AND EVERYTHING WAS STRANGE AND NEW."]

Unfortunately for the Nationalisers Mr. LUNN thought it necessary later to

make a blood-and-thunder oration, threatening all sorts of dreadful things

(including a boycott of the newspapers) if the Miners' demands were

refused. Moreover, he made it clear that coal was only a beginning and that

the Labour Party's ultimate objective was nationalisation all round, and

wound up by reminding the House that "we are many and ye are few."

The PRIME MINISTER is not the man either to miss a chance or refuse a

challenge. The tone of his reply was set by Mr. LUNN, not by Mr. BRACE; and

though he had plenty of solid arguments to advance against the motion the

most telling passage in his speech was a quotation from "Comrade TROTSKY,"

showing what Nationalisation had spelt in Soviet Russia--labour

conscription in its most drastic shape. The nation, he declared, that had

fought for liberty throughout the world would stand to the death against

this new bondage.

Result: Amendment defeated by 329 to 64.

_Thursday, February 12th._--This was the first Question-day of the new

Session, and the House was flattered to see Mr. LLOYD GEORGE in his place,

despite the counter-claims of the Peace Conference at St. James's Palace.

Evidently he means this year to "stick to the shop" more closely, in view,

perhaps, of the possible return from Paisley of the old proprietor.

To a Labour Member's complaint that several ex-Generals had been appointed

as divisional Food officers, Mr. MCCURDY replied that no preference was

given to military candidates. But why not? Where will you find more

competent judges of alimentary questions than in the higher ranks of His

Majesty's Forces?

In attacking the provisions of the Peace Treaty with Germany as

"impracticable," Sir DONALD MACLEAN revealed himself as a diligent student

of a recent notorious book. Most of his observations--excepting, perhaps,

the statement that he had "no sentimental tenderness for the Germans"--were

marked with the brand of KEYNES, and his assertion that the utmost Germany

could pay was two thousand millions came bodily from that eminent

statistician. To the same inspiration was possibly due the unhappy

suggestion that our chief Ally was pursuing a policy of revenge.

For this he was promptly pulled up by Lord ROBERT CECIL, who warned him not

to judge the policy of France by the utterances of certain French

newspapers. Lord ROBERT had, however, his own quarrel with the Government,

who, according to his account, had done nothing to set Central Europe on

its legs again, except to send it a certain amount of food--not, one would

would have thought, an altogether bad preliminary.

It was a pity that Mr. BALFOUR had not a stronger indictment to answer, for

he was dialectically at his best. After complimenting the Opposition leader

on his "charming tones and anodyne temper" he proceeded to take up his

challenge--"if I may call it a challenge." If Germany was in doubt as to

the amount she might be called upon to pay, she had her remedy, for the

Peace Treaty especially provided that she might offer a "lump sum." The

list of war-criminals was long, no doubt, but we had limited our own

demands to those who were guilty of gratuitous brutality. As for the

condition of Central Europe, that was not the fault of the Peace Treaty, it

was the fault of the War, and this country had done all it reasonably could

to remedy it.

The Opposition insisted on taking a division, and were beaten by 254 to 60.

So far the "doomed Coalition" seems to be doing rather well.

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Punch, or the London Charivari, Vol. 158, 1920-02-18 · 第 32 / 43 题