THE PATRIARCHATE OF GAMALIEL IV. AND JUDAH III.
The Amoraim in Palestine--Ami and Assi--The Brothers Chiya and
Simon bar Abba in Tiberias--Abbahu in Cæsarea--The Emperor
Diocletian--Complete Separation from the Samaritans--Character
and Political Position of Abbahu--Huna in Babylonia--Chama's
Generosity--Huna's Contemporaries and Successors--Judah ben
Ezekiel--Chasda of Cafri--Mar Sheshet--Nachman bar Jacob--Zeïra.
279.320 C. E.
The period during which Christianity emerged from the position of
a persecuted community and acquired that of an established church,
marks a crisis in the development of the history of the world, and
forms an epoch of transition also in the history of the Jews. The
influence exerted by the mother-country began gradually to decline. It
was Babylonia that now occupied the universal interest, while Judæa
became a holy antiquity; it still possessed the power of arousing
glorious memories, but was no longer the scene of memorable deeds. The
teachers of this generation, indeed, were not few, including in their
numbers the disciples of Chanina, Jochanan, and Resh-Lakish; and the
youth of Babylonia, smitten with a holy longing, still preferred the
schools of Palestine to those of their native land. But only very few
of the principals of the schools were possessed of any eminence, and
the most important of them, Ami, Assi, Chiya b. Abba, and Zeïra, were
all Babylonians by birth. Abbahu, the only one who was a native of
Judæa, was a person of much originality, but of no authority in the
Halacha. The superiority of Babylon was so readily acknowledged that
Ami and Assi, the leaders of Judæa, of their own accord subordinated
themselves to Rab's successor. The Babylonian novices excelled their
masters in the knowledge of the Law; Sora and Pumbeditha took the
lead of Sepphoris and Tiberias. Even the Patriarchs of this period,
Gamaliel IV and Judah III, possessed but an insignificant knowledge of
the Law, and were both obliged to receive instruction from Amoraim.
Under Judah the duty of examining witnesses concerning the appearance
of the new moon degenerated into a mere pretense and a formality. When
Ami expressed a desire that this duty should be seriously fulfilled,
the Patriarch informed him that he had often understood from Jochanan,
that as soon as, according to astronomical calculation, the thirtieth
day was ascertained to be the beginning of the new month, it was
permissible to press a witness into declaring that he had perceived the
new moon, although this was not the case. The accurate calculation of
the Festivals gradually made this burdensome custom of the examination
of witnesses so superfluous that Judah's successor was able to entirely
abrogate this duty of the Patriarchate. Of more importance appeared to
Judah the ordering of the affairs of the communities and the schools,
and to this point he devoted his entire attention. He commissioned
the three principal Amoraim, Ami, Assi, and Chiya, to undertake a
journey through the cities of Judæa, in order to inspect the various
institutions of a religious or educational character, and to restore
them in those places where they were falling into decay. In one town,
where the envoys found neither teachers of the people nor of the young,
they summoned the elders to bring before them the guardians of the
city. On the armed guard of the town being brought into their presence,
the envoys of the Nasi exclaimed: "These are in nowise the guardians
of the city, but its destroyers; the true guards are the teachers of
the young and of the people; 'If God protect not the house, in vain
watcheth the warder.'"
The Patriarchate of Judah III falls in the reign of Diocletian and
his co-emperor, who, by the strength of their rule and their sincere
devotion, delayed for a time the decline of the Roman empire.
Diocletian was not unfavorably disposed towards the Jews. He was,
perhaps, all the more tolerant to them in proportion as he hated
and persecuted the Christians; these latter he considered as the
sole cause of the dissolution of the Empire, on account of their
persistent struggle against the Roman state religion, and their zeal
for conversion. The rigorous edicts which this monarch considered it
necessary to decree during the last years of his reign (303-305),
and which aimed at compelling the Christians to adopt the worship of
idols, at closing their churches, and at prohibiting their meetings for
divine service, did not include the Jews within their terms, although,
curiously enough, the Samaritans do not seem to have escaped their
action. Nevertheless, the enemies of the Jews appear to have exerted
themselves in order to prejudice Diocletian against them. The emperor
was secretly informed that the Patriarch and his companions made merry
over his obscure parentage and his surname Aper (Boar), concerning
which the emperor was especially sensitive. The story relates that
the emperor, highly exasperated, commanded the Patriarch and the
most distinguished members of the community to appear before him on
a Saturday night, at Paneas, about twenty miles from Tiberias. As
this command was not communicated to them until late on Friday, they
found themselves in the desperate dilemma of undertaking a journey on
the Sabbath, or disregarding the imperial summons. On their arrival
at Paneas, Diocletian ordered them to bathe themselves for several
days previous to appearing before him in audience. This insult was
intended as an allusion to the uncleanliness with which the Jews were
reproached. When at last they were brought before the emperor, the
Patriarch and his companions assured Diocletian of their loyalty and
faithfulness, and they are said to have convinced him that they had
been iniquitously calumniated, whereupon he graciously dismissed them
(about 297 or 298).
By reason of the constraint of sacrificing to the gods, under which
Diocletian laid both Samaritans and Christians, the former were
completely and forever excluded from the Jewish community. A peculiar
fate controlled the relations of these two kindred and neighboring
races, and prevented them from living on good terms for any length
of time. At any moment which appeared favorable to mutual advances,
trifling circumstances were sure to arise which widened the breach
between them. After the destruction of the Temple the two peoples lived
in tolerably good relations with one another; the Samaritans were
admitted to be in many respects strict Jews. The war of Hadrian united
Jew and Samaritan even more closely, and this friendly relation took so
deep a root, that Meïr's decision to regard the Samaritans as heathens
never gained general acceptance. Daily intercourse and business
connections had bound them closely to each other. Even Jochanan did not
hesitate to partake of meat prepared by the Samaritans. His successors
were, however, more severe, and contrived to bring about a separation
from the Samaritans. The occasion of this rupture is said to have been
as follows: Abbahu having once ordered some wine from Samaria, an
observation was made to him by an old man that the Law was no longer
strictly observed in that country. Abbahu communicated this intimation
to his friends, Ami and Assi, who investigated the matter there and
then, and determined to declare the Samaritans as heathens, irrevocably
and in every respect. This was perhaps the last resolution arrived at
by the Synhedrion. No mention is made of the Nasi in connection with
this decree, thus affording a further proof of the insignificance
of the authority enjoyed by him, and of the depth to which the
Patriarchate had fallen. This disunion had the effect of weakening both
Jews and Samaritans. Christianity, shrewder and more active than its
parent, Judaism, and more refined and supple than Samaritanism, its
sister, gained the empire of the world soon after this rupture, and
Jew and Samaritan alike felt its superior power. Golgotha, raised upon
the height of the Capitol, pressed with a two-fold burden on Zion and
Gerizim.
Notwithstanding the slight respect in which the Patriarchate of Judah
III (280-300) was held, a phenomenon makes its appearance for the first
time, which betrays indeed the poverty that existed in Palestine, but
on the other hand shows the adherence of the Jews to the Patriarchal
house of David, the last remnant of their ancient glory. It had always
been the custom to announce to such communities as were situated at a
distance, the resolutions arrived at by the Synhedrion, and especially
the period of the festivals, by means of special messengers (Shaliach
Zion, Apostoli). As a rule, men of merit and members of the Synhedrion
were chosen to fill this honorable post, for they represented the
highest authorities, and were also required to explain and apply the
various resolutions. The more the numbers of the Jews in the Holy
Land were lessened by revolts and wars, and the greater the part of
the country that fell into the hands of the heathen, the more also
that extortionate taxes spread poverty far and wide, the greater
difficulty the Patriarchs found in defraying the expenses of their
office from their own private means. They were obliged to turn to the
wealthy communities of other countries to request contributions for
their support. Originally, perhaps, these aids constituted a voluntary
contribution (aurum coronarium), forwarded by the communities as a
proof of allegiance on the occasion of the accession of a Patriarch as
prince of the Jews. About this time, however, Judah III found himself
obliged to send messengers to raise a regular tax (canon, pensio). Such
an envoy was Chiya bar Abba, whom the Patriarch Judah authorized and
sent abroad armed with peculiar powers: "We send you an excellent man,
who possesses equal authority with ourselves until he return unto us."
This same Chiya was, in fact, an excellent man, as poor in means as he
was rich in character. It was only on account of grievous necessity
that he allowed this post to be conferred on him by the Patriarch, and
its acceptance constituted in so far a sacrifice that he was obliged to
quit the Holy Land, which he had chosen as his residence in preference
to his native country. During a long period he was supported by a rich
and charitable family of Tiberias, named Silvani (Beth-Silvani), who
furnished him, as a descendant of Aaron, with the tithes of the produce
of their property. On a certain occasion, however, Chiya forbade them
to commit a deed which another teacher of the Law declared to be
lawful; and they, in return, made him feel his dependency on their
tithes. Upon this he determined never again to accept tithes from any
one, and, in order to avoid temptation, he resolved to quit Judæa.
It is in this Amora that a singular fault may first be remarked,
which later on became more general, and produced the most disastrous
consequences. Chiya b. Abba, namely, was so absorbed in the study of
the oral Law, that in his devotion to it he neglected the reading of
the written Law, the Bible. Being once asked why the word "good" does
not occur in the first Decalogue, he made reply that he hardly knew if
this word really did not occur in that place. Chiya bar Abba was of a
gloomy disposition, and in the Halacha he followed the severe tendency
which refused even to allow Jewish maidens to acquire the culture
of the Greeks, although Jochanan himself had permitted it, and even
encouraged it to a certain extent.
It may be noticed, as a sign of the times, that the heads of the
schools at Tiberias were not natives of the country, but Babylonians
who had emigrated thither from their own land. Ami and Assi occupied
the post formerly filled by Jochanan, their master. They delivered
their lectures in the peristyles, which certainly dated at least from
the period of the Herods. But these buildings, which had been crowded
with listeners in Jochanan's time, now testified to the declining
importance of the Holy Land. Babylonia was the goal of such of the
youth of Judæa as were desirous of studying. Ami and Assi only bore the
modest title of "the Judges, or the respected descendants of Aaron in
the Holy Land," and of their own accord subordinated themselves to the
Babylonian authorities.
Of greater importance and originality was Abbahu of Cæsarea on the
Sea, who was a striking contrast to Chiya and Simon, Abba's sons. He
was wealthy, kept Gothic slaves, and had ivory seats in his house;
his trade was the manufacture of women's veils. He understood Greek
perfectly, which was the case with but few of his contemporaries; he
frequented the society of educated heathens, and had his daughter
taught Greek. He considered the knowledge of this language as an
ornament to an educated girl, and supported his opinion by citing
Jochanan's permission. The austere Simon bar Abba, who was hostile to
all worldly education, reproved this conduct in the following terms;
"He attributes this permission to Jochanan, because his daughter is
learning Greek." In answer to this attack upon his veracity, Abbahu
protested that he had really received this tradition from Jochanan's
lips. By reason of his familiarity with contemporary civilization,
which many people regarded as sinful, a verse of Ecclesiastes was
applied to him: "It is good that thou takest up this (the study of the
Halacha) and neglectest not that (the learning of the Greeks), for the
pious are able to fulfil all duties." The Greek language was in fact so
current among the Jews of Cæsarea, that they even recited the passage
of Scripture relative to the unity of God (the Shema) in this tongue.
Abbahu was held in great esteem by the Roman Proconsul, and probably
also by the Emperor Diocletian, on account of his profound learning,
which was heightened by the charm of a dignified figure and a generous
character. By means of this influence with the authorities he was
enabled to avert many severe measures. A case of this description
affords at the same time an insight into the general state of things at
this period. Ami, Assi, and Chiya bar Abba, having once pronounced a
severe punishment on a woman named Thamar, who was doubtless guilty of
some breach of chastity, were denounced by her to the then Procurator,
on a charge of encroaching on the jurisdiction of the Romans. The
Jewish judges, fearful for the consequences of this denunciation,
besought Abbahu to exert his influence on their behalf. He, however,
answered that his efforts had failed to produce any effect, by reason
of the existing desire of revenge, perhaps also on account of the
beauty of the culprit. His reply was couched in characteristic terms,
being so conceived that, at first, the words do not convey their
actual meaning. The import of this document was in brief as follows:
"I have settled everything as regards the three slanderers--Eutokos,
Eumathes, and Talasseus--but I have labored in vain on behalf of the
obstinate and refractory Thamar." The language of this letter, which
is a model of the style of that period, is for the most part pure
Hebrew embellished by a play upon words; the Greek proper names are
translated into the approximate Hebrew terms. This style, when handled
with skill, invests the Hebrew tongue with an inimitable charm; but it
easily degenerates into empty pomp and trifling, which was already in
Abbahu's age to some extent the case.
By reason of his extensive acquirements Abbahu was well fitted to
engage in polemics against Christianity. During the time of Diocletian,
Christianity had strained every nerve to obtain the empire of the
world. The Roman legions were in part composed of soldiers who had
adopted this religion, and Christianity therefore redoubled its efforts
to obtain proselytes. Setting itself up in opposition to Judaism and
heathenism, it brought down upon itself severe punishment at the hands
of Diocletian and his co-emperor Galerius, on account of its arrogance.
The Jews were possessed of intellectual weapons, and these they
employed as long as they were permitted their free use. Like Simlaï,
Abbahu attacked the Christian dogmas in the most uncompromising manner,
and grounded his opposition, according to the manner of the time, upon
a verse in the Bible (Numbers xxiii. 19): "If a man say of himself, 'I
am God,' he lieth; 'I am the son of man,' he will repent it; 'I go to
heaven,' he will not confirm it." The doctrine of the Ascension was
especially a disputed point between the teachers of the Church and
the synagogue, and its defender in Cæsarea was Jacob the Minæan, a
physician by profession. In order to authenticate the Ascension, the
Christians brought forward the Agadic tradition, according to which
Enoch ascended into heaven without dying: in the words of the Bible,
"and he (Enoch) was not, for God took him." They used this ambiguous
phrase in support of their opinion. Abbahu, however, proved by parallel
verses that, according to the true exegesis, the expression contained
in this verse amounted to nothing more than a figure of speech for "to
die." In the succeeding generation Abbahu might, perhaps, have paid
with his life for his bold truthfulness and his exact interpretation.
Abbahu was one of those modest, gentle, yielding characters who are
the less conscious of their own merit in proportion as it is great.
When it was proposed to ordain him as Rabbi, he withdrew in favor of
Abba of Acco, desiring first to see the distinction conferred upon the
latter, who by this promotion would have been able to free himself
from the burden of debt with which he was oppressed. Another event
brings out yet more strongly evidence of his unassuming disposition.
He was once delivering discourses, concurrently with Chiya b. Abba, in
a strange town, the subject being treated by the latter according to
the Halachic method, while he adopted the more edifying style of the
Agada. As was only natural, the popular discourses of Abbahu, being
intelligible to all, were better attended than Chiya's lectures, which
were more difficult of comprehension. The latter having manifested some
irritation at the neglect which fell to the lot of his discourses,
Abbahu attempted to console him in the following words: "Thy teaching
resembles the most precious stones, of which there are but few good
judges; mine, on the contrary, is like tinsel, which delights every
one." In order to appease him still further, Abbahu showed his offended
companion all possible attention and marks of honor throughout the day;
nevertheless, Chiya was unable to forget the slight which he considered
had been inflicted on him. This anecdote cannot be regarded as
altogether unimportant, proving as it does the decay of serious studies
in Judæa at this time. The Halacha, the study of which wrinkled the
brow and exercised the mind, no longer found listeners, and was obliged
to quit the field before the light-winged Agada. Abbahu was even
unwilling to lay any stress upon his modesty. He once exclaimed: "With
all my boasted humility, I am still far behind Abba of Acco, for he is
not even angry with his expositor (Meturgeman) when the latter dares
to make his own additions to the analyses which are whispered to him."
A flaw had thus made itself apparent in that method of teaching, which
had formerly invested the discourses with so much solemnity and merit.
Instead of being merely the organ of the lecturer, the Meturgeman
permitted himself to introduce his own views into the expositions. A
complaint was made that the interpreters only accepted their office
out of conceit, in order to display their fine voice or their flowery
language. This condition of things was aptly described in the following
verse: "It is better to hear the severity of the wise than the song of
fools." From this habit of the interpreters, the lectures degenerated
into an empty word jingle.
Abbahu's generous and thoroughly noble views may also be gathered
from another characteristic sketch, which at the same time affords
a faithful picture of the customs of the period. It was usual on
the occasion of a drought, an event of not uncommon occurrence in
Judæa, for the most meritorious member of the community to offer up
the prescribed prayers for rain. The person who on one occasion was
recommended to Abbahu as the most worthy, happened to be a man of
the worst fame, known to the wits as the "five sins" (Pentekaka).
Being summoned before Abbahu, and questioned by the latter respecting
his occupation, he admitted his infamous calling. "I am," said he,
"a go-between; I clean out the play-house, carry the clothes to the
bathers, divert the bathers with jokes, and play upon the flute." "And
hast thou never done a good deed in all thy life?" demanded Abbahu.
"One day," said Pentekaka, "when I was cleaning the theater, I saw a
woman leaning against a column and weeping. In answer to my inquiry as
to the cause of her grief, she told me that her husband was a prisoner,
and that there was nothing left for her to do in order to procure his
release but to sacrifice her honor. As soon as I heard this," continued
Pentekaka, "I sold my bed, my coverlet, everything that I had in the
world, gave the proceeds to the woman, and said to her: 'Go, free thy
husband without paying the price of sin.'" At these words Abbahu could
not contain himself, and exclaimed to Pentekaka, that medley of sublime
virtue and vulgar dishonor: "Thou alone art worthy to pray for us in
our trouble."
The theater at this period participated in the general immoral tone
of the times, and was by no means a nursery of culture or refinement;
buffoons diverted the crowd, and Judaism was often laid under
contribution to furnish a subject for their coarse jokes. Abbahu, who
was acquainted with events which occurred outside the Jewish world,
complained of the frivolous manner in which Jewish institutions were
held up to ridicule, and cites, among others, the following examples.
A camel was brought into the theater in mourning trappings; thereupon
ensues the following dialogue: "Why is the camel in mourning?" "Because
the Jews, who strictly observe the Sabbatical year, cannot even get
herbs to eat, and are obliged to live upon thistles. The camel mourns
because its food is thus snatched away." Enter Momus (the buffoon) with
his head shaved. "Why does Momus mourn?" "Because oil is dear." "And
why is oil so dear?" "Because of the Jews. They consume everything on
the Sabbath that they have earned during the week; not even wood enough
remains for them to cook their food; they must, therefore, burn their
bed, and being without a bed, must sleep upon the ground and wallow
in the dust; in order to avoid uncleanliness, they use a great deal
of oil, and that is the reason that oil is so dear." Thus had the
degenerate Greeks prostituted the art of Aristophanes!
Abbahu also possessed a certain reputation in the study of the Law, but
did not rank as an authority; his province was the Agadic exegesis.
By reason, however, of his influence in the political world, his
colleagues flattered him to excess--fearing to correct him even when he
committed errors in teaching. It appears that Cæsarea, where Ushaya the
elder had formerly established a temporary school, was now elevated by
Abbahu to a par with Tiberias as an academical city, where the greatest
Amoraïm of Palestine assembled. The synagogue in Cæsarea, whence had
proceeded under Nero the first movement of revolt against the Romans,
resulting eventually in the loss of independence to the Jewish state,
was perhaps Abbahu's academy, and it appears to have still borne the
fatal name of "the Revolution synagogue" (Kenishta di-meradta). In the
same way as Simon bar Abba was accustomed to misfortune, Abbahu was
attended by good luck, which did not forsake him even in his old age.
He had two promising sons, Abimaï and Chanina. The latter was sent
by him to Tiberias for the purpose of perfecting his education; but
instead of applying himself to study, Chanina spent his time in burying
the dead, whereupon his father reprimanded him in a letter which is
remarkable for its laconic brevity: "Has Cæsarea, then, no graves, that
I should be obliged to send thee for this purpose to Tiberias? Study
must precede practical work." Abbahu was the last important personage
of Judæa during Talmudical times. For fifteen successive centuries
it had given birth to intellectual giants, judges, generals, kings,
prophets, poets, soferim, patriots, teachers of the Law. It now ceased
to produce, and brought forth no new celebrities into the world. When
Abbahu died, says the legend, the statues of Cæsarea wept for him.
In Babylonia, on the contrary, the lively ardor and activity begun by
Rab and Samuel, the founders of the study of the Law in their native
land, continued to increase after their death. During the half-century
over which their labors had extended, the study of the Law had taken
so deep a root that the plant throve better in foreign than in its
native soil. A lively emulation to acquire a knowledge of the Law,
and to regulate their life by this standard, possessed all classes
of society. It was accounted the highest honor to be recognized as a
master of the Law (Zorba-me-Rabbanan), and the greatest disgrace to be
reckoned among the ignorant. The immorality which had formerly obtained
in Jewish Babylon vanished together with the gross ignorance, and
domestic and public life fashioned itself according to the ideal which
had been inculcated with such enthusiasm by the two great teachers, Rab
and Samuel. Babylonia assumed, in many respects, the rôle of the Holy
Land, even as regards the contributions to the priests, which seem,
however, to have been applied to the uses of the teachers of the Law:
learning was of more account than the priesthood. Babylonia had become
a regular Jewish state, whose constitution was the Mishna, and whose
public props were the Prince of the Captivity and the school assembly.
This impetus to a higher life also communicated itself to the princes
of the captivity, and they likewise applied themselves to the study
of the Law. Nehemia and Ukban, Rab's grandchildren, and Nathan, their
father, were appointed Resh-Galutas in this generation; by reason of
their intimate knowledge of the Halacha they received the title of
honor of Rabbana. This happy movement, which permeated all classes
of Jewish society in Babylonia, was a sign that Judaism was not yet
dead, but still possessed sufficient vigor to put forth new shoots.
It was furthered to the utmost of their power by the successors of
Rab and Samuel, of whom the most prominent were: Huna, who was the
chief teacher of the Sora academy, and at the same time was regarded
as religious head both in Babylon and abroad; Judah ben Ezekiel, who
founded a new school in Pumbeditha, and introduced a new method of
studying the Halacha; Nachman b. Jacob, who transferred his academy
to Shekan-Zib on the Tigris, after the destruction of Nahardea (259);
and finally Chasda, Sheshet, and Rabba bar Abbahu. Almost all of these
Amoraïm possessed their own peculiar tendency, and thus variety and
diversity were introduced into the narrow circle of scholars in the
Babylonian schools.
Huna was born about 212, at Dio Kart, and died in 297. He was Rab's
successor in Sora, and the authority of this period, to whom, as
already narrated, the Amoraïm of Judæa voluntarily subordinated
themselves. The story of his life presents at once a perfect picture
of the manners of this period, and shows how indefatigable zeal for
the Law went hand in hand with secular occupations, with agriculture
and other industries. Although related to the Prince of the Captivity,
Huna was not originally wealthy. He cultivated his small field with his
own hands, and was not ashamed of his labor. He used to remark to his
visitors, who came to him to judge their differences, "Bring me a man
to till my ground and I will be your judge." Often he returned home
from the field with his spade upon his shoulder. He was once perceived
in this condition by Chama b. Anilaï, the richest, and at the same
time the most charitable and generous man in Babylonia. This liberal
man almost realized the ideal in his exercise of the Jewish virtue of
being a father to the poor. Bread was baked day and night in his house
for the relief of the poor, doors were placed on all sides, so that all
who were needy might enter, and he who came hungry into the house left
it satisfied. When Chama went out he held his hand continually in his
purse, so as not to be obliged to keep those who felt ashamed to ask
for charity in a painful situation while he was searching for his money.
At the time of the famine he caused wheat and barley to be left
about at night for such persons as were prevented by their sense of
honor from mixing with beggars. If an extraordinary tax was to be
levied, Chama was certain to take a large share of the burden upon
his own shoulders. This beneficent person possessed so much modesty,
notwithstanding his extraordinary wealth, that whenever he met Huna
returning from his labor, with his spade upon his shoulder, he begged
to be allowed to carry it for him, out of reverence for the principal
of the school. Huna, however, never permitted him to do this: "Thou art
not accustomed to do such a thing in thine own town, therefore will I
not allow it here."
Later on Huna grew rich, and had his fields cultivated by laborers,
who received a portion of the crops; his cattle grazed on the steppes
of South Babylonia. He employed his wealth in the most noble manner.
On stormy days, when the winds which blow from the Syrian desert
devastated the country and covered the city with ruins, he used to
go about in a litter, in order to inspect the houses in Sora, and
pull down any walls which might be in a falling condition. If the
proprietors were not in a position to build their houses up again, Huna
would have it done at his own expense. During the hours of meals, all
the doors in his house were left open, and it was announced in a loud
voice that all who were needy might enter and be satisfied. Other tales
are related of his eager and assiduous charity. The indigent scholars
who attended his school, which was situated in the neighborhood of
Sora were maintained at his expense during the months of study,
although their numbers were anything but small. Eight hundred attended
his lectures, and there were thirteen expositors placed in different
parts of the building, whose duty it was to make the discourse audible
and intelligible to the whole assembly. The profound reverence with
which his noble character, his erudition, and his modesty inspired his
friends, was nevertheless incapable of blinding them to his faults,
however small they were. The teachers of the Law were extremely severe
with regard to one another's conduct, and were unrelenting towards any
of their number who did not come up to the ideal of the Law.
It was during the time of Huna that public life in Babylonia, which
was in most intimate connection with the schools, became organized
in a manner that was unchanged for almost eight centuries. Gradually
and involuntarily there was formed a hierarchy of the principal and
subordinate dignitaries. The school, which met, as already mentioned,
during certain months of the year, was called the Metibta (session),
and the principal member of this assembly was known as the Resh-Metibta
(Director). Next in rank to the President came the Reshe-Kalla
(Professors), whose duty consisted in elucidating during the first
three weeks of the Kalla month, the theme which the Principal would
take as the text of his discourses. The judicial offices were separated
from the professorships; as justice was still meted out, according to
ancient custom, before the gates of the city, the judges were called,
by reason of this circumstance, the _Dayane-di-Baba_ (Judges of the
Gate). In matters of theory they were subordinate to the Principal;
they were appointed by the Prince of the Captivity, on whom they were
dependent in matters of practice.
For forty years Huna presided over the Metibta, and by reason of his
undisputed authority, Babylonia became completely independent of Judæa.
He boldly acted upon the principle which his master Rab had been unable
to carry through, and placed Babylonia on a footing of equality with
Judæa as regarded the Law. "We consider being in Babylon just the same
as being in the Holy Land," was a principle first established by Huna.
He thus broke the last tie that united the land of the captivity to the
mother-country, or perhaps it would be more accurate to say that he
merely gave expression to the actual state of things, for, as a matter
of fact, Babylonia far surpassed Judæa. Only as a mark of respect, or
in case it was desired to obtain a solemn sanction of an opinion, was
it usual in Babylonia to obtain a decision from the Holy Land. During
the period over which Huna's labors extended, the Sora Metibta bore
sway in Babylonia.
Huna died suddenly (297) when over eighty years of age, leaving his
fame and his virtues to his son Rabba. The highest honors were paid to
his remains by his friends and pupils. The funeral discourse opened
with the following words: "Huna deserved that the Holy Spirit should
descend upon him." His corpse was carried to Judæa, probably in
execution of his dying wish; there it was met by the most distinguished
men, such as Assi and Ami, who procured its interment in the vault of
Chiya, another Babylonian. It gradually became a pious custom to be
buried in Judæa's holy earth, to which was attributed an expiatory
power. The resurrection was confidently expected to take place in that
country, which, it was also believed, would be the scene of the coming
of the Messiah. Those who had died in unhallowed countries would roll
about in the light, loose earth, until they reached the Holy Land,
where they would again be revivified. In place of living inhabitants,
who were continually decreasing, Judæa was becoming every day more
thickly populated with corpses. The Holy Land, which had formerly been
one immense temple, inspiring great deeds and noble thoughts, was now a
holy grave, which could render nothing holy but death. Of the numerous
sanctuaries which had formerly existed, the dust alone now remained
as an object of veneration. The entire central region of Judæa, the
mountains of the King, was so exclusively inhabited by heathens, that
it was proposed to declare it exempt from the tribute to the priests.
The antithesis and complement to Huna was his younger comrade, Judah
ben Ezekiel (born 220, died 299). Although he had been a disciple of
Rab, Judah seems to have inclined more to Samuel, whose characteristics
he inherited. He possessed a strongly marked personality, and was
highly talented, but at the same time had so many angles and edges
that he was continually coming into collision with persons and
circumstances. He was the descendant of an ancient Jewish stock, which
was, perhaps, able to trace back its origin to families mentioned
in the Bible, and for this reason he was unusually susceptible on
the point of nobility of blood and purity of descent. A friend of
simplicity in most matters, he vehemently attacked all who gave the
preference to artificial refinement. Although he held the Holy Land
in great reverence, he nevertheless blamed those who left Babylonia
in order to be educated in the schools of Judæa, and was unrelenting
towards such of his friends and pupils as emigrated thither. Judah
founded for the first time an academy in Pumbeditha, which city,
since the destruction of Nahardea, had become the center for northern
Babylonia, as Sora was for the south. The Pumbeditha school, which,
under Judah, was second only to the Soranian, attained in later times
to the position of the leading academy. For nearly eight centuries it
asserted its pre-eminence with but few intermissions, and was almost
the last remnant of Jewish antiquity which beheld unmoved the birth of
a new epoch.
True to the character of the inhabitants of his native city, Judah
ben Ezekiel allowed the intellect to predominate so greatly over the
heart, that he only consecrated one day in each month to prayer, the
rest of the time being devoted to the study of the Law. He had already
been distinguished by Samuel as the "acute," and later on became the
creator of that acute system of dialectics which in former times had
gained a transitory acceptance in Judæa, and now became current in
and indigenous to Babylonia. This system differed materially from
that employed by the Tanaites, for it went direct to the heart of
the matter, while the other clung to the formulæ of the rules of
interpretation. Judah's discourses were confined solely and simply
to the treatment of matters of jurisprudence, as occult comparisons
and distinctions, deductions and applications, here find their proper
place, and theory and practice go hand in hand. The remaining portions
of the Mishna were neglected at Judah's school; he seems, in fact,
to have experienced a sort of aversion to studying such parts of
it as contained Halachas treating of the laws of Levitical purity
which had fallen into disuse. Under Judah's influence, the extensive
subject-matter of the Law shrank to the contracted dimensions of a
sphere in which nothing was included but what was applicable to reality
and everyday life. He introduced the precise custom of communicating
not only the matter of the traditions, but even the names of the
persons who had handed them down. Nevertheless, it is remarkable
that his own brother, Rami (R. Ami), questioned the accuracy of the
traditions handed down by him, and even gave him the lie direct.
"Accept not the decrees," he would often exclaim, "which my brother
Judah puts forward under the name of Rab or Samuel; but thus and
thus were they handed down." In another respect also, Rami was the
opponent of his brother; he quitted Babylonia and emigrated to Judæa,
although Judah severely censured such a course, which, he considered,
constituted no slight crime against religion. He even regarded the
return of the Babylonian exiles under Ezra and Zerubbabel as a
violation of the Law, and considered that it had better never have come
about; for the prophet Jeremiah had impressed on the captives that they
should also die in Babylon. The only excuse which he found for the
pious Ezra and his emigration was the assertion that the latter had led
to Judæa such families as were of doubtful origin, in order to prevent
their intermarrying with those whom he left behind.
As has already been mentioned, another of Judah's peculiarities was
an extreme severity with regard to the purity of the race. He was
so particular on this point that he delayed marrying his son Isaac
long after the latter had reached maturity, because he was not
certain whether the family from which he desired to procure him a
wife was spotless beyond all dispute. Upon this point his friend Ulla
pertinently remarked: "How do we know for certain that we ourselves are
not descended from the heathens who violated the maidens of Zion at
the siege of Jerusalem?" Judah's punctiliousness with regard to purity
of descent caused him many a vexation. There once came to Pumbeditha
a distinguished citizen of Nahardea, who claimed to be descended
from the Hasmonæans, perhaps from the unfortunate king, Hyrcanus II,
who had resided in Babylonia for several years. This Nahardean, who
was connected with the most esteemed families of his native town,
was exceedingly vexed that Judah ben Ezekiel should be conceded the
priority on every occasion, and once exclaimed scornfully: "Who is
this Judah bar Sheveskeel?" When this tale came to Judah's ears, he
excommunicated the Nahardean for his irreverence, and when he heard
that the latter actually called all persons slaves, he was so carried
away by his passion that he publicly stigmatized him as a descendant
of slaves. In consequence of this insult, the Nahardean complained
to Nachman, the son-in-law of the Prince of the Captivity. Nachman,
who was as overbearing as Judah was passionate, sent the latter a
summons to appear before him to justify his conduct. The Principal of
Pumbeditha was not a little astonished at thus being called upon to
give an account of his conduct to Nachman, who was not only younger,
but of less consequence than himself. Huna, however, with whom he took
counsel, prevailed upon him to comply with this summons out of regard
for the Prince of the Captivity.
Owing to his profound learning, his acuteness of intellect, and his
estimable character, Judah enjoyed undisputed authority both in
Babylonia and abroad. When Huna died Judah was chosen by the Sora
Metibta as their Principal (297); under him and his successor there was
but a single academy which was recognized by every one. His authority
was recognized even in Judæa. He once excommunicated a certain
distinguished member of the Metibta whose reputation was attacked. When
the latter visited him on the occasion of his last illness, he openly
stated that he was proud of having spared not even such a man out of
regard for his position. As Judah died without having raised the ban,
it was necessary to appeal to the Patriarch, in accordance with the
custom which obtained in such cases. Judah had only held the office of
general Resh-Metibta for two years when he died at a ripe old age.
The college elected in Judah's place the octogenarian, Chasda of Cafri
(born 217, died 309). He was one of Rab's disciples, and entertained
so great a reverence for his teacher that he committed to memory all
the decisions which the latter had ever given, and promised a reward
to any one who would communicate to him any unknown trait of "our
great master," as he called him. Chasda is known as the most fortunate
of the Amoraïm. Originally poor, he was afterwards blessed with such
extraordinary gifts of fortune that his wealth became proverbial.
Sixty marriages were celebrated in his house, and it is said that
no member of his family died during his lifetime. Although he had
attended Huna's discourses, his method of instruction rather resembled
that employed by Judah; he was extremely fond of acute explanations.
Chasda's superiority over Huna, which he caused the latter to feel on
one occasion, contributed to the creation of an estrangement between
the two, which, it is said, lasted for forty years. In consequence
of this difference Chasda appears to have withdrawn from Sora to the
neighboring town of Cafri, but there he felt isolated and slighted.
Once when the college of Sora appealed to him for his opinion of some
dubious case, he took offense and exclaimed: "What! do you even pick up
damp wood? Probably you expect to find a treasure beneath it." While
Huna still held the post of Principal, Chasda erected a school in
Sora at his own expense (293), but he still retained the position of
disciple with regard to the former, and gave no decisions in practice.
It was not until Judah's death that he was appointed Principal of the
college; he held this office for ten years, and died in 309 at the age
of ninety-two.
His Halachic opponent was Mar-Sheshet, who like himself had been a
disciple of Rab and a pupil of Huna. Sheshet's memory was so retentive
that he knew by heart not only the whole Mishna, but also all the
Boraïtas. Whenever Chasda and Sheshet met, the former was dismayed at
his opponent's imposing array of Boraïtas, while the latter trembled
at Chasda's subtle expositions. He was, in fact, a sworn enemy of
that hair-splitting style of teaching which Judah had introduced into
the Pumbedithan school, and which had quickly degenerated into mere
subtilty. Whenever a person started any specious objection, Sheshet
would ironically inquire: "Comest thou not from Pumbeditha, where they
can pass an elephant through the eye of a needle?" Sheshet's relations
with the Resh-Galuta of this period afford a striking proof of the
neglect into which religious practices had fallen in the house of the
Prince of the Captivity, and of the uncouth barbarity which still
continued to rule there. Whenever the Resh-Galuta invited Sheshet to
partake of his hospitality he was met by a repeated refusal. Upon
being urged to explain the cause of this incivility, Sheshet answered
that the slaves of the Resh-Galuta had not yet abandoned the custom
of cutting the meat that was to be served in the banquet from living
animals. Although the Prince of the Captivity may have been ignorant of
this barbarous habit of his servants, it is nevertheless apparent that
he paid no great attention to the religious conduct of his household.
It was not unusual for the slaves of the Prince of the Captivity to
indulge in practical jokes at the expense of the teachers of the Law
who visited their master, often shutting them up in the dungeons.
Nothing further is known of Sheshet, except that after the destruction
of Nahardea he founded a school at Silhi on the Tigris.
The youngest member of this circle of the Amoraim was Nachman ben
Jacob, one of Samuel's disciples (born about 235, died 324). He was
the representative of that haughty self-reliance of the Babylonian
Jews, which was founded upon their prosperity, their independence,
and the certainty of a livelihood. He was a son-in-law of the Prince
of the Captivity, whose daughter, Yalta, he had married after the
death of her first husband, and he possessed to the full the pride,
ostentation, and arrogance characteristic of the princely house. Like
any oriental prince, he was attended by eunuchs, ready at a moment's
notice to make their master's exalted position felt by any one who
should dare depreciate his reputation. He had been appointed chief
judge by his father-in-law, and was so proud of this dignity, that
when his colleagues attempted to place themselves on an equality with
him, he forcibly reminded them that he alone was competent to act
as judge. He even did not hesitate to decide many cases without the
assistance of his colleagues, although it was considered an arrogant
act to sit in judgment alone. His character was devoid of gentleness
and humanity. Once when the slaves of the Resh-Galuta had forcibly
dispossessed an old woman of some building materials, in order to erect
a tabernacle therewith, he was appealed to by the latter to award her
redress for this violation of the Law: "The Prince of the Captivity and
his doctors," said she, "are sitting in a stolen tabernacle." Nachman,
however, scarcely listened to her; whereupon she pointedly exclaimed,
"I am the daughter of a man (Abraham) who possessed 318 slaves, and
cannot even find a hearing for my complaint!" To this remark Nachman
returned a harsh answer, and finally decreed that at most she was
only entitled to compensation for the stolen materials. He was even
less considerate in his treatment of his slaves, whose sense of human
dignity he outraged in a manner revolting to morality. His female
slaves were not permitted to contract any lasting union, but were given
in turn to different men, according as such changes were considered to
afford a better chance of profit. In this he was entirely unlike his
master, Samuel, who united his male and female slaves in lawful wedlock
for life.
Even the teachers of the Law were treated by Nachman with imperiousness
and disdain. His wife, Yalta, the daughter of the Prince of the
Captivity, had, contrary to custom, committed her child by her first
husband to the custody of a nurse, so as to be able to marry Nachman.
She even exceeded her husband in pride, and possessed all the whims
and insolence of a petty oriental princess. She exacted homage of
the learned men with whom her husband associated; and when, on one
occasion, Ulla withheld his respects, she insulted him of set purpose.
He was in the habit of making frequent journeys between Palestine and
Babylonia, and was probably also poor. It was with reference to these
two points that Yalta observed of him, "Travelers are full of twaddle,
and rags of vermin."
Jewish jurisprudence is indebted to Nachman for an important decision,
the account of the origin of which affords some indication as to the
state of morality at this period. According to the principles of the
old Jewish code, when a person was summoned before the court to answer
for a debt, and insufficient evidence was forthcoming against him,
he was only allowed to purge the charge by an oath, if he partially
admitted the claim; if he repudiated it altogether, no oath could be
administered. This law was based upon the assumption that every one
was actuated by motives of patriarchal probity, which rendered them
incapable of the audacity of openly repudiating a just claim. But this
simple honesty could no longer be assumed to exist; on the contrary,
it had been supplanted by a certain wily cunning, which succeeded, by
reason of the wide-spread knowledge of the Law, in availing itself of
the letter in order to evade the spirit. It was for this reason that
Nachman, profiting by experience, introduced the oath of purgation
(Shebuot hesset) in those cases where the claim was totally denied, and
this decision eventually obtained the force of law. As has already
been mentioned, Nachman emigrated from Nahardea after its destruction,
and established himself in Shakan-Zib, the inhabitants of which were
notorious for their love of mockery. It is not related whether he again
transferred his residence to Nahardea, after that city was restored.
A connecting link between Judæa and Babylonia, of which two countries
the former was slowly declining while the latter was gradually coming
to the fore, was formed by Zeïra, who was the highest authority
in Judæa during the following generation. The history of this man
brings into prominent relief the opposition existing between the
mother-country and the Babylonian colony. He had been a pupil of Huna
and Judah, but was dissatisfied with the method of teaching employed
in Babylonia, and yearned for the simple method of the Amoraïm, which
obtained in the schools of Galilee. He hesitated to quit Babylonia,
however, in deference to Judah's dislike of emigration. When, at last,
he stole away, so to speak, from his native country, his longing to
behold the Holy Land was so irresistible, that he ventured to cross the
Jordan by a rope, so as not to lose time in searching for a bridge. A
Christian who was witness of the traveler's haste, remarked reprovingly
to Zeïra: "You Jews have not yet abandoned your old fault of
precipitancy, which showed itself among you at Mount Sinai"; whereupon
the latter rejoined: "Ought I to delay a single moment to enter the
Holy Land, the sight of which was not even vouchsafed to Moses and
Aaron, our teachers?"
Arrived at Tiberias, Zeïra endeavored to forget the minute analysis
which constituted the Babylonian method of teaching. The legend adds
that he fasted for forty days, in order to give weight to his prayers,
in which he entreated that the hateful Babylonian system might vanish
entirely from his memory. Judæa and its peculiar method, on the other
hand, seemed to him to be surrounded with a halo of glory, and "the
atmosphere of the Holy Land appeared to him pregnant with wisdom." The
characteristic tendency of Babylonia, however, had gained so strong
a hold on his mind that he was unable to free himself from it, even
in Judæa. However greatly he strove to acquire the simplicity of the
Judæan method, he never succeeded in entirely eradicating the influence
of the Babylonian rational analysis, and it was on account of this very
superiority which he himself failed to recognize, that he was held
in high esteem by the Amoraïm of Judæa. The dignity of teacher was
conferred upon him within a very short time. His modesty was so great,
however, that, like King Saul, he hid himself, and only consented to
be ordained when it was represented to him that remission of sins
was attached thereto. In the encomium which it had become customary
to recite on the occasion of an ordination, allusion was made to
Zeïra's small, insignificant figure, in the following terms: "Without
brilliancy, without glitter, but not without charm." He became one of
the authorities of Judæa, together with Ami, Assi, and Abbahu, all of
whom he outlived. At his grave a poet recited an elegy, which shows
better taste than most of the verses produced on similar occasions; it
ran somewhat as follows:--
"To him whom fruitful Sinear hath borne,
The Holy Land a crown of wisdom lent;
And sad Tiberias droops her head, to mourn
For him who was her chiefest ornament."