The year 1861 ends badly -- European defenders of slavery --
Secession lies -- Jeremy Diddlers -- Sensation-seekers --
Despotic tendencies -- Atomistic Torquemadas -- Congress chained
by formulas -- Burnside's expedition a sign of life -- Will this
McClellan ever advance? -- Mr. Adams unhorsed -- He packs his
trunks -- Bad blankets -- Austria, Prussia, and Russia -- The
West Point nursery -- McClellan a greater mistake than Scott --
Tracks to the White House -- European stories about Mr. Lincoln
-- The English ignorami -- The slaveholder a scarcely varnished
savage -- Jeff. Davis -- "Beauregard frightens us -- McClellan
rocks his baby" -- Fancy army equipment -- McClellan and his
chief of staff sick in bed -- "No satirist could invent such
things" -- Stanton in the Cabinet -- "This Stanton is the people"
-- Fremont -- Weed -- The English will not be humbugged -- Dayton
in a fret -- Beaufort -- The investigating committee condemn
McClellan -- Lincoln in the clutches of Seward and Blair -- Banks
begs for guns and cavalry in vain -- The people will awake! --
The question of race -- Agassiz.
An ugly year ended in backing before England, having, at least,
relative right on our side. Further, the ending year has revealed a
certain incapacity in the Republican party's leaders, at least its
official leaders, to administer the country and to grasp the events.
If the new year shall be only the continuation of the faults, the
mistakes, and the incapacities prevailing during 1861, then the worst
is to be expected.
The lowest in moral degradation is an European defending slavery here
or in Europe. Such Europeans are far below the condemned criminals.
Still lower are such Europeans who become defenders of slavery after
having visited plantations, where, in the shape of wines and
delicacies, they tasted human blood, and then, hyenas-like, smacked
their lips And thirsted for more.
Always the same stories, lies, and humbugs concerning the hundreds of
thousands of rebels in Manassas. These lies are spread here in
Washington by the numerous secessionists--at large, by such ignoble
sheets as the New York Herald and Times; and McClellan seems to
willingly swallow these lies, as they justify his inaction and c----.
The city is more and more crowded with Jeremy Diddlers, with
lecturers, with sensation-seekers, all of them in advance discounting
their hero, and showing in broad light their gigantic stupidity. One
of this motley finds in McClellan a Norman chin, the other muscle, the
third a brow for laurels (of thistle I hope), another a square,
military, heroic frame, another firmness in lips, another an
unfathomed depth in the eye, etc., etc. Never I heard in Europe such
balderdash. And the ladies--not the women and gentlewomen--are worse
than the men in thus stupefying themselves and those around them.
The thus called arbitrary acts of the government prove how easily, on
the plea of patriotic necessity, a people, nay, the public opinion,
submits to arbitrary rule. All this, servility included, explains the
facility with which, in former times, concentrated and concrete
despotisms have been established. Here every such arbitrary action is
submitted to, because it is so new, and because the people has the
childish, naive, but, to it, honorable confidence, that the power
entrusted by the people is used in the interest and for the welfare of
the people. But all the despots of all times and of all nations said
the same. However, in justice to Mr. Lincoln, he is pure, and has no
despotical longings, but he has around him some atomistic Torquemadas.
It will be very difficult to the coming generations to believe that a
people, a generation, who for half a century was outrunning the time,
who applied the steam and the electro-magnetic telegraph, that the
same people, when overrun by a terrible crisis, moved slowly, waited
patiently, and suffered from the mismanagement of its leaders. This is
to be exclusively explained by the youthful self-consciousness of an
internal, inexhaustible vital force, and by the child-like
inexperience.
The Congress, that is, the majority, shows that it is aware of the
urgency of the case, and of the dangerous position of the country. But
still the best in Congress are chained, hampered by the formulas.
The good men in both the houses seem to be firmly decided not to
quietly stand by and assist in the murder of the nation by the
administrative and military incapacity. This was to be expected from
such men as Wade, Grimes, Chandler, Hale, Wilson, Sumner (too
classical), and other Republicans in the Senate, and from the numerous
pure, radical Republicans in the House.
Burnside's expedition is a sign of life. But all these expeditions on
the circumference, even if successful, will be fruitless if no bold,
decided movement is at once made at the centre, at the heart of the
rebellion. But McClellan, as his supporters say, matures his
_strategical_ plans. O God! General Scott lost _by strategy_
three-fourths of the country's cause, and very probably by strategy
McClellan will jeopardize what remains of it.
Will this McClellan ever advance? If he lingers, he may find only rats
in Manassas. McClellan is ignorant of the great, unique rule for all
affairs and undertakings,--it is to throw the whole man in one thing
at one time. It is the same in the camp as in the study, for a captain
as for a lawyer, the savant, and the scholar.
It is to be regretted that some of the men truly and thoroughly
devoted to the cause of freedom and of humanity, mix with it such an
enormous quantity of personal, almost childish vanity, as to puzzle
many minds concerning the genuine nobleness of their devotion. It is
to be regretted that those otherwise so self-sacrificing patriots
discount even their martyrdom and persecutions, and credit them to
their frivolous self-satisfaction.
Most of the thus-called well-informed Americans rather skim over than
thoroughly study history. Above all, it applies to the general history
of the Christian era, and of our great epoch (from the second half of
the 18th century). Most of the Americans are only very superficially
familiar with the history of continental Europe, or know it only by
its contact with the history of England. Many of them are more
familiar with the classical wars of Alexander, Hannibal, Caesar, etc.,
than with those of Gustavus, Frederick II., and even of Napoleon. Were
it otherwise, _strategy_ would not to such an extent have taken hold
of their brains.
Mr. Adams was terribly unhorsed during the Trent excitement in
England; he literally began to pack up his trunks, and asked a
personal advice from Lord John Russell.
What a devoted patriot this Sandford in Belgium is; he has continual
_itchings in his hand_ to pay a _higher price_ for bad blankets that
they may not fall into the hands of secesh agents; so with cloth, so
perhaps with arms. _Oh, disinterested patriot!_
Austria and Prussia whipped in by England and France, and at the same
time glad to have an occasion to take the airs of maritime powers.
Austria and Prussia sent their advice concerning the Trent affair. The
kick of asses at what they suppose to be the dying lion.
Austria and Prussia! Great heavens! Ask the prisons of both those
champions of violated rights how many better men than Slidell and
Mason groaned in them; and the conduct of those powers against the
Poles in 1831! Was it neutral or honest?
I am sure that Russia will behave well, and abstain from coming
forward with uncalled-for and humiliating advice. Russia is a true
great power,--a true friend,--and such noble behavior will be in
harmony with the character of Alexander II., and with the friendliness
and clear perception of events held by the Russian minister here. I
hope that when the war is over the West Point nursery will be
reformed, and a general military organization introduced, such a one
as exists in Switzerland.
McClellan is a greater mistake than was even Scott. McClellan knows
not the A B C of military history of any nation or war, or he would
not keep this army so in camp. He would know that after recruits have
been roughly instructed in the rudiments of a drill, the next best
instructor is fighting. So it was in the thirty years' war; so in the
American Revolution; so in the first French revolutionary wars.
Strategians, martinets, lost the battles, or rather the campaigns, of
Austerlitz, of Jena, etc. In 1813 German rough levies fought almost
before they were drilled, and at Bautzen French recruits were
victorious over Prussians, Russians, and Austrians. The secesh fight
with fresh levies, etc.
Numerous political intriguers surrounding McClellan are busily laying
tracks for him to the White House. What will Seward and Chase say to
it, and even old Abe, who himself dreams of re-election, or at least
his friends do it for him? All these candidates forget that the surest
manner to reach the White House is not to think of it--to forget
oneself and to act.
It is amusing to find in European papers all the various stories about
Mr. Lincoln. There he is represented as a violent, blood-thirsty
revolutionaire, dragging the people after him. In this manner, those
European imbeciles are acquainted with American events, character,
etc. They cannot find out that in decision, in clear-sightedness and
soundness of judgment, the people are far ahead of Mr. Lincoln and of
his spiritual or constitutional conscience-keepers. And the same
imbeciles, if not _canailles_, speak of a mob-rule over the President,
etc. Some one ought to enlighten those French and English supercilious
ignorami that something like a mob only prevails in such cities as New
York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore; and nine-tenths of such a mob are
mostly yet unwashed, unrepublicanized Europeans. The ninety-nine
one-hundredths of the freemen of the North are more orderly, more
enlightened, more law-abiding, and more moral than are the English
lordlings, somebodies, nobodies, and would-be somebodies. In the West,
lynch-law, to be sure, is at times used against brothels, bar-rooms,
gambling-houses, and thieves. It would be well to do the same in
London, were it not that most of the lynch-lawed may not belong to the
people. If the European scribblers were not past any honest impulse,
they would know that the South is the generator and the congenial
region for the mob, the filibusters, the revolver and the bowie-knife
rule. In the South the proportion of mobs to decency is the reverse of
that prevailing in the free States. The _slavery gentleman_ is a
scarcely varnished savage, for whom the highest law is his reckless
passion and will.
If Jeff. Davis succeeds, he will be the founder of a new and great
slaveholding empire. His name will resound in after times; but history
will record his name as that of a curse to humanity.
And so Davis is making history and Lincoln is telling stories.
Beauregard gets inspired by the fumes of bivouacs; McClellan by the
fumes of flatterers. Beauregard frightens us, McClellan rocks his
baby. Beauregard shares the camp-fires of his soldiers; he sees them
daily, knows them, as it is said, one by one; McClellan lives
comfortably in the city, and appears only to the soldiers as the great
Lama on special occasions. Camp-fellowship inspired all the great
captains and established the magnetic current between the leader and
the soldier.
McClellan organized a board of generals, arriving daily from the
camps, to discuss some new fancy army equipment. And Lincoln, Seward,
Blair, and all the tail of intriguers and imbeciles, still admire him.
In no other country would such a futile man be kept in command of
troops opposed to a deadly and skilful enemy.
For several weeks, McClellan and his chief of the staff (such as he
is) are sick in bed, and no one is _ad interim_ appointed to attend to
the current affairs of our army of 600,000, having the enemy before
their nose. Oh human imbecility! No satirist could invent such things;
and if told, it would not be believed in Europe.
The McClellan-worship by the people at large is to be explained by the
firm, ardent will of the people to crush the rebels, and by the
general feeling of the necessity of a man for that purpose. Such is
the case with the true, confiding people in the country; but here,
contractors, martinets, and intriguers are the blowers of that
worship. Lincoln is as is the people at large; but a Seward, a Blair,
a Herald, a Times, and their respective and numerous tails,--as for
their motives, they are the reverse of Lincoln and of the people.
Victories in Kentucky, beyond the circumference or the direct action
from here; they are obtained without strategy and by rough levies. But
this voice of events is not understood by the McClellan tross.
Change in the Cabinet: Stanton, a new man, not from the parlor, and
not from the hacks. His bulletin on the victory in Kentucky
inaugurated a new era. It is a voice that nobody hitherto uttered in
America. It is the awakening voice of the good genius of the people,
almost as that which awoke Lazarus. This Stanton is the people; I
never saw him, but I hope he is the man for the events; perhaps he may
turn out to be _my_ statesman.
I wish I could get convinced of the real superiority of Fremont. It is
true that he was treated badly and had natural and artificial
difficulties to over come; it is true that to him belongs the credit
of having started the construction of the mortar fleet; but likewise
it is true that he was, at the mildest, unsurpassingly reckless in
contracts and expenditures, and I shall never believe him a general.
With all this, Fremont started a great initiative at a time when
McClellan and three-fourths of the generals of his creation considered
it a greater crime to strike at a _gentleman_ slaveholder than to
strike at the Union.
The courtesies and hospitalities paid to Thurlow Weed by English
society are clamored here in various ways. These courtesies prove the
high breeding and the good-will of a part, at least, of the English
aristocracy and of English statesmen. I do not suppose that Thurlow
Weed could ever have been admitted in such society if he were
travelling on his own merits as the great lobbyist and politician. At
the utmost, he would have been shown up as a _rara avis_. But
introduced to English society as the master spirit of Mr. Seward, and
as Seward's semi-official confidential agent, Thurlow Weed was
admitted, and even petted. But it is another question if this palming
of a Thurlow Weed upon the English high-toned statesmen increased
their consideration for Mr. Seward. The Duke of Newcastle and others
are not yet softened, and refuse to be humbugged.
Whoever has the slightest knowledge of how affairs are transacted, is
well aware that the times of a personal diplomacy are almost gone. The
exceptions are very rare, very few, and the persons must be of other
might and intellectual mettle than a Sandford, Weed, or Hughes. Great
affairs are not conducted or decided by conversations, but by great
interests. Diplomatic agents, at the utmost, serve to keep their
respective governments informed about the run of events. Mr. Mercier
does it for Louis Napoleon; but Mr. Mercier's reports, however
friendly they may be, cannot much influence a man of such depth as
Louis Napoleon, and to imagine that a Hughes will be able to do it! I
am ashamed of Mr. Seward; he proves by this would-be-crotchety policy
how little he knows of events and of men, and how he undervalues Louis
Napoleon. Such humbug missions are good to throw dirt in the eyes of a
Lincoln, a Chase, etc., but in Europe such things are sent to
Coventry. And Hughes to influence Spain! Oh! oh!
Dayton frets on account of the mission of Hughes. Dayton is right.
Generally Dayton shows a great deal of good sense, of good
comprehension, and a noble and independent character. He is not a
flatterer, not servile, and subservient to Mr. Seward, as are
others--Mr. Adams, Mr. Sandford, and some few other diplomatic agents.
The active and acting abolitionists ought to concentrate all their
efforts to organize thoroughly and efficiently the district of
Beaufort. The success of a productive colony there would serve as a
womb for the emancipation at large.
Mr. Seward declares that he has given up meddling with military
affairs. For his own sake, and for the sake of the country, I ardently
wish it were so; but--I shall never believe it.
The Investigating Committee has made the most thorough disclosures of
the thorough incapacity of McClellan; but the McClellan men, Seward,
Blair, etc., neutralize, stifle all the good which could accrue to the
country from these disclosures. And Lincoln is in their clutches. The
administration by its influence prevents the publication of the
results of this investigation, prevents the truth from coming to the
people. Any hard name will be too soft for such a moral prevarication.
McClellan is either as feeble as a reed, or a bad man. The disorder
around here is nameless. Banks compares it to the time of the French
Directory. Banks has no guns, no cavalry, and is in the vanguard. He
begs almost on his knees, and cannot get anything. And the country
pays a chief of the staff, and head of the staffers.
The time must come, although it be now seemingly distant, that the
people will awake from this lethargy; that it will perceive how much
of the noblest blood of the people, how much time and money, have been
worse than recklessly squandered. The people will find it out, and
then they will ask those Cains at the wheel an account of the innocent
blood of Abel, the country's son, the country's cause.
The defenders of, and the thus called moderate men on the question of
slavery, utter about it the old rubbish composed of the most thorough
ignorance and of disgusting fallacies, in relation to this pseudo
science, or rather lie, about races. More of it will come out in the
course of the Congressional discussions. Not one of them is aware that
independent science, that comparative anatomy, physiology,
psychology, anthropology, that philosophy of history altogether and
thoroughly repudiate all these superficially asserted, or
tried-to-be-established, intrinsic diversities and peculiarities of
races. All these would-be axioms, theories, are based on sand. In true
science the question of race as represented by the Southern school
partisans of slavery, with Agassiz, the so-called professor of
Charleston by European savans, at their head,--that question is at the
best an illusive element, and endangers the accuracy of induction. As
it presents itself to the unprejudiced investigator, race is nothing
more than the single manifestation of anterior stages of existence,
the aggregate expression of the pre-historic vicissitudes of a people.
If those would-be knowing arguers on slavery, race, etc., were only
aware of the fact that such people as the primitive Greeks, or the
ancestors of classical Greeks, that the ancestors of the Latins, that
even the roving, robbing ancestors of the Anglo Saxons, in some way or
other, have been anthropophagi, and worshipped fetishes; and even as
thus called already civilized, they sacrificed men to gods,--could our
great pro-slavers know all this, they would be more decent in their
ignorant assertions, and not, so self-satisfied, strut about in their
dark ignorance.
Those who are afraid that the freed negroes of the South will run to
the Northern free States, display an ignorance still greater than the
former. When the enslaved colored Americans in the South shall be
_all_ thoroughly emancipated in that now cursed region, then they will
remain in the, to them, congenial climate, and in the favorable
economical conditions of labor and of existence. Not only those
emancipated will not run North, but the colored population from the
free States, incited and stirred up by natural attractions, will leave
the North for the South, as small streamlets and rivulets run into a
large current or river.
The rebels extend on an immense bow, nearly one hundred miles, from
the lower to the upper Potomac. Our army, two to one, is on the span
of the arc, and we do nothing. A French sergeant would be better
inspired than is McClellan.