CONSEQUENCES OF THE WAR OF BAR-COCHBA.
Turnus Rufus persecutes the Jews--The Ten Martyrs--The Book of
Tobit--Relations between Judaism and Christianity--The Return
of the Schools to Palestine--The Synod at Usha--Meïr--Simon ben
Jochai--The Babylonian Synhedrion--Antoninus Pius and Aurelius
Verus--The Revolt against Rome--The Patriarchate of Simon.
135.170 C. E.
Hadrian, who during the war had lived in a terror-stricken condition,
did not content himself with merely crushing all revolt, but he desired
to root out the possibility of a future uprising. For this purpose
he caused a number of laws to be brought into operation, every one
of which was intended to destroy Judaism, the spiritual life of the
nation, in the hearts of the survivors. Hadrian named Rufus as the
executor of his edicts--a man incapable of attacking an armed foe,
but more competent to carry on a war of petty persecution and spying.
Severus having been sent back to Britain at the end of his campaign,
Rufus had the plow drawn over the town of Jerusalem and the Temple
Mount, as a sign that another city should be built there. This occurred
on the eventful 9th Ab, perhaps a year after the fall of Bethar.
Hadrian had the city rebuilt more towards the north, where formerly
the suburbs had been. He populated the newly erected city with a
colony of soldiers who had served their time, Phœnicians and Syrians.
The city, Ælia Capitolina, was built in the Grecian style, with two
market-places, a theater, and other public buildings, and was divided
into seven quarters. Thus Hadrian succeeded in his preconceived
plan of turning Jerusalem into a heathen city. On the Temple Mount a
column was erected in honor of Hadrian, and a heathen temple in honor
of Jupiter Capitolinus. Other statues of Roman, Greek, and Phœnician
gods adorned, or rather defiled, Jerusalem. In all public edicts
Jerusalem figured under its new name Ælia, and so completely was its
identity forgotten, that a hundred years later a governor of Palestine
asked a bishop, who said he came from Jerusalem, where that town was
situated. At the south gate leading to Bethlehem a swine's head was
erected in half relief, as a special annoyance to the Jews, and it was
forbidden them on pain of death to pass within the outer wall of this
city. Hadrian erected a shrine to Jupiter on Mount Gerizim, where the
Samaritans formerly had had their temple, a place they considered as
holy. On Mount Golgotha, opposite Jerusalem, a temple was erected to
Venus, and in a cave at Bethlehem a statue of Adonis was worshiped.
Hadrian followed the old policy of the Syrian Antiochus Epiphanes,
who desecrated the Jewish holy places from prejudice and revenge, and
endeavored to graft Paganism on Judaism by force of arms. He thought
most effectually to break down the stubborn independence of the Jews if
he could succeed in weaning them from their peculiar religious life.
A decree was issued in Judæa which inflicted the severest punishments
on all those who permitted themselves to be circumcised, to keep the
Sabbath, or to follow the Jewish law. Only in one point did Hadrian
differ from Epiphanes--he did not compel the worship of the Roman
gods. All customs and habits which bore ever so slight a tinge of a
religious character were, however, interdicted, such as the letter
of separation for divorced wives, marriages on Wednesday, and other
customs. This extension of the edict may have been a commentary of the
Roman authorities in Judæa, who were better acquainted with the spirit
of the Jews, and determined to enforce the imperial command in order to
attain the desired end. The weary years through which Judaism passed,
from the fall of Bethar till after the death of Hadrian, were called
the epoch of Religious Compulsion, Danger and Persecution. The stern
decrees, and a sterner enforcement of them, were a heavy blow for those
who remained. The more conscientious were undecided how to behave in
their critical position, whether they should keep to the hard and fast
line of custom, or whether, in consideration of their thinned ranks,
they should save their own lives by yielding to the exigencies of the
moment.
There was probably no actual Synhedrion at that time to take up the
question and give them the guidance they desired. The surviving
teachers of the Law assembled in a garret in Lydda, and deliberated on
this question of life and death. Amongst the members present at this
assemblage were Akiba, Tarphon, and Joseph the Galilean. Doubtless
Ishmael, who resembled R. Joshua in character, was also present on
that occasion. There was a difference of opinion with regard to this
important question. The strict elements appear to have considered that
every Jew, rather than become guilty of the slightest infringement of
a law, however heavy (important) or light (less important), should be
ready to die the death of a martyr. Ishmael supported the opposite
view. He considered that, outwardly and under compulsion, one might
transgress the Law in order to preserve one's life, for the Torah
enacted that its followers should live by it and not die through it.
The assembly at Lydda, as usual, adopted the middle course, that a
difference should be made between important precepts and those which
were less weighty. The matter was put to the vote, and the decision was
reached, that in order to avoid death by torture, all laws might be
broken, with the exception of those prohibiting idolatry, adultery, and
murder. This decision, which gives evidence of the desperate condition
in which the Jews at that time found themselves, appears also to have
contained a secret clause, that in case of need the Law might be evaded
or neglected, but that it should be observed as far as it was possible
to do so. There were many who obeyed, but who dissimulated in presence
of the Roman spies and overseers. It was touching to note the petty
tricks and pious frauds by which they endeavored to avoid death and yet
to satisfy their conscience. The mental tortures which they suffered
daily and hourly made them skilful in discovering loopholes of escape.
Even Akiba on one occasion when he saw himself surrounded by Roman
spies, gave a sign to his disciples to say the Shema softly and almost
inaudibly, for the Roman authorities ruthlessly fulfilled the letter
of their edict. A Roman inspector (quæsitor), who surprised a certain
Artaban, as he was fastening Mezzuzoth to the door-posts, compelled
him to pay 1000 denars for this act. Another man, Elisha, probably
a survivor of the Essenes, was condemned to have his skull broken,
because he was putting on Tephillin. It was dangerous even to wear the
Jewish garb. Two pupils of Joshua therefore adopted the dress of the
country, and when questioned on the subject they replied, "that to
oppose the Imperial behest would be to commit suicide."
Ishmael describes this dreary time, when martyrdom and death dogged
their every step, in the following words: "Since sinful Rome has
inflicted severe laws on us, disturbed us in the performance of our
religious duties, and especially prohibited the act of circumcision, we
really ought not to marry, in order that we may not have children. But
then the race of Abraham would die out. Therefore it is better that,
for a time, the religious laws should be transgressed, rather than
that a state of things should be brought about which the people would
not submit to."
There were, however, many whose conscience did not permit them to make
use of the freedom permitted by the Lyddan Assembly, or to employ the
subterfuges which were adopted by others. They observed rigorously the
religious precepts, even at the risk of suffering martyrdom. One of the
younger witnesses of this sad time describes, almost in a dramatic way,
the ruthlessness of the Roman authorities, who inflicted some cruel
punishment for each religious ceremony. "Why shouldst thou be flogged?
Because I used a lulab. Why shouldst thou be crucified? Because I ate
unleavened bread at Passover. Why should ye be condemned to death
by fire or by the sword? Because we read the Torah, and permitted
our children to be circumcised." Yet more terrible were the deaths
inflicted on the accused by the Roman tribunals, which can only be
paralleled by those inflicted by the Inquisition. Red-hot balls were
placed in the arm-pits, or spiked tubes passed under the nails, or damp
wool was laid on the heart of one who was being burnt to death, or the
skin was taken off--horrors which cause an involuntary shudder at their
mere enumeration.
Notwithstanding the watchfulness of the Roman officials, it would have
been possible to deceive them, had there not been Jewish renegades who
betrayed to the Roman overseers the various stratagems and devices
employed. These spies probably belonged to an unscrupulous class of
men, who would do anything for gain, or they were Jewish Christians,
who by this means thought to find favor with the Roman authorities,
and to show that they were distinct from the Jews. Lastly, there were
those who considered it a good work to assist in the destruction of the
Jewish Law. Amongst these was Acher, who was imbued with contempt for
the Law. It is said that he gave information to the Roman authorities
to enable them to distinguish between religious ceremonies and those
which were of no moment. For example, if the Jews were compelled to
work on the Sabbath, and one had to carry a load, in order to ease his
conscience, would get an assistant, and thus lessen the desecration of
the Sabbath, Acher would draw attention to this ruse. Thus the Roman
spies, who initiated the overseers in the various rites, were keen to
notice every attempt at a religious observance.
Hadrian or his representatives directed their strictest attention to,
and inflicted the severest punishments in, two especial cases--the
assembling of schools and the ordination of disciples. It may have been
suggested to him that the continuance of the Law depended on these
two functions. If the instruction of pupils by the teachers could be
stopped, and the ordination of pupils as independent teachers could be
prevented, then naturally a stoppage must occur in the life-current of
Judaism. It must be confessed that the Roman policy was well carried
out by its supporters, and that they knew how to strike at the most
vital point of Judaism. Severe sentences of death were inflicted upon
those teachers who maintained schools, and on those who ordained
disciples; even the communities were made answerable for them. The town
and its environs, where an ordination took place, were condemned to
destruction. It is possible that Acher instigated this persecution; at
any rate, it is related of him that he handed over the teachers of the
Law to death, and that he frightened away disciples from the study of
the Law.
Amongst the friends of peace who even advised subservience to these
decrees was José ben Kisma, who honored patience as the highest virtue,
and hoped to effect more by submission than by bold opposition and
useless self-destruction. He once met Chanina ben Teradion, who
belonged to the party who were determined to give up their life for the
Law. He was teaching his pupils from a scroll of the Law, which he held
in his lap. José said warningly, "Seest thou, my brother, that even
Heaven is favorable to the Roman empire. The Temple is destroyed; the
pious are cut down, the best men are exterminated, and yet this empire
exists! How canst thou dare to teach against the Imperial law? It would
not surprise me if thou wert condemned to the stake together with the
holy books." José was in high favor at the court of the Governor of
Judæa, and when he died several persons of high rank followed his body.
Most of the Tanaites were of a different opinion, and decided rather
to suffer death than to give up their meetings at the schools; they
considered it of greater importance to study the Law than to observe
religious precepts. A special ordinance was passed in the garret at
Lydda that to teach was far more important than to merely practise the
Law. As far as compulsory abstention from religious observances was
concerned, the teachers of the Law had set an example of submission
for the time being; but in order to preserve the knowledge of the Law
itself they pressed forward to a martyr's death, as though that must be
the holiest part of Judaism, to be defended even at the expense of life.
An old account speaks of ten martyrs who bled for the Law. But the
names of only seven have been preserved; of the others the accounts
are untrustworthy. The first to be executed was Ishmael, son of the
high priest Elisha, who formulated the Thirteen Rules; with him was a
certain Simon (of which name there were several). Elisha was unwilling
to advise others to undergo martyrdom, but he joyfully underwent it
himself. Akiba gave addresses, in which he described how Ishmael and
Simon, both free from sin, had served as examples, and fallen by the
hands of the executioner; and in conclusion he exhorted his scholars
with these words, "Prepare for death, for terrible days are awaiting
us." Akiba's turn soon came, for he held discourses in secret. On the
third day of Tishri he was thrown into prison. In vain had Pappos ben
Judah, one of those who advised submission at any price, warned him to
give up his meetings with his pupils, because the eyes of spies were
directed to the most secret places. Chance brought him and this very
Pappos together in prison. Pappos lamented that he was only condemned
for a worldly matter, and that he could not comfort himself with the
idea that he was suffering for a great cause. Rufus, the governor and
executioner, acted towards Akiba, whom he considered as the head and
leader, with even greater severity than towards the others. He kept him
for a long time in the prison, which was so securely guarded that no
one could gain admission. The remaining teachers of the Law, who felt
utterly deserted and helpless without Akiba, took all possible pains
to obtain his advice in doubtful cases. Once they gave 300 denars to a
messenger, who could only with great difficulty obtain access to Akiba.
At last, however, the hour of his execution came. Rufus inflicted the
cruelest tortures on him, and caused his skin to be torn off with
irons. The great martyr, whilst under torture, recited the Shema with
a peaceful smile on his face. Rufus, astonished at his extraordinary
courage, asked him if he was a sorcerer, that he could so easily
overcome the pain he was suffering. To which Akiba replied, "I am
no sorcerer, but I rejoice that I am permitted to love God with my
life." Akiba breathed forth his soul with the last words of the prayer
which contains the essence of Judaism--God is ONE. Akiba's death,
which was as remarkable as his life had been, left a terrible void.
His contemporaries mourned, for with him was destroyed the arm of the
Law and the source of wisdom. He left one son and several disciples,
who honored his name, and considered his mode of teaching as the only
permissible one.
The fourth martyr who heroically bore his death was Chanina ben
Teradion. Regardless of the warnings of José ben Kisma, he continued to
hold his lectures until he was dragged to the tribunal. He was asked
why he had acted in opposition to the imperial command, and he boldly
answered, "Because God has so commanded me." He was wrapped up in a
scroll of the Law and burnt on a stake of fresh rushes. Chanina's wife
was also sentenced to death, and his daughter condemned to degradation.
The martyrdom of Chuzpit, the speaker (Meturgeman) of the Synhedrion
of Jamnia, and Isebab, the secretary of the Synhedrion, are merely
noted without details; doubtless they were discovered teaching the Law.
Judah ben Baba is said to have been the last of the martyrs. Before his
death he resolved to invest the seven remaining pupils of Akiba with
the necessary authority to continue the propagation of the traditional
Law. He selected for the function the valley between Usha and Shefaram,
but despite this secrecy he was surprised by the Romans. His disciples
refused to leave him, and it was only after repeated entreaties that
they fled. The enemy found the old man alone, and he gave himself up
to death without opposition. He was pierced by lances. From fear of
Rufus's bloodthirsty vengeance, the usual address was omitted at the
funeral of Judah ben Baba. Neither the name nor the mode of death of
the remaining martyrs is known with certainty. Thus ends the second
generation of Tanaites; it was rich in great men, rich in great minds,
and rich in trouble and sorrow. The end of Bar-Cochba's revolt formed
the turning-point of this epoch, and the fact that a temple to Jupiter
Capitolinus occupied the site of the ancient Jewish Temple seemed to
the Jewish Christians to presage the last day and the return of the
Messiah.
Hadrian and Rufus's cruel measures were directed not against the
survivors alone, but also against the dead. The heaps of dead bodies
were not permitted to be interred, but the horrible sight was intended
as a warning to the survivors, that they should no longer dream of
deliverance from the Roman yoke. The rulers did not trouble themselves
as to the pestilential condition of the air, or the depressing effect
of beholding so many corpses lying in the sunshine; or perhaps they
rejoiced that pestilence and despair should be added to the horrors
inflicted on the Jewish nation. To pious and gentle hearts the thought
was unbearable that the remains of those who had fallen, which were
especially to be honored by Jewish custom, should be left as a prey to
wild beasts and birds and to decay in the sunlight. It appears that a
pious man desired to impress on the survivors who had made peace with
the Romans, and who lived in seclusion, the necessity of interring
the corpses in the darkness of the night, even at the cost of their
own happiness and peace. To this end he composed a book--the Book of
Tobit--in which great weight is laid on the duty of secretly interring
the bodies of those whom the tyrants doomed to disgrace; and at the
same time it was hinted that the danger attending this duty would bring
a rich reward. In evidence of this the case was cited of the pious
Tobit, who after suffering many misfortunes as the result of his labor
of love, was in the end rewarded with rich blessings. The contents of
the Book of Tobit undeniably indicate that it was composed in the reign
of Hadrian.
Hadrian's severe persecution also fell upon the Jewish
Christians--perhaps on all Christians--although they had separated
from the Jewish community; for the reason that the Roman authorities
did not consider the differences of dogma between Jews and Christians.
The Evangelists paint in the darkest colors the horrors of persecution
with which the Christians were attacked. "Then you will behold the
terrors of desolation (predicted by the prophet Daniel) where they
should not be; he who is in Judæa will flee to the mountains; woe to
the pregnant and to the sucklings. Pray, however, that your flight may
not take place in winter or on a Sabbath."
Both sects of Christians were anxious to be recognized as a body
separate from the Jews, both politically and religiously, so as to
avoid the doom impending over the latter. Two teachers of the Church,
Quadratus and Aristides, are said to have handed to Hadrian a petition,
in which they demonstrated that Christianity had no connection with
Judaism. From this time dates the unity and identity of most of the
Jewish-Christian and heathen-Christian sects. The Jewish Christians
gave up the Jewish laws which they had hitherto kept, in a greater or
less degree, adopting the dogmatic precepts of Christianity as they had
been developed under heathen-Christian views, and as proof of their
sincere convictions, they for the first time placed an uncircumcised
bishop at the head of the community. From the time of Hadrian all
connection between Jews and Christians ceased, and they no longer
occupied the position of two hostile bodies belonging to the same
house, but they became two entirely distinct bodies.
Through the war against Hadrian and the edict of persecution a terrible
time had arisen for Judæa. The towns were destroyed, the land laid
waste, the inhabitants were killed either on the battle-field or on
the scaffold, or led a miserable life as refugees, while some were
scattered in more hospitable territories.
The disciples of the Law, more especially the seven disciples of Akiba,
had, with broken hearts, sought refuge in Nisibis and Nahardea, and if
the persecution had lasted longer, Babylon would even at this time have
attained that importance for Judaism which it reached a century later.
Hadrian's death, which occurred three years after the fall of Bethar,
brought about a favorable turn. The pious beheld in the miserable
death of this emperor, who, next to Antiochus Epiphanes, became the
incarnation of the Jews' hatred, and the mention of whose name was
always accompanied by the curse, "May God reduce his remains to dust,"
a divine visitation for the evils he had wrought on the Jewish nation.
Those who had escaped destruction endeavored to obtain from Hadrian's
successor the revocation of the cruel edicts. Titus Aurelius Antoninus,
who received the name of Pius, although the adopted son of Hadrian,
was of a somewhat more humane and beneficent character, and a milder
treatment seemed likely at his hands. A noble Roman lady of Cæsarea or
Antioch, who had pity on the sufferings of the Jews, advised them to
petition the Roman authorities that the persecutions might cease. This
lady was perhaps the wife of Rufus, and is said to have had inclination
towards Judaism. Following this advice, a few men, headed by Jehudah
ben Shamua, repaired to the governor to beg for mercy. In the gloomy
darkness of their desolation they lamented--"O heavens, are we not
your brothers, the sons of the same father? Why do you inflict on us
unendurable sufferings?" Such lamentations appear to have induced the
governor to petition the Emperor to pursue a milder course of conduct
towards the Jews.
On the 15th Ab (August) the joyous news is said to have come that
the heaped-up corpses of the Jewish warriors might be buried. On the
28th Adar (March, 139 or 140), the yet more joyful tidings came that
the decrees of Hadrian were revoked, and this day was commemorated
in the calendar. A Roman source relates that the Emperor Antoninus
Pius conceded to the Jews the rite of circumcision; but they were not
permitted to perform it on other nationalities; that is, they were not
allowed to make proselytes. Thus the persecution on account of religion
was ended. Antoninus Pius, however, did not repeal the law forbidding
the Jews to enter Jerusalem.
This unexpected end of the persecution recalled the fugitives to
their native land. The seven disciples of Akiba--the only heirs to
the spiritual heritage of former times--who, for the most part, had
emigrated to Babylon, now returned. These were Meïr, Judah ben Ilai,
José ben Chalafta, Jochanan of Alexandria, Simon ben Jochai, Eleazar
ben Jacob (or ben Shamua) and Nehemiah. They repaired directly to
the plain of Rimmon, made notable during the Revolution, to consider
the introduction of a leap year, the calendar probably having become
incorrect. At the first meeting a fierce contest ensued, probably with
reference to one of the Halachas of Akiba, but the dispute terminated
in a friendly settlement.
They reassembled in Usha, the native town of Judah, which even previous
to the revolution of Bar-Cochba, had been, for a short time, the seat
of the college, and they invited all the remaining teachers of the
Law in Galilee to meet there. Many came at the invitation, and the
inhabitants of Usha endeavored to provide the guests with all that
they required. The business of the Synod was to reinstate and renew
the traditions which had fallen into disuse during the persecutions.
After several days passed in Usha, the chief organizers of the meeting
dismissed their guests with solemn addresses. Judah thanked the
strangers, who had taken the trouble to come to the meeting from a
distance of several miles. The other members of the council thanked
the inhabitants of Usha for the hospitality displayed towards them.
Thus did the nation, whose destruction had seemed imminent, again
revive, and the Law was once again the curative measure, bringing with
it health and strength.
The members of the Tanaite circle pursued the work of their
predecessors with great self-sacrifice, in order to restore the broken
chain of tradition, but their numbers were less, and their mental
activity inferior to that of the former generation. The chief of those
who took part in affairs were Simon II., son of the Patriarch Gamaliel,
Nathan of Babylon, Meïr and Simon ben Jochai. The first of these,
as was related, escaped in a wonderful manner from the massacre at
Bethar, as also from the persecution with which he was threatened. The
quæsitor, who had been appointed by Rufus to imprison him, gave him a
hint of the threatened danger, on which Simon escaped and took refuge
in Babylon. How long he remained there, and under what circumstances he
assumed his hereditary dignities, is not known.
Simon seems to have been desirous of raising the dignity of Patriarch
to special importance and grandeur, probably in imitation of the
Babylonian Prince of the Captivity. He does not appear to have been at
the first Synod in Usha, nor to have taken part in the discourses given
there from time to time, but to have taken up his residence at Jabne, a
place endeared to him by the memory of his father, in the neighborhood
of which he probably owned property. The disciples of Akiba, the chief
supporters of the Law, appear to have preferred Usha--or they desired
to proclaim their independence of the patriarch. Thus Simon, in order
not to remain alone, had to repair to the Galilean Synod. The College
was completed by Nathan and Meïr as speaker. The patriarch had almost
brought on himself the fate of his father through disregarding the
equality which reigned amongst the members of the College. Of his
bearing towards the traditional law only so much is known, that he
taught the universally acknowledged Halachas, and the doubtful ones he
had referred to himself. In contested cases he gave the preference to
former decisions, and laid no weight on theoretical discussions. On the
authority of the numerous teachers of the Law in past times certain
practices had obtained amongst their surroundings and had become an
authority amongst the people, and these practices Simon desired to
maintain. The decision of a court of justice, in such cases where a
mistaken judgment was given, was to hold good, for otherwise Simon
feared that respect for such decisions would cease. His high-mindedness
Simon showed in the beautiful saying, "The world subsists on three
conditions, truth, justice and peace."
The most original personage of this period was unquestionably Meïr,
whose great intellect, thoroughness of purpose and knowledge remind us
of his teacher Akiba. His real but forgotten name was Miasa or Moise
(the Greek for Moses). According to an unauthenticated legend he was
said to be descended from a converted family, from the Emperor Nero in
fact, who was believed in the East to have escaped his murderers and to
have become converted to Judaism.
It is certain that Meïr's birthplace was in Asia Minor, probably in the
Cappadocian Cæsarea. He made his livelihood through writing and copying
Holy Writ. He was so intimately acquainted with the orthographical
rules of the Hebrew language, which render the transcription of the
Holy Books almost a science, that he once wrote from memory the whole
book of Esther without making a mistake. By this means he earned three
shekels per week, two-thirds of which he devoted to his family and
one-third to the support of poor fellow-students. He married Bruria
(or Valeria), the learned daughter of Chanina ben Teradion, whose
Halachic knowledge was praised even by Joshua. Meïr was for a time a
pupil of Ishmael, but his simple mode of teaching did not please him so
well as the more intelligent method of Akiba, whose system, which was
ultimately adopted by him, exercised the most decided influence over
his mode of thought. Akiba soon ordained his favorite pupil, and gave
him the preference over Simon, but on account of his youth he did not
meet with much respect as an independent teacher. Meïr was severe on
such petty conduct, which did not look to the qualifications of a man,
but to his age. "Look not," he said wittily, "to the vessel, but to
its contents. Many a new vessel contains old wine, but there are old
casks which do not contain even new wine." Several sensible sayings
are recorded of him; he became celebrated as a writer of fables, and
composed 300 on the fox alone--a favorite subject of Eastern imagery.
The submission to God of Meïr and his wife on the occasion of the death
of their two children has become known through a poetical account of
the event. It is related that his two sons, having died suddenly on the
Sabbath, during their father's absence at the school, his tender-hearted
wife did not tell him of the deaths, in order that he might not be
grieved by sad tidings on the holy day. When the Sabbath was over she
asked him whether that which was lent must necessarily be returned to
the lender, and on receiving an affirmative answer she led him to where
their two children lay dead, and consoled him with what he had said,
that they had only been confided to their care, and were now reclaimed
by the owner. Meïr's modesty was as great as his submissiveness to God.
His favorite saying was, "Occupy thyself less with gain than with the
Law, and be humble to all men."
His contemporaries and successors could not sufficiently praise
Meïr's wisdom and character. José depicts him to his townspeople, the
inhabitants of Sepphoris, as a pious, morally strict and holy man. It
became proverbial that "He who touches Meïr's staff becomes wise." He
obtained his deep knowledge of men by mixing with those against whom
prejudice prevailed. He even sought out the apostate and traitor Acher,
in order that he might be instructed by him. When Meïr was reproached
for his intimacy with a traitor to the Law, he said, "When I see a
juicy pomegranate I enjoy its contents and throw away the skin."
One Sabbath he accompanied Acher, who was on horseback, whilst Meïr was
on foot, discussing a rendering of the Scriptures. Suddenly Acher said
to him, "Thou canst go thus far and not farther, for here is the limit
of thy Sabbath walk. Return." Meïr, seizing the opportunity, said to
Acher, "Return thou also." But Acher said, "If for all sinners there be
pardon, for me the gates of mercy are closed, because I have turned the
gifts given me by God to evil uses." Later, when Acher was ill, Meïr
again endeavored to win him over, and flattered himself that he had
induced Acher to repent before his death. A legend relates that Meïr
spread his mantle over Acher's grave, from which there arose a pillar
of smoke, and in imitation of a verse of Scripture (Ruth iii. 13) he
exclaimed, "Rest here in the night; in the dawn of happiness the God of
mercy will deliver thee; if not, I will be thy redeemer."
Meïr also was intimate with a heathen philosopher, Euonymus of Gadara.
In Jewish circles it was said, "Be not surprised to find amongst the
heathens a knowledge of God, for God had inspired Balaam and Euonymus,
two of the greatest philosophers of heathendom, with His wisdom, so
that they might teach the people." When Euonymus mourned for the death
of his parents, Meïr visited him in order to condole with him, for he
held that a heathen who occupied himself with the Torah was as worthy
as a high priest of Judaism, for it says in Holy Writ, "These laws man
shall observe in order to live," by which Meïr explained that Jews were
not exclusively appointed to enjoy eternal happiness.
Through intercourse with men of learning Meïr appears to have become
acquainted with the Stoic philosophy, which was at that time the ruling
power in the Roman world. But all the perfections which, according to
philosophy, were due to the Stoic theory, he attributed to the Torah,
which helps man to attain the ideal, if he devotes himself to it from
pure love and without interested motives. "The Torah," he says, "makes
him who familiarizes himself with it worthy to all the world; he
becomes the favorite of all; it inspires him with love to God and man;
clothes him in modesty and fear of God; makes him pious, honest, and
true; removes him from sin; brings him near to virtue; endows him with
kingly dignity; makes him moral, long-suffering, forgetful of injury,
and raises and carries him above all things." This was his ideal of a
truly wise man. In treating the Halachic traditions Meïr copied his
teacher Akiba's system of dialectics. The rules of deduction used by
his predecessors he employed as formulas which could establish or
abolish legal enactments. His contemporaries relate of him that they
could never reach the real meaning of Meïr's decisions, because he
brought forward a number of proofs for and against an ordinance, and
he was able through similes and deductions to turn a law, as it was
laid down, into one of an opposite meaning. Whether these sophistic
arguments were to be taken seriously, or whether they were only
intended by the speaker for dialectic purposes in order to show both
sides of the question, is not now known, as even those who lived in
former times were doubtful on the subject.
Yet the injurious method of treating the Halachas, which was called
Talmudic dialectics, became later on still more developed; in fact,
the closer apprehension of the Halachas was deemed impossible without
it. Nevertheless, Meïr's exposition of the Law was decidedly serious
and strict. Amongst other things he asserts that he who gives his
wife less dowry than is usual, acts wrongly; for he thereby makes
divorce more easy to obtain. Further, he asserts that any one who in
the smallest degree should deviate from the law laid down for divorce
would render the act illegal, and his children from the second marriage
would be considered as illegitimate. Meïr further controverted the law
which was universally respected, that what was forbidden or permitted
should be inferred from such cases as most commonly occurred in life,
without regard to exceptional circumstances; he considered that certain
circumstances should conscientiously be reckoned exceptional. For this
reason when he heard that some Samaritans continued to worship idols,
which according to Hadrian's edict they had formerly been compelled
to do, when they brought him libations of wine, he refused to permit
the use of wine amongst his hearers. This abstinence, had it been
consistently observed, would have put an end to much industry and
pleasure and rendered them legally impossible. For other misdeeds, as
for example usury, he imposed heavy fines. But his regulations were
not carried out, his contemporaries and succeeding generations did not
acknowledge Meïr's ordinances and imposts in their entirety. He was,
however, most severe against himself, and once said--"Even if I hold
something as permissible to others, I cannot allow it to hold good for
myself, if I am convinced that my colleagues would be of a different
opinion." As in the treatment of Halachas, so in ordinary things, Meïr
followed in the footsteps of Akiba; he completed the collection of
the Mishnas, but appears to have arranged their component parts more
according to their contents than their number. These arrangements of
Meïr and his colleagues made no pretense to being a code, but each
teacher of the Law having a circle of disciples, treated the material
before him in the manner which seemed most suitable and convenient to
himself. Meïr had assembled a not insignificant number of pupils round
him, who were drawn towards him by his intelligent renderings and
interesting lectures. He was in the habit of alternating the dry matter
of the Halachas with the attractive Agadahs, and of illustrating them
by fables.
Amongst Meïr's disciples was one named Symmachos ben Joseph, who
adopted and exaggerated his method to such an extent that it was said
of him that he could argue well, but could not come to any practical
decision. It was even said of him that his forefathers could not have
been present at the Revelation on Sinai. After Meïr's death both
Symmachos and his disciples were excluded from the school, because
they did not seek for truth, but only to dispute sophistically. It is
probable that Meïr repaired to the Synhedrion of Usha when important
questions were under discussion. He did not live on good terms with the
Patriarch Simon.
Simon ben Jochai of Galilee was as striking but not so many-sided
a personage as Meïr, and he was falsely reported to be a worker of
miracles--a mystic and a Cabbalist. Few facts of his life are known,
but we may infer from what is recorded that he was rather of a
matter-of-fact than of an imaginative turn of mind. Nothing is known
of Simon's youth, and later, after his return with others from the
exile imposed on them under Hadrian's rule, his activity seems to have
spent itself on the newly organized Synhedrion at Usha. In opposition
to his father, Jochai, who stood in favor with the Roman authorities,
the son was a decided enemy of Rome, and was not much liked by them.
For uttering a truthful censure on the Roman Governor, he was sentenced
to death, and could save himself only by flight, and upon this fact
legend has seized in order to surround Simon with wonders and miracles.
Amongst the various legal decisions, sayings and remarks which have
been preserved of him there is no trace of a mystical tendency. On the
contrary his reasoning with regard to biblical laws was always of a
simple nature. The system of following out the reasoning of the Law,
and thence drawing deductions, was peculiar to Simon.
This was an improvement on Akiba's system, which consisted in drawing
from pleonastic words, syllables and letters, the principles of
legal deductions. The following are instances of Simon's method. The
Bible forbids the distraint of a widow's goods; Simon restricted the
reference to cases of poor widows. Simon drew his conclusion in the
following manner:--The biblical law which enacts that a widow should
be spared all legal seizure of goods could only apply to poor widows.
A rich woman had no cause for being so spared. Further, that the
prohibition against intermarrying with the seven Canaanite races must
also be extended to all idolatrous nations, as the law was actually
intended to prevent the people from being drawn into idolatry.
Another opinion of Simon's shows how far removed he was from all
exaggerated religious theories. He had a curious saying that the
fulfilment of the Law was only possible to those who lived on manna
or the tithes. Unlike most teachers of the Law, Simon pursued no
occupation or business; he was at that time the only man whose
life's business was the study of the Law. Simon's dwelling-place and
school-house were in the fertile oil district of Tekoa, in Galilee. He
had his circle of disciples, and because he survived his colleagues he
became the only authority of the following period.
Another important name was that of Judah ben Ilai of Usha, whose
character bore a similarity to that of Joshua. Modest, wise,
diplomatic, eloquent, he knew how to bridge over the breach which
existed between the Roman and the Jewish nature. He was therefore
especially designated "the wise," or "the first speaker." Judah
was not a man of property, but, like Joshua, he supported himself
by an occupation of which he was not ashamed. He often used the
expression--"The work honors the laborer. He who does not teach his son
a handicraft designs him to be a robber." His mode of teaching had no
especially pronounced characteristics.
As with Judah we have no distinctive features recorded, so also of
the life of José ben Chalafta of Sepphoris but little is known. He
also followed a trade, and one of the lowest kind. He was a worker
in leather. Unlike his contemporaries, José devoted himself to the
collection of the annals of Jewish history, and left an account from
the creation of the world to the war of Bar Cochba, under the name of
Seder Olam. He endeavored to fix the various dates correctly from the
historical records of the Bible. He tried to render clear the doubtful
passages, and to fill up the gaps in traditions. On the other hand,
from the time of Alexander the Great, we find that this chronicle of
José gives independent and trustworthy, but very scanty information.
But little that is noteworthy is known of the other disciples of
Akiba. Besides the Galilean circle of scholars there was yet another
in the extreme south of Judæa (Darom) who continued Ishmael's mode of
teaching; only two members of this circle, Josiah and Jonathan, are
known.
Nathan, a Babylonian, and a son of the Prince of the Captivity, was a
man of special interest. It is not known where he received instruction
in the Halachas, nor what occasioned him to remove to Judæa, or to
give up the more favorable position that he occupied in his native
country. The foreign teachers of the Law at this period were Judah ben
Bathyra of Nisibis, who appears to have sheltered the fugitives from
Judæa; also Chananya, nephew of Joshua, in Nahar-Pakod, who had been
sent by his uncle to Babylon, so as to remove him from the influence
of the Jewish Christians; and, lastly, Matiah ben Charash in Rome, who
first transplanted the knowledge of the Jewish Law from Asia to Europe.
Whilst the teachers of the Law in Galilee endeavored to reanimate the
body of the nation, to re-establish the Synhedrion, and to secure
and spread traditions by collecting and classifying them, but little
was needed to cause a deep schism which threatened to separate the
Babylonian congregation entirely from the main body.
The wisdom of the Patriarch Simon II. deftly avoided this breach.
Chananya established a sort of Synhedrion in Nahar-Pakod, probably in
the neighborhood of Nahardea, of which he was the president, whilst
a certain Nechunyan, perhaps the Prince of the Captivity, appears to
have supported him. The Babylonian community, until then under the
control of Judæa, and now left uncared for through the destruction of
all religious institutions in the fatherland, welcomed a Synhedrion
in their midst as of joyful import, and gratefully accepted its
ordinances and decisions. Chananya immediately introduced a leap
year, and the celebration of the festivals as had been customary in
Judæa. But when the Synhedrion had been established in Usha it was no
longer possible to continue the existence of a body which threatened
the unity of Judaism, and tended to divide it into an eastern and
western Judaism. In order to avoid such a division the Patriarch Simon
sent two ambassadors, Isaac and Nathan, with flattering messages to
Chananya, with the unusual superscription, "To his holiness Chananya."
The president of the Babylonian Synhedrion, who had not expected such
friendliness, received the Jewish ambassadors in the kindest manner,
and introduced them with flattering speeches to the assembly. Having
secured the confidence of the nation, they named the ultimate reason
of their embassage. At the public service they read from the Book of
Laws, "Such are the feast days of Chananya" (instead of God). Another
read from the prophets--"From Babylon shall the light go forth, and the
word of the Lord from Nahar Pakod" (instead of Zion and Jerusalem). The
audience, whose attention was drawn through these ironical allusions,
and who felt that an independent Synhedrion in Babylon would be
contrary to the spirit of the Law, felt their consciences disturbed.
Chananya vainly endeavored to weaken the impression by implicating the
ambassadors. They replied that to establish an opposition Synhedrion
in Babylon was tantamount to building an altar, at which Chananya and
Nechunya would officiate as unauthorized priests, and was in fact
equal to disavowing the God of Israel. Chananya, however, doubted the
continuance of a Synhedrion in Judæa, saying that the teachers of
the Law there did not enjoy any authority, to which the ambassadors
replied, "The little ones whom thou hast deserted have meanwhile grown
up." Chananya, however, did not relinquish his design until Judah ben
Bathyra, in Nisibis, pointed out to him that in holy things unqualified
obedience must be paid to the Judæan Synhedrion. Finding no response
or interest anywhere, he countermanded the festivals as arranged by
himself, and the Babylonian Synhedrion came to an end.
Dissensions arose at the College of Usha, which threatened to have
similar results to the contest between Gamaliel and Joshua. The
Patriarch Simon, in order to increase his dignity, endeavored to
introduce a special etiquette, in order to remove the equality
previously existing between all officials. In the absence of the
Ab-beth-din Nathan and the speaker Meïr, he instituted a new order of
rank, which would definitely recognize him as the superior head. This
distinction lay herein, that at all public sittings of the Synhedrion
the people, who were accustomed to rise at the entrance of the
president and other important officials, and to remain standing until
the sign was given them to be seated, should reserve this mark of honor
in future for the President alone; in honor of his substitute only the
first rows were to stand until he had taken his seat; and still less
ceremony was to be observed towards the speaker (the Chacham).
When Nathan and Meïr for the first time attended the meeting and
noticed the new arrangements they secretly determined to conspire
against Simon, and to deprive him of his office. For this purpose,
however, the consent of the nation, with whom the appointment of
Patriarch rested, became necessary. They determined to puzzle Simon
by difficult questions (on the Halachas), and he seems to have been
inferior to them in knowledge of traditional lore, and when they
had revealed his weakness before the whole assemblage they intended
proposing the deposition of a Patriarch who was not conversant with all
branches of the Law. They also determined that Nathan, who belonged to
the family of the Prince of the Captivity, and who was also of the race
of David, should become Patriarch, and that Meïr should be second in
rank as substitute. This plot, however, was betrayed to Simon, and the
conspirators found him prepared.
The Patriarch, on revealing the scheme against him, succeeded in having
the two expelled from the Synhedrion. But they made their absence felt
by writing difficult questions and distributing them amongst the
assembly, whom they thereby placed in an awkward position. Referring
to these two José afterwards said, "We are in the house of the Law,
but the Law is outside." They were readmitted, but Simon arranged that
their names should not be recorded in the ordinances enacted by him. R.
Nathan subsequently made peace with the Patriarch, but the breach with
Meïr endured. Simon at length excommunicated him, but Meïr was not as
submissive as he who, without a word, had accepted Gamaliel's sentence.
Referring to a former resolution of the Synhedrion in Usha, that no
member could be excommunicated, Meïr replied, "I do not care for your
sentence until you prove to me on whom, on what grounds, and under what
conditions it can be imposed." In proud recognition of his own worth,
Meïr is said on his death-bed to have uttered the words: "Tell the
sons of the Holy Land that their Messiah has died in a foreign land."
According to his last will, his body was buried on the sea-shore.
Simon's patriarchate was not free from the disturbances and oppressions
which the Roman officials permitted themselves to perpetrate towards
the Jewish people. The mutual hatred of Jews and Romans, which had
followed from the revolt of Bar-Cochba and Hadrian's persecution,
was so great that the powerful victors could not do otherwise than
make their power felt by those whom they had conquered. Simon ben
Gamaliel notes the daily tortures and oppressions: "Our forefathers
only scented trouble from afar; we, however, have suffered from them
through many days, years, periods, and cycles; we have more right to
become impatient than our forefathers. If, as formerly, we desired to
record our troubles and temporary relief on a scroll, we should not
find space enough." The hatred of the Romans on the one hand, and the
endurance of the Jews on the other, appear to have ended in a fresh
revolution in Judæa, which took place in the last year of the reign
of the Emperor Antoninus Pius (161), but its rise, scene of action,
and results are not known. The attempt at a new call to arms appears
to have been connected with the warlike preparations commenced by the
Parthians against Rome. Though often deceived, the Judæans still hoped
for the help of the Parthians, as a means of deliverance from the Roman
yoke. Simon b. Jochai, who heartily despised the hypocritical policy of
the Romans, said, "When thou seest a Persian (Parthian) steed tied to
an Israelite tombstone, then canst thou believe in the advent of the
Messiah." Meanwhile, the badly-organized revolt was soon suppressed by
the Governor of Syria before the Parthians could come to the rescue.
The Parthian war, which lasted several years (161-165), began shortly
after the death of the Emperor Antoninus Pius, when the Roman Empire
for the first time was governed by two rulers, the philosophical but
impractical Marcus Aurelius Antoninus and the dissolute Verus Commodus.
At the first attack the Parthians, under their king Vologeses, entered
Syria, defeated the governor, Atidius Cornelianus, who had just
repressed the Jewish revolt, put his legions to flight, and devastated
the country. The second emperor, Verus, was sent with fresh troops
to the East, though he was eminently unfitted to conduct a war. The
conquest of the Parthians was therefore undertaken by capable generals,
whilst the emperor gave himself up to dissipation in Antioch, Laodicea,
and Daphne.
Fresh persecutions appear to have been instituted by the Emperor Verus
against the Jews of Palestine. First they lost the right of using
their own courts of justice. It is not certain whether Jewish judicial
functions were set aside, or whether the Jewish judges were deposed.
Simon ben Jochai thanked God for the interference of the Romans, as
he, like his contemporaries, did not feel himself fitted to exercise
judicial rights. Notwithstanding that the chiefs of the Synhedrion had
taken no part in the revolution, they yet seem to have been suspected
and watched by the Roman authorities. A conversation was once reported
which took place between Judah, José and Simon ben Jochai at Usha,
where, it appears, a discussion was held with regard to the Roman
policy. Judah, who, like Joshua, endeavored to calm those who stood
around, had been praising Rome for her actions. "How useful this nation
has been; everywhere it has erected towns with market-places; it has
put bridges over rivers, and built bath-houses for the preservation of
health." José kept silent, neither giving praise nor blame. Simon ben
Jochai, on the other hand, could not repress his displeasure. "What
the Romans do," he said, "they only do for the sake of selfishness
and gain. They keep houses of bad repute in the cities, misuse the
bathing-places, and levy toll for the bridges." A proselyte, Judah,
repeated this, perhaps without desiring to make mischief. Judah,
however, the eulogist of Rome, was loaded with honors, José was
banished to Laodicea, and Simon was condemned to death. In consequence
of these events the Synhedrion at Usha seems to have been dissolved,
for the most important members were withdrawn, and its proceedings
watched.
Simon, who had taken refuge, as before stated, in a cave, became the
hero of various miracles. He is said to have spent years in this cave,
supporting himself on carob-beans and spring water, in consequence
of which his skin became full of boils. When he learnt that affairs
had taken a favorable turn, probably through the death of the Emperor
Verus (169), he took this as a sign that he might venture out, and by
bathing in the warm springs of Tiberias his shattered health became
restored. Out of gratitude he declared the town of Tiberias, which
had hitherto been avoided by the pious, because buildings had been
erected over graves, as clean and suitable for a dwelling-place. This
aroused the anger of the pious who lived in Magdala (Tarichea), who
considered this decision as a frivolous innovation. After his return
Simon ben Jochai was asked to repair to Rome, and to intercede with
the Emperor Marcus Aurelius for the abolition of the laws against the
Jews. Simon took as his companion on this journey Eleazar, the son of
José, probably because he was acquainted with the Latin language. When
they arrived in Rome, assisted by various influential Roman Jews, they
probably succeeded in obtaining from Marcus Aurelius the concession
sought. Christian teachers also addressed petitions to the Emperor and
requested him to show mercy on Christendom. The legend relating to
Simon attributes the attainment of the emperor's favor to a miracle;
he had, namely, delivered the daughter of the emperor, Lucilla, from a
demon (Bartholomaion), and out of gratitude the emperor permitted him
and his followers to take from the state archives whatever they chose,
and they took out the inhuman decree against the Jews and destroyed it.
There appear to have been actual grounds for this story, for Eleazar
ben Joseph, Simon's friend, boasted that he had seen in the room the
vessels of the Temple, the frontal of the high priest, and the curtain
of the Holy of Holies, which Titus had carried off as trophies, and
which could be seen only by those especially favored.