with the arrival at St. Louis.
They were communicated to us by Mr. Landry, an officer of the Royal
University, Professor Emeritus of the Academy of Paris, and at present at
the head of a school or Academy, in the Rue Cerisaye, No. 2, quarter of the
Arsenal, at Paris. He has had the kindness to extract them for us from a
narrative, written by his nephew, Mr. Bredif, Engineer of Mines, belonging
to the expedition to Senegal.
The Narrator sent this account to his family above a year ago, addressing
it to his sister. The reader will, therefore, not be surprised at the tone
of simplicity which prevails in this recital. Mr. Landry would not take
away any part for fear of injuring the truth of the circumstances, by
meddling with it. If Mr. Bredif, is always placed in the fore-ground, that
is not surprising; in a sister, a brother is the principal object which she
cannot lose sight of for a moment.
He who loves to observe men, in all the circumstances, in which they may be
placed, will easily judge, after what Mr. Bredif did or felt, what may have
been done or felt by the sharers in the same misfortunes, who are, besides,
never forgotten.
Mr. Bredif is now in the interior of Africa, employed upon the Mission
which the government has entrusted to him; the last accounts from him are
of the 14th of October, 1817. The manner in which he knows how to give an
account of the facts which he has observed, and still more the courage, the
prudence, and humanity, which he displayed in the disaster of the Medusa,
and in all that followed it, give reason to hope, and this hope cannot be
deceived, that be will duly execute his Mission, and render himself worthy
of his Majesty's favours.
[Illustration: PLAN of the RAFT of the MEDUSA, at the moment of its being
abandoned. 150 Frenchmen were placed on this Machine. 15 only were saved 13
days after.]
NARRATIVE OF A VOYAGE TO SENEGAL.
INTRODUCTION
The French settlements, situated on the western coast of Africa, from Cape
Blanco to the mouth of the river Gambia, have been alternately possessed by
France and England, and have remained definitively in the hands of the
French, whose ancestors laid the foundations of them previously to the
fourteenth century, when they discovered this country.
The English made themselves masters in 1758 of the Isle of St Louis, the
seat of the general government of all the settlements which the French have
on that part of the coast; we recovered it twenty years after, in 1779 and
our possessions were again confirmed to us by the treaty of peace between
France and England, concluded on the 3d of September, 1783. In 1808, our
possessions fell again into the power of the English, less by the
superiority of their arms, than by the treachery of some individuals
unworthy of bearing the name of Frenchmen. They were finally restored to us
by the treaties of peace of 1814, and 1815, which confirmed that of 1783 in
its whole extent.
The stipulations of this treaty regulate the respective rights of the two
nations on the Western coast of Africa; they fix the possessions of France
as follows:--from Cape Blanco situated in longitude 19° 30', and
latitude 20° 55' 30", to the mouth of the river Gambia in longitude 19° 9',
and latitude 13°; they guarantee this property exclusively to our country,
and only permit the English to trade together with the French, for gum,
from the river St. John to Fort Portendick inclusive, on condition, that
they shall not form establishments of any kind whatsoever in this river, or
upon any point of this coast. Only it is said, that the possession of the
factory of Albreda, situated at the month of the river Gambia, and that of
fort James, are confirmed to England.
The rights of the two nations being thus regulated, France thought of
resuming her possessions and the enjoyment of her rights. The minister of
the marine after having long meditated, and taken two years to prepare an
expedition of four vessels, at last gave orders that it should sail for
Senegal. The following is a list of the persons who composed the
expedition.
A Colonel, to command in chief for the king on the whole
coast from Cape Blanco to the mouth of the river Gambia, and
charged with the superior direction of the administration... 1
A Lieutenant-Colonel, (chef de bataillon) commandant of
Goree....................................................... 1
A Lieutenant-Colonel commanding the African battalion,
composed of three companies of 84 men each.................. 253
A Lieutenant of Artillery, inspector of the powder magazines
and batteries, and commanding ten workmen of his arm........ 11
A Commissary, inspector of the marine, chief of the
administration.............................................. 1
Four Store-keepers.......................................... 4
Six Clerks.................................................. 6
Four Scouts (guetteurs)..................................... 4
Two Curés................................................... 2
Two Schoolmasters (instituteurs)............................ 2
Two Writers (greffiers, they supply the place of the
notaries and even of the mayors)............................ 2
Two Hospital Directors...................................... 2
Two Apothecaries............................................ 2
Five Surgeons............................................... 5
Two Port Captains........................................... 2
Three Pilots................................................ 3
A Gardener.................................................. 1
Eighteen Women.............................................. 18
Eight Children.............................................. 8
Four Bakers................................................. 4
Farther for an intended expedition into the country of
Galam.
An Engineer of mines........................................ 1
A Geographical Engineer..................................... 1
A Naturalist (cultivateur naturaliste)...................... 1
Farther for an expedition which was to seek upon Cape Verd,
or in its neighbourhood for a spot proper for the foundation
of a colony.
A Physician................................................. 1
An Agriculturist for European productions................... 1
An Agriculturist for colonial productions................... 1
Two Geographical Engineers.................................. 2
A Naturalist................................................ 1
An officer of the marine.................................... 1
Twenty workmen.............................................. 20
Three Women................................................. 3
Total 365
This expedition consisted therefore of 365 persons, of whom about 240 were
embarked on board the _Medusa_ frigate.
NARRATIVE, &c. &c.
On the 17th of June, 1816, at seven in the morning, the expedition for
Senegal sailed from the roads of the Island of Aix, under the command of
Captain Chaumareys; the vessels composing it were the _Medusa_[1] frigate
of 44 guns, Captain Chaumareys; the _Echo_[2] corvette, Captain Cornet de
Venancourt; the flute _La Loire_, commanded by Lieutenant Giquel
Destouches; and the _Argus_[3] brig, commanded by Lieutenant Parnajon. The
wind was northerly, blowing a fresh breeze; we carried all our sails; but
had hardly cleared the port when the wind scanted a little, and we tacked
to double the Tower of Chassiron, which is placed at the extremity of the
Isle of Oleron.[4] After having plied to windward the whole day, in the
evening about five o'clock, the _Loire_ being unable to stem the currents
which were at that time contrary, and hindered her from entering the
_passes_, desired leave to cast anchor; M. de Chaumareys granted it, and
ordered the whole squadron to anchor. We were then half a league from the
Isle of Rhé, within what is called the _"Pertuis d'Antioche."_ We cast
anchor the first, and all the other vessels came and placed themselves near
us. The _Loire _being a dull sailer, was the last which came to an anchor.
The weather was fine: the wind N.W. and consequently too near to allow us
to double Chassiron, with a contrary current. At seven in the evening, at
the beginning of the ebb, we weighed anchor, and hoisted our sails; all the
other vessels did the same: the signal to get under way had been given them
a few minutes before. At night we found ourselves between the lights of
Chassiron and La Baleine.[5] A few moments sufficed to double them; we were
scarcely clear, when the wind became almost calm; the vessels no longer
obeyed the helm, the sky grew dark, the sea was very hollow, in short every
thing announced a storm; the wind threatened to blow from the west, and
consequently to become contrary; it was variable and squally; towards ten
o'clock it was perceived that we were running directly upon a danger,
called _Les Roches Bonnes_.[6] We tacked to escape certain destruction;
between eleven and twelve at night, a storm arose in the north, and brought
on wind from that quarter; we were then able to advance; the clouds
dispersed, and the next day the weather was very fine, with a breeze from
the N.E. but very faint; for some days we made but very little progress.
On the 21st or 22d we doubled Cape Finisterre; beyond this point which
bounds the Gulph of Gascony, the _Loire_ and the _Argus_ parted company;
these vessels sailing very ill, it was impossible for them to keep up with
the frigate, which to enable them to do so, would have been obliged to take
in her top-gallant sails and studding sails.
The _Echo_ alone was in sight, but at a great distance, and carrying a
press of sail not to lose sight of us. The frigate was so much a better
sailer than the corvette, that with a small quantity of sail, she not only
kept up with her, but even got a-head of her in a surprising manner; the
wind had freshened and we were going at the rate of nine knots.[7]
An unfortunate accident disturbed the pleasure we felt at being so favoured
by the wind; a sailor lad 15 years of age, fell into the sea, through one
of the fore port-holes, on the larboard side; a great many persons were at
the time, on the poop and the breast work, looking at the gambols of the
porpoises.[8] The exclamations of pleasure at beholding the sports of these
animals, were succeeded by cries of pity; for some moments the unfortunate
youth held by the end of a rope, which he caught hold of in his fall; but
the rapidity with which the frigate sailed, soon forced him to let go; a
signal was made to acquaint the _Echo_ with this accident; that vessel was
at a considerable distance, and we were going to fire a gun to second the
signal, but there was not one loaded, however we threw out the life
buoy.[9] The sails were clewed up, and the ship hove to. This manoeuvre was
long; we should have come to the wind, as soon as they cried, "a man
overboard," it is true that somebody cried aloud from the poop, that he was
saved; and a sailor had indeed caught him by the arm, but he had been
obliged to let him go, because he would have been pulled overboard himself:
a boat was however let down; it was a six-oared barge in which there were
only three men: it was all in vain; and after having looked for some time,
the boat came on board again without having found even the buoy. If the
unfortunate youth, who seemed to swim pretty well, had strength to reach
it, he doubtless perished on it, after having experienced the most cruel
sufferings. The ship was trimmed, and we resumed our course.
The _Echo_ rejoined us, and for some time she kept within hail; but we soon
lost her. On the 26th, we plied to windward during the night, fearing lest
we should strike on the eight rocks, which are situated the most
_Northerly_, in 34° 45', Latitude, and the most _Southerly_ in latitude,
34° 30', so that the extent of this danger is about five leagues from
_North_ to _South_ and about four leagues from _East_ to _West_: the most
southerly rock is distant about forty leagues to the _North_, 5° East, from
the East point of Madeira.
On the 27th, in the morning we expected to see the island of Madeira, we
however proceeded to no purpose till noon, at which hour we made an
observation to ascertain our situation. The solar observation made us East,
and West of Porto Santo; we continued on the same tack, and in the evening
at sunset, the man at the mast head discovered, land.[10] This error in the
arrival, was at least thirty leagues in the East. It was attributed to the
currents of the straits of Gibraltar; if this error really arises from the
currents of the strait, it merits the attention of vessels which frequent
these seas. The whole night we proceeded with few sails up; at midnight we
tacked, in order not to approach too near to the land.[A1]
The next morning at day break we saw very distinctly the islands of Madeira
Porto Santo; on the larboard, were those called Desert; Madeira was at
least twelve leagues off: sailing before the wind we made nine knots, and
in a few hours we were very near it. For a considerable time we ran along
the coast of the island at a small distance from shore: we passed before
the principal towns, Funchal and Do Sob.[A2]
Madeira appears like an amphitheatre; the country houses which cover it
seem to be in a very good taste, and give it a charming appearance. All
these delightful habitations are surrounded by fine gardens, and fields
covered with orange and lemon trees, which when the wind blows from the
shore, diffuse for full half a league in the open sea, the most agreeable
perfume. The hills are covered with vineyards, bordered with banian trees:
in short every thing is combined to render Madeira one of the most
beautiful islands of Africa. Its soil is only a vegetable sand, mixed with
an ash, which gives it astonishing fertility; it shews every where nothing
but the remains of a volcanised earth, the colour of which is that of the
element, by which it was long consumed. Funchal, the capital town of the
islands is situated in long. 19°. 20'. 30." in lat. 32° 37'. 40". This town
is far from handsome, the streets are narrow and the houses in general ill
built: the highest part of the island is the Pic de Ruvio, which rises
about two hundred metres above the level of the sea. The population of
Madeira is from 85,000 to 90,000, inhabitants as we are assured by a person
worthy of credit, who has resided for some time in that fine colony.
We sailed in this manner along the coast of Madeira, because the intention
of the commander was to send a boat on shore for refreshments; but being
surprised by a calm under the land, we were afraid of approaching too near,
lest we should not be able to stem the strong currents which set towards
it. A gentle breeze arising, enabled us to get out to sea, where the wind
became favorable, and pretty brisk; it was resolved that the boat should
not go on shore: and we resumed our course going at eight knots. We had
remained three hours opposite Funchal bay. At nightfall Madeira was in full
sight: the next morning at sun-rise we saw the islands called Salvages, and
in the evening we descried the Pico of Teneriffe, on the island of that
name. This lofty mountain, behind which the sun had just set, presented a
sight truly magnificent; its summit seemed to be crowned with fire: its
elevation above the level of the sea, is 3711 metres; it is situated in
lat. 28° 17' and in long. 19°. Several persons on board affirmed that they
saw the Pico at eight o'clock in the morning; and yet we were at least
thirty leagues distant from it; the sky it is true, was extremely clear.
The commander resolved to send a boat to St. Croix, one of the principal
towns in the island, to fetch fruits, and some filtering stones, which are
made in that town; they are only a kind of mortar, made of the volcanic
stone of the country. In consequence, during the whole night we made short
tacks; the next morning we coasted the island, at the distance of two
musket shot, and passed under the guns of a little fort, called _Fort
Français_. One of our companions leaped for joy, at the sight of this
little fort, which was raised in haste by a few Frenchmen, when the
English, under Admiral Nelson, attempted to take possession of the Colony.
It was there, said he, that a numerous fleet, commanded by one of the
bravest Admirals of the English navy, failed before a handful of French,
who covered themselves with glory and saved Teneriffe; the Admiral was
obliged to take flight, after having lost an arm in the contest, which was
long and obstinate.
Having doubled a point which extends into the sea, we entered the bay, at
the bottom of which is the town of St. Croix. The appearance of Teneriffe
is majestic: the whole island is composed of mountains, which are extremely
high, and crowned with rocks terrifying from their size, which on the north
side, seem to rise perpendicularly above the surface of the ocean, and to
threaten every moment to crush by their fall, the vessels which pass near
their base. Above them all rises the Pico, the summit of which is lost in
the clouds. We did not perceive that the Pic was constantly covered with
snow as some voyagers affirm, nor that it vomits forth lava of melted
metal; for when we observed it, its summit seemed intirely destitute of
snow and of volcanic eruptions. At the foot of the mountain, and up to a
certain elevation excavations filled with sulphur are observed; and in its
neighbourhood several of the sepulchral caverns of the Guanches, the
ancient inhabitants of the island.
Towards noon the _Echo_ corvette, which had parted company, rejoined us,
and passed under the stern of the frigate: she was ordered to imitate our
manoeuvres, which she instantly did; she did not send any boat on shore.
Thus united, we lay to together in the bay of St. Croix. About four o'clock
in the afternoon, the boat having returned on board we directed our course
for Senegal. They had bought in the town some earthen jars of a large size,
precious wines, oranges, lemons, banian figs, and vegetables of all kinds.
Several unfortunate Frenchmen were on the island who had been long
prisoners of war; they lived upon what the Spaniards chose to give them.
They had been restored to liberty on the conclusion of peace, and waited
only for a favorable opportunity to return to France. Their entreaties to
the officer who commanded the boat were useless; he had the cruelty to
refuse to restore them to their country and their families. In this boat
there was another officer M. Laperère, who strongly insisted on bringing
away these unfortunate persons; his entreaties could not move him who
commanded the boat.
The depravity of morals at St. Croix is extreme; so much so that when the
women heard that some Frenchmen were arrived in the town, they placed
themselves at their doors, and when they passed, urged them to enter. All
this is usually done in the presence of the husbands, who have no right to
oppose it, because the Holy Inquisition will have it so, and because the
monks who are very numerous in the island take care that this custom is
observed. They possess the art of blinding the husbands, by means of the
_prestiges_ of religion, which they abuse in the highest degree; they cure
them of their jealousy, to which they are much inclined, by assuring them
that their passion, which they call ridiculous, or conjugal mania, is
nothing but the persecution of Satan which torments them, and from which
they alone are able to deliver them, by inspiring their dear consorts with
some religious sentiments. These abuses are almost inevitable in a burning
climate, where the passion of love is often stronger than reason, and
sometimes breaks through the barriers which religion attempts to oppose to
it: this depravity of morals must therefore be attributed to inflamed
passions, and not to abuses facilitated by a religion so sublime as ours.
The Island of Teneriffe is not equal to that of Madeira: one cannot even
compare their agricultural productions, on account of the great difference
of their soils: but in a commercial view, Teneriffe has the advantage of
Madeira. Its geographical position in the middle of the Canaries, enables
it to carry on an extensive trade, while Madeira is confined to the sale
and exchange of its wines for articles of European manufacture.
The soil of Teneriffe is much drier; a great part of it is too volcanic to
be used for agriculture: every part of it however, which is capable of
producing anything is very well cultivated, which should seem to prove,
that the Spaniards of this country are naturally much less indolent than
they have been represented.[A3]
When we were in the open sea we had favorable winds from the N.N.E.
In the night of the 29th of June the frigate caught fire between decks, by
the negligence of the master baker; but being discovered in time, the fire
was extinguished. In the following night the same accident was repeated;
but this time it was necessary, in order to stop the progress of the fire,
to pull down the oven which was rebuilt the next day.
On the 1st of July we descried Cape Bayados, situated in latitude 26° 12'
30", and in longitude 16° 47'. We then saw the skirts of the immense desert
of Zaara, and we thought we perceived the mouth of the river St. John [A4],
which is very little known. We passed the tropic at ten o'clock in the
morning; the usual ceremony was there performed with a certain pomp; the
jokes of the sailors amused us for some moments; we were far from thinking
of the cruel event which was soon to deprive of their lives a third of the
persons who were on board the frigate. This custom of tropical baptism is
strange enough; the chief object of it, is, to procure the sailors some
money.
From St. Croix, we had constantly steered to the S.S.W. During the ceremony
at the tropic we doubled Cape Barbas, situated in lat. 22° 6', and long.
19° 8': two officers suddenly had the course changed, without informing the
captain; this led to a pretty warm dispute, which however had no serious
consequences. These two officers affirmed that we were running upon a group
of rocks, and that we were already very near to the breakers. We had sailed
the whole morning in the Gulph of St. Cyprian, the bottom of which is
strewed with rocks, so that at low water, brigantines cannot frequent these
seas, as we were told at Senegal by M. Valentin, senior, who is perfectly
acquainted with this whole coast, and could not conceive how the frigate
could have passed amidst all these reefs without striking. The shore was
within half a cannon shot, and we clearly saw enormous rocks over which the
sea broke violently.[11] If it had fallen calm, there is no doubt but the
strong currents which set, in-shore, would have infallibly carried us into
danger.
In the evening we thought we descried Cape Blanco[A5], and according to
the instructions given by the Navy Office, we steered W.S.W. During a part
of the night the _Echo_, with which we had constantly kept company since we
left Madeira, burnt several charges of powder and hung a lanthorn at the
mizen-mast; her signals were not answered in the same manner; only a
lanthorn was hung for a few moments to the fore-mast; it went out soon
after, and was not replaced by another light. M. Savigny was on deck where
he remained a part of the night: he had full opportunity to perceive the
negligence of the officer of the watch, who did not even deign to answer
the signals made by the _Echo_[A6]. Why, in the neighbourhood of so
formidable a danger, not compare the points of the two ships, as is usual
when vessels sail in company? The captain of the frigate was not even
informed of the signals of the corvette. At eleven o'clock, she bore off
the larboard bow; and soon after he perceived that the direction of her
course made a pretty large angle with ours, and that it tended to cross us
passing a-head; he soon perceived her on the starboard: it is affirmed that
her journal states that she sailed the whole night W.S.W. ours does the
same. We must necessarily have hauled to the larboard, or she to the
starboard, since at day-break the corvette was no longer in sight.
At sea a vessel may easily be perceived at the distance of six leagues.
From midnight till six in the morning, she must have gained above six
leagues of us, which is not to be imagined, for she sailed much slower than
we and stopped every two hours to take soundings. To explain this
separation we must necessarily admit either that the frigate steered more
south, or the corvette more west, if the two vessels had run on the same
tack it would be impossible to explain it.
Every two hours the frigate brought-to, to sound; every half hour the lead
was cast without lowering the sails; we were always upon shallows, and
stood out to sea, to find a greater quantity of water: at length about six
o'clock in the morning we had above a hundred fathoms; we then stood-to the
S.S.E.; this course made almost a right angle with that which we had
followed in the night: it bore directly in-shore, the approach to which, in
this place, is rendered terrible by a very long reef, called Arguin, which
according to instructions we had on board extends above thirty leagues in
breadth.[12] According to the instructions given by the Minister of the
Marine, this danger is avoided by running only twenty-two leagues in the
open sea; it is true they recommend not to approach the shore but with the
greatest precaution, and with the sounding line in the hand: the other
ships of the expedition which sailed according to those instructions all
arrived at St. Louis without any accident, which is a certain proof of
their exactness.[13] Besides it is said, that one must make W.S.W., when
one has discerned Cape Blanco; and it is probable we had not got sight of
it in the evening, as was supposed. We therefore had an uncertain point of
departure; hence the error which was so fatal to us.
According to my Comrade Corréard, we cannot pass over in silence, a scene
which took place in the morning. The Captain was deceived in the most
singular manner; about five or six o'clock he was called up; some persons
who were on deck persuaded him that a great cloud which was in the
direction of Cape Blanco and in truth very near it, was that Cape itself.
My companion in misfortune, who sees clearly, and who knows how to
distinguish between a rock and a cloud, because he has seen enough of them
in the Alps, where he was born, told those gentlemen that it was only a
cape of vapour; he was answered that the instructions which the minister
had given to the captain prescribed to him to make this cape; but that we
had passed it above ten leagues; that at this moment the question was, to
make the captain believe that the instructions of the minister had been
punctually followed, and that they desired to persuade him, which was not
difficult, that this cloud was the Cape. Many have deposed, as we have been
told, that Cape Blanco, had been seen in the evening of the 1st of July: we
venture to affirm that that rock was not seen at all.
After this pretended reconnaissance of the 2d July, if we were persuaded
that we had seen that Cape, we should have steered west, to double the bank
of Arguin; the danger once passed, the course should have been again
directed to the south which is the route to Senegal; but he who for some
days past had guided the course of the ship, thought proper to persuade the
captain, to take immediately the southerly course, and to steer for
Portendic. We are ignorant of the reasons which induced the commander of
the frigate to give his confidence to a man who did not belong to the
staff. He was an ex-officer of the marine, who had just left an English
prison, where he had been for ten years; he certainly had not acquired
there knowledge superior to that of the officers on board, whom this mark
of deference could not but offend. M. de Chaumareys, while we were doubling
Cape Barbas, presided at the farce performed in passing the Tropic, while
he who had gained his confidence, was walking up and down the deck of the
frigate, coolly observing the numerous dangers, spread along the coast.
Several persons remonstrated against this management of the vessel,
particularly Mr. Picard the greffier of Senegal, who had struck upon the
bank of Arguin eight years before; this enlightened man declared at that
time that we were running into danger.
As soon as the sun's altitude was observed to ascertain our position, we
saw, on the quarter deck, Mr. Maudet, ensign of the watch, working the
day's work, (making out the reckoning) upon a chicken coop; this officer
who knows all the duties of his profession, affirmed that we were on the
edge of the reef; he communicated this to the person who for some days past
had given his counsel to the commander respecting the course to be steered;
he received for answer; never mind, we are in eighty fathoms.[14]
If our course during the night had partly averted all our dangers, that
which was taken in the morning led us into them again. Mr. Maudet,
convinced that we were upon the reef, took upon him, to have soundings
taken; the colour of the water was intirely changed, which was observed
even by those who were the least used to recognise the depth of the sea, by
the appearance of the water; we even thought that we saw sand roll amid the
little waves that rose; numerous sea weeds were seen by the ship's side,
and a great many fish were caught. All these facts proved indubitably that
we were on shallow water: in fact the lead announced only eighteen fathoms;
the officer of the watch immediately informed the captain, who gave orders
to come a little more to the wind; we were going before the wind the
studding sails on the larboard; these sails were immediately lowered; the
lead was again cast, and showed six fathoms; the captain gave orders to
haul the wind as close as possible, but unhappily it was too late.[A7][B1]
The frigate luffing, almost immediately gave a heel; it proceeded a moment
longer; gave a second and then a third; it stopped at a place where the
sounding line showed only a depth of five metres sixty centimetres, and it
was the time of high water.
Unhappily we were in the season of the high tides, which was the most
unfavorable time for us because they were going to decline, and we ran a
ground just when the water was at the highest; for the rest, the tides do
not much differ in these seas; at the time of full moon they do not rise
more than fifty centimetres more than usual; in the spring tides the water
does not rise above one hundred and twenty centimetres on the reef. We have
already said that when we grounded, the sounding line marked only five
metres, and sixty centimetres; and at low water it marked, four metres
sixty centimetres, the frigate therefore saved by a metre: however, as soon
as we had stranded, the boats which went out to sound, met with places
deeper than that, where we struck, and many others not so deep; which made
us suppose that the reef is very uneven and covered with little elevations.
All the different manoeuvres which had been performed since the moment when
we found ourselves in eighteen fathoms, to that in which we struck,
succeeded each other with extraordinary rapidity: not above ten minutes
passed. Several persons have assured us that, if the ship had come entirely
to the wind, when we were in eighteen fathoms, the frigate might perhaps
have got clean, for she did not run wholly aground till she got to the west
part of the reef, and upon its edge.
We stranded on the 2d of July, at a quarter after three p.m. in 19° 36'
north latitude, and 19° 45' west longitude. This event spread the most
profound consternation; if in the midst of this disorder, there were any
men who remained collected enough to make observations, they must have been
struck with the extraordinary changes impressed on every countenance; some
persons were not to be recognised. Here you might see features become
shrunk and hideous; there a countenance which had assumed a yellow and even
a greenish hue, some men seemed thunderstruck and chained down to their
places, without strength to move. When they had recovered from the
stupefaction, with which they were at first seized, numbers gave themselves
up to excess of despair; while others uttered imprecations upon those whose
ignorance had been so fatal to us. An officer going upon deck, immediately
after the accident, spoke with energy to him, who, as we have already said,
had directed for some days the course of the ship, and said to him, "_See,
Sir, to what your obstinacy has brought us; I had warned you of it_." Two
women alone seemed insensible to this disaster; they were the wife and
daughter of the governor. What a shocking contrast! men who for twenty or
twenty-five years, had been exposed to a thousand dangers, were, profoundly
affected, while Madame and Mademoiselle Chemals, appeared insensible, and
as if unconcerned in these events.
As soon as the frigate stranded, the sails were hastily lowered, the top
gallant masts got down, the top masts lowered, and every thing necessary
arranged to get her off the reef. After numerous efforts, night being come,
they were suspended to give some repose to the crew, who had displayed
extreme activity. The next day, the third, the top masts were got down, the
yards lowered, and they heaved at the capstern upon an anchor which had
been fixed the evening before, at a cable's length a-stern of the frigate.
This operation was fruitless; for the anchor, which was too weak, could not
make sufficient resistance and gave way: a bower anchor was then used,
which, after infinite pains, was carried out to a considerable distance, to
a place where there was only a depth of five metres sixty centimetres; in
order to carry it so far, it was fixed behind a boat, under which was
placed a number of empty barrels fastened together because the boat was not
able to carry so considerable a weight.[15] The sea ran very high, and the
current was extremely strong.
This boat, when it reached the spot where it was to cast the anchor, could
not place it in the proper position to make the flukes fix in the sand, for
one of the extremities already touched the bottom, while the other was
still put of the water: being thus ill fixed, it could not answer the
purpose intended; when they began to heave upon it, it made very little
resistance, and would have been dragged on board again if they had
continued to work at the capstern.[16] In the course of the day, we staved
several water butts which were in the hold, and pumped immediately, the top
masts, except the small one which could not be got down, were thrown into
the sea; the yards, the boom, and all the pieces of wood which afterwards
composed.
If the loss of the vessel was certain, it was proper to secure the escape
of the crew: a council was called, at which the governor of Senegal gave
the plan of a raft, capable, it was said, of carrying two hundred men, with
provisions.[17] It was necessary to have recourse to an expedient of this
nature, because our six boats were judged to be incapable of taking on
board four hundred men, which was our number. The provisions were to be
deposited on the raft, and at the hours of meals, the crews of the boats
would have come to receive their rations: we were to reach all together the
sandy coast of the desert, and there furnished with arms and ammunition,
which were to be taken in by the boats before we left the frigate, we were
to form a caravan, and proceed to the Island of St. Louis. The events which
happened in the sequel, proved that this plan was perfectly well laid, and
that it might have been crowned with success: unhappily these decisions
were traced upon a loose sand, which was dispersed by the breath of
egotism.
In the evening another anchor was cast, at a pretty considerable distance
from the frigate: just before high water, we began to work at the capstern,
but in vain. The work was put off till the next morning's tide; during all
this time, the operations were performed with the greatest difficulty; the
sea was hollow, the winds strong, the boats which had to go to a distance
either to sound or fix: anchors, could not attain their object, without the
greatest efforts; rapid currents, added to the difficulties. If the weather
had not been so extremely unfavorable to us, perhaps the frigate might have
been got afloat the next day, for it had been resolved to carry out very
long warps, but the violence of the wind, and the sea, baffled these
arrangements which nothing but a calm could favor. The weather was bad
during the whole night; about four or five o'clock, at the morning tide,
all our efforts to raise her were still fruitless; we began to despair of
even being able to save her from this danger; the boats were repaired, and
the construction of the raft diligently prosecuted: during the day of the
4. several barrels of flour were thrown into the sea, some water casks
staved; some barrels of powder, intended as articles to trade with Segenal,
were also got overboard.
In the evening, a few minutes before high water, the labours at the
capstern recommenced; this time the anchors did not deceive our
expectations; for, after a few moments labour, the frigate moved on the
larboard; this motion was effected by means of an anchor fixed on the north
west; the stream cable which was bent to its ring, came by the head of the
ship and tended to make it swing; while another much stronger one, the
cable of which passed through one of the stern ports, tended to prevent it
from running a-head, by supporting its quarters the motions of which were
commanded by means of this force. This first success gave us great hopes;
we worked with ardor.
After some further efforts, the _Medusa_ began to swing sensibly; we
redoubled our efforts, she swung intirely and then had her head turned, to
the open sea. She was almost afloat, only her stern touched a little; the
work could not be continued, because the anchor was too near, and it would
have been hove up. If a warp had been carried out in the open sea, by
continuing to haul upon it, the frigate would have been got wholly afloat
that evening. All the things which had been thrown overboard had lightened
her, by twenty or thirty centimetres at the most, her draught of water
might certainly have been lessened still more; but it was not done because
the Governor of Senegal objected to throwing the barrels of flour into the
sea, alledging that the greatest scarcity prevailed in the European
factories. These considerations, however, should not have caused it to be
overlooked that we had on board fourteen twenty-four pounders, and that it
would have been easy to throw them overboard, and send them even to a
considerable distance from the frigate, by means of the yard tackle;
besides, the flour barrels might have been carefully fastened together, and
when we were once out of danger, it would have been easy for us to remove
them. This plan might have been executed without any fear of doing much
damage to the flour, which when it is plunged in the water forms round the
inside of the barrel a pretty thick crust, in consequence of the moisture,
so that the interior is preserved from injury: this method was indeed
attempted, but it was given up, because the means employed were
insufficient. More care should have been used, and all the difficulties
would have been conquered; only half measures were adopted, and in all the
manoeuvres great want of decision prevailed.[B2]