CHAPTER FOUR.

THE FLEET AT SEA.--TROOPS LANDED.--ALL HOPE OF PEACE ABANDONED.--SPIES

EXECUTED.--BOATS SENT TO WATCH FIRE-SHIPS.--REJOIN ORPHEUS.--LAND

MASTERS OF MERCHANTMEN.--FALL IN WITH REBEL REGIMENT.--ATTACK FORT ON

SULLIVAN'S ISLAND.--HEAVY LOSS.--WITNESS ATTACK ON BROOKLYN.--DREADFUL

SLAUGHTER.--RUN PAST BATTERIES IN EAST RIVER.--TRYING TIME.--DEATH OF AN

OLD FRIEND.--SHIPS CANNONADED.

Far as the eye could reach the white sails of the men-of-war and

transports dotted the blue waters of the Atlantic, as with a light

though favourable breeze the fleet steered a course for New York. We

might have been excused, as we scanned with pride the vast armament--the

ships, their crews, and the troops in prime order and amply supplied

with all the munitions of war, under the command of the most experienced

leaders England could send forth--if we believed firmly that victory was

destined to sit proudly on our standards. Here and there a man-of-war

might be seen in the far distance, like a sheep-dog on the heels of the

flock, firing a gun now, on this side now on that, to hint to any

laggers along the transports to make more sail, but generally the fleet

kept well together. On the 13th the Greyhound, with General Howe on

board, parted company, to hasten on, it was supposed, to make

arrangements with Governor Tryon and other royalists in the

neighbourhood of New York about the landing the troops, and did not

return to the fleet. It was not till the 2nd, after a prosperous

voyage, that we reached Sandy Hook, at the mouth of Baritan Day, to the

southward of the narrow entrance of New York harbour, where we found at

anchor his Majesty's ship Phoenix and several sail of merchantmen. At

noon on the 4th the signal was given for the whole fleet to weigh. It

was a beautiful sight. The sky was blue, the sun bright, and the water

calm and clear. To the southward, across the yellow glittering shore of

Sandy Hook, arose the bold highlands of Neversink; on the larboard bow

was Staten Island, with green fields, feathery woods, and sloping hills,

sprinkled with numerous country houses and villas, built mostly by the

old Dutch settlers, peeping from among the trees. Ahead were the

Narrows--such is the appropriate name given to the channel leading to

New York--while more to the right stretched away, till lost in distance

to the north-east, the low sandy coast of Long Island, with a fringe of

dark forest appearing on the summit of its centre ridge like the

bristles on the back of a wild boar. The Chatham was the first ship to

make sail, and the master received orders to steer through the rest of

the fleet. It was truly a fine sight, as the admiral and the generals,

with their brilliant staffs in rich uniforms, and the officers of the

ships stood crowding on the decks, with bands playing joyous and

inspiriting tunes while we sailed onward, the crews and troops on board

that numerous squadron cheering lustily, their hearts beating with

martial ardour under the belief that we were advancing to the immediate

attack and certain conquest of New York. All necessary preparations

were made on our passage up for landing, but as we approached the

entrance of the harbour some change seemed to be contemplated in the

arrangements, and at sunset, instead of entering the Narrows, the signal

was made for the fleet to anchor in Gravesend Day at the south-west end

of Long Island. I was anxious to fall in with the Orpheus, once more to

get on board her, for with my scanty stock of clothing I was far from

comfortable in the flag-ship. She was, however, away on a cruise and

might not possibly return for some time. However, I thereby saw and

heard more of the general proceedings than I should otherwise have done.

We learned soon afterwards that on this very day, the 4th of July,

1776, thirteen British colonies in America had declared themselves free

and independent States, abjuring all allegiance to the British Crown,

and renouncing all political connexion with the mother country. This

declaration was issued by the celebrated Congress, organised by Dr

Franklin and other provincial leaders, consisting of representatives

from the above-mentioned States who assembled at Philadelphia. The

resolution was passed on the 2nd, but it was not till the day I speak

of, the 4th, that the document entitled the Declaration of Independence

was adopted by the Congress and published to the people. It was the

fatal blow which severed for ever that vast territory from Great

Britain. The reasons for our anchoring and the troops not being landed

were known only to the commanders-in-chief.

At daylight on the 5th the signal was made for the whole fleet to weigh.

At this time, it must be understood, the rebels held the shore of Long

Island on our starboard hand in considerable force, and there were

bodies of them on Staten Island on the larboard hand, which forms the

southern side of the harbour. It was a fine sight to see the fleet, the

Phoenix, Rose, and Senegal leading, standing for the channel of the

Narrows; but our hopes of entering into action were again disappointed

in consequence of the wind falling away and compelling us to anchor. At

four o'clock in the afternoon, however, once more the signal was made to

weigh, the flat-bottomed boats destined to land the troops were manned,

and in the same order as before we proceeded onwards. The moment we

entered the Narrows the rebels opened fire on us from field-pieces and

small arms, but without doing us much injury, but very few men on board

any of the ships being killed. By seven o'clock we had dropped anchor

close in with the north shore of Staten Island, and were actively

engaged in landing the troops. So rapid and unexpected had been our

movements at the last that a body of the enemy, to the number of nearly

three hundred men, were unable to escape and were taken prisoners by the

first division of Grenadiers who landed. The army at once encamped, and

it was difficult to say what great movement would next take place. We

found ourselves, however, at once engaged in active warfare on a small

scale, for the enemy were by no means idle and the troops had frequent

skirmishes with them. The navy also had work enough to do, and of a

very harassing nature. Frequently I had to spend the whole of the night

in a guard-boat keeping watch on the movements of the enemy, especially

looking out for the approach of fire-ships, which, it was reported, they

were about to send down in the hopes of destroying the fleet. In the

day-time we were employed in carrying about troops and throwing them on

shore in different directions, to harass and distract the enemy, so that

they might be less prepared when the real attack upon them was made. On

the 12th of July the signal was made for the Phoenix, Rose, and Tryall

to get under weigh, and the wind being favourable, they stood up boldly

towards the mouth of the Hudson. It was an exploit of no slight danger

and difficulty, and was watched by all on board the fleet with

breathless interest. As they got within reach the batteries of Red

Hook, Powles Hook, and the garrison of New York opened an incessant and

heavy fire on them, which was warmly returned by the ships. General

Washington and his army must have looked with no little vexation, if not

dismay, on the success of the attempt, as it exposed the shores of the

Hudson at unexpected points to our attacks, and Captain Wallace of the

Rose was well known for the annoyance he had been causing the

inhabitants of the New England coast since the commencement of the

outbreak.

On the day of this occurrence a salute from each of the ships-of-war

gave notice that Lord Viscount Howe had arrived. He superseded Lord

Shouldham as commander-in-chief. He had come out from England expecting

to join his brother, the general, at Halifax, but finding that he had

sailed from thence had followed him here. At first it was supposed that

warlike operations would be pushed on with vigour, but soon it was

reported that conciliatory measures were to be the order of the day, and

the general and admiral lost no time in communicating with General

Washington, Dr Franklin, and other leaders of the rebels, in the hopes

of bringing them to terms.

Officers were sent with flags of truce, who were met by the Americans

each time in a barge half-way between Governor's Island and Staten

Island. Governor's Island is a small island in the centre of the

channel between Brooklyn and New York. They were conducted with every

mark of courtesy to the American generals, but the rebels had already

committed themselves too far to allow them to accept of any terms the

British Commissioners had it in their power to offer. The Declaration

of Independence had for ever, indeed, cut the last link which bound the

colonies to England, and though henceforward they might be reconciled,

it was clear that it must be in the character of separate States. It

was reported on board that the admiral had addressed a letter to General

Washington as simply to George Washington, Esquire, and that the

American commander-in-chief refused to receive it, on the ground that he

was at the head of a regularly constituted army and could only receive

communications under his proper title of general. Those who knew

General Washington, as I afterwards had the means of doing, were aware

that this was not owing to pride or ostentation, but from the importance

in the critical position in which he was placed of keeping up his

character and of asserting the legality of the cause in which he was

engaged. Whatever might have been then said of that truly great man,

ample justice will be done him in after ages, I am sure, among all ranks

and classes of opinion. However, as I do not profess to write a history

of the events of the war or of the public characters engaged in it, I

will return to my own private journal.

The Americans had for some time past, as I have mentioned, been

preparing fire-ships. This we knew from our spies. We had a number of

them on shore, or rather, there were a number of royalists who, having

no wish to join the rebellion, were ready by every means in their power

to aid in putting it down. A considerable number of these had been

removed by the rebel authorities, both from Long Island and the adjacent

districts, into the interior. Many were imprisoned, and some few who

had been discovered communicating with our party were executed as spies.

Even among the very men who were about Washington himself some were

found not true to him, and it was reported that plots had been laid, if

not against his life, at all events against his liberty, so that it

would not have surprised us had he been brought on board a prisoner.

But to return to the subject of the fire-ships. On the night of the

10th of August I had been put in charge of one of the squadron of boats

always held in readiness to repel any attack from those dangerous

engines of warfare. It had just gone four-bells in the first watch, the

night was cloudy though it was calm and sultry, when the Eagle, Captain

Duncan, made the signal that the enemy's fire-ships were approaching.

The officer in command of our boat squadron repeated the signal. "Give

way, my lads, give way?" he shouted, and away we all pulled up the

harbour. It was necessary to be silent and cautious in the extreme,

however, as soon as we had quitted the fleet. We made the best of our

way, for time might be of importance. The night was very dark, the

water was smooth and the foam which bubbled up at our bows of the boats

and fell in showers from the blades of our oars sparkled brilliantly, as

if composed of grains of burnished gold.

Ahead of us lay the devoted city against which our arms were soon to be

turned, and from whose neighbourhood we expected every instant to see

the fire-ships issue forth. At length the order was passed from boat to

boat that we should lay on our oars to await the expected event. Hour

after hour, however, went by. Now there was an alarm that some dark

bodies were seen moving down towards us, but no vessels made their

appearance, and at last the near approach of dawn warned us that it was

time to pull back to our ships to escape an attack by the enemy. We of

course kept a look-out astern, to be certain that the fire-ships were

not following us, and then lay on our oars again in the neighbourhood of

the fleet. Either the alarm was a false one or the rebels, aware of our

preparations, saw that it would be useless to send out the fire-ships.

This was the last night I was thus engaged, for on the 13th of August,

to my very great satisfaction, my eyes fell on the Orpheus standing up

the harbour and taking up her berth among the fleet. I did not,

however, get my discharge from the Chatham till the following day, when,

accompanied by old Grampus, Tom Rockets, and my two other men, I lost no

time in pulling on board, after an absence of ten weeks. I was warmly

greeted by my messmates, and we each had our adventures to recount. She

had taken seven prizes, most of which she brought in with her. Poor

Lee, the surgeon's second mate, was, they told me, at the point of

death. His constitution was unfit to cope with the hard life to which

he was exposed in the navy. He died soon afterwards, and on the morning

of the 16th we carried him on shore on Staten Island, where he rests in

an unknown grave in the land of the stranger.

The same day we sailed and steered a course for Cape May, with, the

intention of proceeding up the Delaware river to Philadelphia. My

account of the way in which I had frightened off the privateer highly

delighted my shipmates, and Captain Hudson was pleased to approve of my

conduct. We had on board forty masters of merchantmen which had been

captured by the different ships-of-war. They were mostly very decent

men, some of them not unlike my friend Mr Scuttle. We treated them

with every kindness and attention in our power. On the 24th we arrived

off Cape Henlopen, opposite Cape May, at the entrance of Delaware Bay.

Here we hove-to, and Captain Hudson ordered me to go on shore with a

flag of truce, to land the masters of the merchantmen.

As we neared the shore I observed a body of men drawn up as if prepared

to receive me. They were military, but had it not been for fear of

hurting the feelings of the people who were with me, I could have thrown

myself back in the stern sheets and enjoyed a hearty fit of laughter.

Not two were armed or dressed alike. Some had high-boots, others shoes,

many had on moccasins, and not a few jack-boots; several had their legs

encased in hay-bands; hats of all shapes and sizes graced their heads.

Cocked hats and round hats and caps, and Spanish hats, and helmets even

were not uncommon. Some wore breeches of truly Dutch build, others of

as scanty dimensions as could cover them--some had trousers, and others

scarcely any covering to that portion of their persons. Their coats

were of every colour, shape, and size. Green and blue and brown and

grey; some were of red, though not a little soiled, being evidently of

ancient date, while there were long coats and great coats and short

coats and spencers and cloaks; indeed, every species of covering

invented to hide the nakedness of the human body. While the men

themselves were tall and short and thin and stout and straight and

crooked. No one had been refused admission into the corps. Their arms

were as various in construction as their costumes. There were muskets

and rifles and pikes and matchlocks, and pistols which had been used at

Culloden, and some even, I fancy, in the civil war of the Commonwealth,

while a few even had contented themselves with pitchforks, scythes, and

reaping-hooks. The officers were as independent as to uniformity as the

men, and not less picturesque, though more comfortably dressed. Each

man had exercised his own taste in his endeavour to give himself a

military appearance, though I must say they had most lamentably failed

in the result. I honestly confess, as I was speaking to them, that I

was forcibly reminded of the appearance my old shipmates and I cut when

we first presented ourselves on board the Torbay at the commencement of

my naval career.

My orders were to land the prisoners and to return to the ship as soon

as possible. I had therefore time only to exchange a few words with the

officers, who were inclined to be very civil, and when the masters of

the vessels told them how they had been treated on board the Orpheus

they were still more disposed to be friendly. At that time the bitter

feeling against Great Britain, which it must be owned she brought on

herself by her injustice and dictatorial conduct, had not then been so

universally stirred up.

"Now, my lads," shouted the commander of the party as I was stepping

into my boat, "that young officer is a good fellow so let us give him

three cheers."

"Hip, hip, hip, hurrah!" broke from the throats of all the regiment in

good hearty style.

I turned round as I was shoving off and bowed and waved my hat, and I

parted on the most amiable terms from those heroes, so like the ragged

regiment headed by the redoubtable Sir John Falstaff.

We had great fun on board as I described them--Frank Mercer alone looked

grave.

"Does it not strike you," said he, "that the very fact of the want of

uniformity in their outward man shows the unanimity of sentiment which

pervades them and makes them flock round the standard of liberty to

defend their rights as freemen, regardless of outward appearance? Those

poor fellows, though doubtless very inferior to regular troops, would

not shed their blood less willingly or behave less bravely in the face

of an enemy."

"Oh, you are a rebel, Mercer, you are a rebel!" we all shouted; "don't

talk treason here."

"I only talk truth," answered Mercer gravely.

Since then I have been much inclined to agree with him.

We had a speedy voyage back, without taking a prize, and reached New

York harbour on the 27th of August. A considerable number of

ships-of-war and transports had arrived during our absence, having on

board large reinforcements. Among them were a large body of Hessian

troops, who had been hired from the Landgrave of Hesse-Cassel and the

Duke of Brunswick, especially to put down the American rebellion. They

were well disciplined, but fierce, ruthless troops, who murdered and

plundered without hesitation whenever they had the opportunity, and were

naturally dreaded and hated by the enemy. Besides the troops which had

come from Europe, a large body of men had arrived from the South, under

the command of Sir Henry Clinton, who, in conjunction with Sir Peter

Parker, had retired from an unsuccessful attempt to capture Charleston,

in South Carolina, which, after the evacuation of Boston, it was

considered important to occupy. I afterwards served under Sir Peter

Parker and heard all the particulars, some of which I now introduce to

make my brief account of the contest more complete.

At the entrance of Charleston harbour, on the right hand, is Sullivan's

Island, about six miles below the city. To the east of Sullivan's

Island is Long Island, from which it is separated by a creek called the

Breach. On the south-west point of Sullivan's Island was a strong fort,

though composed only of earth and palmetto wood. As palmetto wood is

soft and does not splinter, it was especially suited for the purpose.

The squadron, under Sir Peter Parker, consisted of the Bristol,

Experiment, Active, Solebay, Actaeon, Syren, and other smaller craft.

While Sir Henry Clinton landed his troops on Long Island Sir Peter

undertook to attack the fort, which was commanded by Colonel Moultrie.

General Lee, however, with a large force, had by rapid marches advanced

to the protection of the city. The Thunder-bomb began the action,

during which the Sphinx, Syren, and Actaeon ran foul of each other and

got on shore. The two first hauled off, but the Actaeon remained, and

was ultimately abandoned and burned. The fire was most tremendous and

deadly on both sides, but the British suffered the most; indeed, seldom

have ships been exposed to a more terrific battering, or stood it with

greater heroism and perseverance. On board that small squadron there

were no less than sixty-four men killed and one hundred and forty-three

wounded. At one time on the deck of the Bristol Sir Peter himself,

amidst the deadly shower, alone stood unhurt. Captain Morris, of the

Actaeon, was killed, as was Lord Campbell, late governor of the

province, serving as a volunteer on board. Captain Scott, of the

Experiment, lost his arm. The Bristol was completely unrigged; her guns

were dismounted and her top-masts shot away. In vain Sir Peter looked

for the assistance he expected from Sir Henry. Each time the troops

attempted to cross from Long Island they were foiled by the bold front

presented by a body of Americans with artillery. At length, the carnage

growing more appalling than ever, and their hope of success diminishing,

Sir Peter ordered them to make their way out of action. This event took

place on the 28th of June. Other unsuccessful attempts were made to

capture the fort, and in a few days the troops were re-embarked and the

squadron came northward. I did not hear that the Phoenix, Rose, and

Tryall did much execution up the Hudson. They had some encounters with

the enemy's row-boats and exchanged shots occasionally with the troops

on shore; while they had constantly to be on the watch at night to

prevent the attack of fire-ships; but their chief object was evidently

to survey the river, to enable the fleet to proceed upwards if

necessary. As the river is very broad, in many places expanding into

almost lakes, they were able to anchor at all times out of gun shot

distance. Having accomplished their object, they left the river on the

18th, exchanging a brisk fire with the forts in their passage.

I must now give a sketch of one of the most sanguinary encounters it has

ever been my lot to witness, and which, had we arrived a day later, I

should have missed seeing.

People in England were apt to fancy that the rebels were officered by a

set of planters or merchants, and to treat them accordingly with

superciliousness and contempt, instead of which, besides General

Washington, there were many who had been engaged from their youth upward

in border warfare, not only with Indians, but with the disciplined

troops of France. Many had aided in the conquest of Canada, while

others had served in the armies of England and other European powers,

and had experience equal to those to whom they were opposed, wanting

only titular or official rank; while all were better acquainted with the

country and were animated with the warmest patriotism and belief in the

justice of their cause. Their great deficiency was in the discipline of

their men, who, though not wanting in bravery, had but little discretion

and no experience in general, while the subaltern officers were

destitute also of the same necessary qualities. Some of their

regiments, however, had been brought into very fair discipline, and were

well officered. The great fault of the British, I must remark, as I

shall have frequently to do, was over-confidence and a contempt of the

foe with whom they were contending. On the present occasion, however,

no imputation of that sort could be cast on the British commanders. The

main body of the Americans were entrenched in a strong position at

Brooklyn, at the end of Long Island, directly opposite New York, from

which it is divided by a strait about three quarters of a mile in width,

called East River. Directly down the centre of the island is a ridge of

rocky hills, covered with wood. Across these hills were three roads

leading from the side of the island, opposite Staten Island, where our

troops would naturally land. These three passes were held by different

bodies of American troops. The whole American force was under the

command of General Putnam, though it was said Washington himself

frequently crossed from New York to aid in the defence of the position.

Previous to the 27th a large portion of our army, including two brigades

of Hessians, had crossed over from Staten Island, and, landing between

Gravesend and Flatland, some of them encamped in that neighbourhood,

while the Hessians pushed on to a place called Flatbush. On the evening

of the 26th the whole army advanced, Sir Henry Clinton leading the light

infantry, Lord Percy following with the grenadiers, flying artillery,

and light dragoons, while Lord Cornwallis, accompanied by Lord Howe,

brought up the rear-guard with the heavy ordnance. About two hours

before daybreak they arrived at the neighbourhood of the hills, when

they discovered that the pass to the east, called the Bedford Pass, was

unoccupied. He at once led his division through it, and thus turned the

left of the American position. In the meantime General Grant had

advanced with another division from Gravesend past Gowanus Cowe, on the

road by the Narrows towards the right of the American position. As soon

as it was daylight he formed his troops directly opposite the enemy,

where he waited to hear that Sir Henry had commenced the attack.

General De Heister, who commanded the Hessians, had kept up a hot fire

with his artillery on a redoubt in front of the lines from his camp at

Flatbush, which he ultimately stormed, while Lord Cornwallis, advancing

on the centre, was bravely opposed by Lord Stirling who had taken up

arms on the side of the Americans. One of our ships was all the time

discharging a heavy cannonade on the battery at Red Hook, near which we

also were brought up to join in the action had it been necessary, and

whence from the maintop, where I with others had gone, I had a tolerably

perfect view of many of the proceedings. Hemmed in on all sides, as I

have described, and pressed on by overwhelming numbers of disciplined

troops, the Americans, after a desperate and brave resistance, at length

gave way, and then commenced a most indiscriminate and dreadful

slaughter. They were cut down and trampled on by the cavalry, bayoneted

by the savage Hessians, and torn in pieces by the artillery. Some

rallied for a time and defended themselves with their rifles, behind

rocks and trees, and at length, by a desperate effort, cut their way

through their foes to the lines. Lord Stirling, who had fought bravely

throughout the day, surrendered himself as a prisoner to General De

Heister, two hundred and fifty of the brave fellows he had led lying

dead around him. General Sullivan and several other officers were

taken, endeavouring to cover the retreat of their troops. The enemy in

all lost in killed alone full fifteen hundred men besides others who

were smothered in the mud as they were endeavouring to escape from the

Hessian bayonets. These, with wounded and prisoners, made up their loss

to nearly three thousand men out of scarcely more than five thousand

engaged.

It is a dreadful sight to witness slaughter such as this was, when one's

blood is cold and one sits a mere spectator of the fight. I felt all

the time more inclined to side with the poor Americans as they were

flying from our victorious troops than to wish for the success of the

latter. I heard a deep groan near me as I was seated in the maintop. I

looked round. It was Frank Mercer. He was as pale as death. I thought

he would have fallen on deck. At times he would shade his eyes with his

hand, and then again he would gaze earnestly at the dreadful sight as if

unable to resist its horrid fascination. Of course I have not described

half the events of the day.

The Americans retreated within their lines and the British troops

advanced close up to them. It was supposed that General Howe would give

the order to storm the works. Had he done so at once they would

certainly have been taken, and though with some considerable loss of

life, it might have prevented much subsequent greater loss. However, it

appeared that he had resolved to attack the lines by regular approaches.

General Washington, seeing the inevitable result, made a masterly

retreat with the whole garrison across the sound to New York during the

night, favoured by calm weather and a thick fog. Notice was brought in

the morning to General Howe of what had occurred, and when one of his

aides-de-camp, who was sent to ascertain the fact, climbed over the

crest of the works he found them of a truth deserted. The next day no

less than thirteen hundred Americans were buried in one large pit, while

many more had been lost in the creek and swamp near the lines.

It was the general opinion, both in the camp and fleet, that had the

army at once been pushed forward, a speedy and happy conclusion would

have been brought to the war. There were all sorts of reports current.

Among them it was said that the city was about to be abandoned and burnt

to the ground, to prevent our troops occupying it for the winter. This

proceeding, however, the inhabitants strongly opposed, as all their

property would thereby have been destroyed. I must not delay the

progress of my narrative to mention the various reports of all sorts

which were flying about.

On the 30th we again put to sea, Captain Hudson having under his command

the Niger and Greyhound frigates. We cruised off Sandy Hook without

meeting with any occurrence worth noting till the 3rd of September, when

we returned to Sandy Hook. Here we received orders once more to proceed

to sea, to look out for a fleet of transports, with a division of

Hessians on board, daily expected from Europe, under convoy of the

Repulse. We fortunately fell in with them on the following morning, and

returned in their company to Gravesend Day.

On the 8th we moved up to Staten Island, and we began to hope that we at

length might be engaged in some more active service than we had hitherto

seen.

"Have you heard the news?" exclaimed Delisle two days afterwards, as I

came on deck for the first time that morning.

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