THE DISTRIBUTION AND SUPPLY OF NAVAL FORCE
The measure of naval strength required by any State is determined mainly
by the naval strength of its possible adversaries in the event of war,
and only in a secondary degree by the volume of the maritime interests
which it has to defend. Paradoxical as the latter half of this
proposition may seem at first sight, it can easily be shown to be sound.
The maritime interests, territorial and commercial, of the British
Empire are beyond all comparison greater than those of any other State
in the world; but if no other State possessed a naval force strong
enough to assail them seriously, it is manifest that the naval force
required to defend them need be no greater than is sufficient to
overcome the assailant, and would not therefore be determined in any
degree by the volume of the interests to be defended. Each State
determines for itself the measure of naval strength which it judges to
be necessary to its security. No State expects to have to encounter the
whole world in arms or makes its provision in view of any such
chimerical contingency. The utmost that any State can do is to adjust
its naval policy to a rational estimate of all the reasonably probable
contingencies of international conflict, due regard being had to the
extent of its financial resources and to such other requirements of
national defence as circumstances impose on it. Germany, for example,
has proclaimed to all the world in the preamble to the Navy Law of 1900
that--
"In order to protect German trade and commerce under existing
conditions, only one thing will suffice, namely, Germany must possess a
battle fleet of such strength that even for the most powerful naval
adversary a war would involve such risks as to make that Power's own
supremacy doubtful. For this purpose it is not absolutely necessary that
the German fleet should be as strong as that of the greatest naval
Power, for, as a rule, a great naval Power will not be in a position to
concentrate all its forces against us."
I am not concerned in any way with the political aspects of this
memorable declaration. But its bearing on the naval policy of the
British Empire is manifest and direct. England is beyond all question
"the greatest naval Power" in the world. The declaration of Germany thus
lays upon England the indefeasible obligation of taking care that by no
efforts of any other Power shall her "own supremacy"--that is her
capacity to secure and maintain the command of the sea in all reasonably
probable contingencies of international conflict--be rendered doubtful.
There is no State in the world on which decisive defeat at sea would
inflict such irretrievable disaster as it would on England and her
Empire. These islands would be open to invasion--and if to invasion to
conquest and subjugation--the commerce of the whole Empire would be
annihilated, and the Empire itself would be dismembered. I need not
attempt to determine what measure of naval strength is required to avert
this unspeakable calamity. It suffices to say that whatever the measure
may be it must be provided and maintained at all hazards. That is merely
the axiomatic expression of the things that belong to our peace.
It will be observed that the German declaration assumes that "a great
naval Power will not, as a rule, be in a position to concentrate all its
forces against" a single adversary. This raises at once the question of
the distribution of naval force, or of what has been called the peace
strategy of position. I shall endeavour to discuss the problem with as
little reference as may be to an actual state of war between any two
individual and specific naval Powers. I shall merely assume that of two
possible belligerents one is so far stronger than the other as to look
with confidence to being able in the event of war to secure and maintain
its own command of the sea; and in order not to complicate the problem
unduly I shall include in the term "belligerent" not merely a single
Power but an alliance of one or more separate Powers, while still
adhering to the assumption that the relative strength of the two
belligerents is as defined above. If England is one of the Powers
affected it is manifest from what has already been said that this
assumption is a legitimate one.
In such a situation it stands to reason that the concentration of the
whole force of the stronger belligerent against the whole force equally
concentrated of the weaker belligerent would not be necessary and would
very rarely be expedient. The stronger belligerent would of course seek,
in time of war, so to dispose his forces as to make it impossible for
the weaker fleets of his adversary to take the sea without being brought
to a decisive action, and he would so order his peace strategy of
position as to further that paramount purpose. But it does not follow
that being superior in the measure above defined he would need to
concentrate all his available forces for that purpose. He would
concentrate so much of his forces as would ensure victory in the
encounters anticipated--so far as mere numbers apart from fighting
efficiency can ensure victory--and the residue would be available for
other and subsidiary purposes. If there were no residue, then the
required superiority would not have been attained, and the belligerent
who has neglected to attain it must take the consequences. One of these
consequences would certainly be that the other and subsidiary purposes
above mentioned would have to be neglected until the main issue was
decided, and if these purposes were of any moment he would have so far
to pay the penalty of his neglect. Nothing is more fatal in warfare than
to attempt to be equally strong everywhere. If you cannot do everything
you desire at once you must concentrate all your energies on doing the
most important and the most vital things first. When the tree is cut
down the branches will fall of themselves. The history of the War of
American Independence is full of illustrations of the neglect of this
paramount principle. England was worsted much more by faulty
distribution than by insufficiency of force.
At the same time it must be observed that the outlying and subsidiary
purposes of the conflict cannot be of vital moment so long as the
superior belligerent is at firm grips with the central forces of his
adversary. We are dealing with the assumption that of two belligerents
one is so far superior to the other that he may entertain a reasonable
confidence of being able to deny the command of the sea to his adversary
and in the end to secure it for himself. It is an essential part of this
assumption that the forces of the superior belligerent will be so
disposed as to make it exceedingly difficult and, subject to the fortune
of war, practically impossible for any considerable portion of the
enemy's forces to act on a vigorous offensive without being speedily
brought to book by a superior force of his adversary, and that the peace
strategy of the latter will have been ordered to that end. So long as
this is the case the virtual command of the sea will be in the hands of
the superior belligerent, even though his forces may be so concentrated,
in accordance with the dispositions of the enemy, as to leave many
regions of the sea apparently unguarded. They are adequately guarded by
the fact that the enemy is _ex hypothesi_ unable to reach them--or if by
a successful evasion of his adversary's guard he manages to send a
detachment, large or small, to aim at some outlying objective, the
initial superiority of force possessed by his adversary will always
enable the latter to send a superior force in pursuit of the fugitive.
Much harm may be done before the fugitive is brought to book, but no
State, however strong, need ever expect to go to war without running
risks and suffering occasional and partial reverses.
It is thus a pure delusion to assume, as loose thinkers on the subject
too often assume, that the command of the sea must be either surrendered
or imperilled by a superior belligerent who, apparently neglecting
those regions of the sea which are not immediately assailed or
threatened, concentrates his forces in the positions best calculated to
enable him to get the better of his adversary, or who in time of peace
so orders his strategy of position as to secure that advantage at once
should war unhappily break out. Not long ago the Leader of the
Opposition in the House of Commons used the following words:--"Ten years
ago we not only had the command of the sea, but we had the command of
every sea. We have the command of no sea in the world except the North
Sea at this moment." Those who have followed and assimilated the
exposition of the true meaning of the command of the sea given in these
pages will readily discern how mischievous a travesty of that meaning is
contained in these words. There is, as I have shown, no such thing as a
command of the sea in time of peace. The phrase is merely a definition
of the paramount objective of naval warfare as such. Ten years ago we
had no command of any sea because we were not at war with any naval
Power. The concentration of a large portion of our naval forces in the
North Sea is no surrender of our command of the sea in any part of the
world, because that command does not exist, never has existed in time of
peace, and never can exist even in time of war until we have fought for
it and secured it. The concentration in question is, together with the
simultaneous disposition of the residue of our naval forces in different
parts of the world, merely the expression of that peace strategy of
position which, in the judgment of those who are responsible for it, is
best calculated in the more probable, yet possibly quite remote,
contingencies of international conflict, to enable our fleets to get the
better of our enemies and thereby ultimately to secure the command of
the sea in any and every part of the world in which we have maritime
interests to defend. There are, it is true, some disadvantages involved
in a close and sustained concentration of naval forces, especially in
home waters. Naval officers lose in breadth and variety of experience
and in the self-reliance which comes of independent command, while the
prestige of the flag is in some measure diminished by the infrequency of
its appearance in distant seas. But these, after all, are subsidiary
considerations which must be subordinated to the paramount needs of a
sound strategy, whether offensive or defensive.
It follows from the foregoing exposition of the principles which govern
the strategic distribution of naval force in peace and war that a great
naval Power must often maintain fleets of considerable strength in
distant seas. England has for many generations maintained such a fleet
in the Mediterranean, and it is hard to see how any reasonably probable
change in the international situation could absolve her from that
obligation. There are other and more distant stations on which she has
maintained and still does maintain squadrons in a strength which has
varied greatly from time to time in accordance with the changing phases
of international relations and of strategic requirements as affected
thereby. The measure of these requirements is determined from time to
time by the known strength of the hostile forces which would have to be
encountered in any reasonably probable contingencies of international
conflict. But there is one antecedent requirement which is common to all
considerable detachments of naval force in distant waters. In order to
maintain their efficiency and mobility they must have a naval base
conveniently situated within the limits of their station to which they
may resort from time to time for repair, refit, and supply. The need for
supply at the base is less paramount than that for refit and repair,
because it is manifest that the control of maritime communications which
has enabled the requisite stores to reach the base will also enable them
to reach the ships themselves, wherever they may be at the moment. But
for all refit and repair which cannot be effected by the ships'
companies themselves, with the aid of an attached repair ship, the
ships must go to the base, and that base must be furnished with docks
capable of receiving them.
It is essential to note that the base is there for the sake of the
ships. The ships are not there for the sake of the base. It is a fatal
inversion of all sound principles of naval strategy to suppose that the
ships owe, or can afford, to the base any other form of defence than
that which is inherent in their paramount and primary task of
controlling the maritime communications which lead to it. So long as
they can do this the base will be exposed only to such attacks as can be
delivered by a force which has evaded but not defeated the naval guard,
and to this extent the base must be fortified and garrisoned; for, of
course, if the naval guard has been decisively defeated, the control of
maritime communications has passed into the hands of the enemy, and
nothing but the advance of a relieving naval force, too strong for the
enemy to resist, can prevent the base being invested from the sea and
ultimately reduced. It will be seen from this how absurd it is ever to
speak of a naval base as commanding the adjacent seas. As such it does
not command, and never can command, any portion of the sea which lies
beyond the range of its own guns. All that it ever does or can do is, by
its resources for repair, refit, and supply, to enable the fleet based
upon it constantly to renew its efficiency and mobility, and thereby to
discharge its appointed task of controlling the maritime communications
entrusted to its keeping. But such command is in all cases exercised by
the fleet and not by the base. If the fleet is not there or not equal to
its task, the mere possession of the base is nearly always a source of
weakness and not of strength to the naval Power which holds it.
It is held by some that the occupation of naval bases in distant seas by
a Power which is not strong enough to make sure of controlling the
maritime communications which alone give to such bases their strategic
value and importance is a great advantage to such a Power and a
corresponding disadvantage to all its possible adversaries in war. It
will readily be seen from what has been said that this is in large
measure a delusion. As against a weaker adversary than itself the
occupation of such bases may be an appreciable advantage to the Power
which holds them, but only if the adversary in question has in the
waters affected interests which are too important to be sacrificed
without a struggle. On the other hand, as against an adversary strong
enough to secure the command of the sea and determined to hold it at all
hazards, the occupation of such distant bases can very rarely be of any
advantage to the weaker belligerent and may very often expose him to
reverses which, if not positively disastrous, must always be
exceedingly mortifying. Of two things one. Either the belligerent in
such a plight must detach a naval force sufficient to cover the outlying
base, and thus, by dispersing naval forces which he desired to keep
concentrated, he must expose his detachment to destruction by a stronger
force of the enemy, or he must leave the base to its fate, in which case
it is certain to fall in the long run. In point of fact the occupation
of distant bases by any naval Power is merely the giving of hostages to
any and every other Power which in the day of conflict can establish its
command of the sea. That is the plain philosophy of the whole question.
It only remains to consider very briefly the question of the supply of
fleets operating in distant waters. In a very interesting and suggestive
paper on the "Supply and Communications of a Fleet," Admiral Sir Cyprian
Bridge has pointed out that "in time of peace as well as in time of war
there is a continuous consumption of the articles of various kinds used
on board ship, viz., naval stores, ordnance stores, engineers' stores,
victualling stores, coal, water, etc." Of these the consumption of
victualling stores is alone constant, being determined by the number of
men to be victualled from day to day. The consumption of nearly all the
other stores will vary greatly according as the ship is more or less at
sea, and it is safe to say that for a given number of ships the
consumption will be much greater in time of war, especially in coal,
engineers' stores, and ordnance stores, than it is in time of peace. But
in peace conditions Admiral Bridge estimated that for a fleet consisting
of four battleships, four large cruisers, four second-class cruisers,
thirteen smaller vessels of various kinds, and three torpedo craft,
together with their auxiliaries, the _minimum_ requirements for six
months--assuming that the ships started with full supplies, and that
they returned to their principal base at the end of the period--would be
about 6750 tons of stores and ammunition, and 46,000 tons of coal,
without including fresh water. The requirements of water would not be
less than 30,000 tons in the six months, and of this the ships could
distil about half without greatly increasing their coal consumption; the
remainder, some 15,000 or 16,000 tons, would have to be brought to them.
In time of war the requirements of coal would probably be nearly three
times as great as in time of peace, and the requirements of
ammunition--estimated in time of peace at 1140 tons--might easily be ten
times as great. Thus in addition to the foregoing figures we have 16,000
tons of water, and in war time a further _minimum_ addition of some
90,000 tons of coal and 10,260 tons of ammunition, making in all a round
total of 170,000 tons for a fleet of the size specified, which was
approximately the strength of the China Fleet, under the command of
Admiral Bridge, at the time when his paper was written.
All these supplies have to be delivered or obtained periodically and at
convenient intervals in the course of every six months. They are
supplies which the ships must obtain as often as they want them without
necessarily going back to their principal base for the purpose, and even
the principal base must obtain them periodically from the home sources
of supply. There are two alternative ways of maintaining this continuous
stream of supply. One is that in advance of the principal base, what is
called a secondary base should be established from which the ships can
obtain the stores required, a continuous stream of transports bringing
the stores required to the secondary base from sources farther afield,
either from the principal base or from the home sources of supply. The
other method is to have no secondary base--which, since it contains
indispensable stores, must be furnished with some measure of local
defence, and which, as a place of storage, may turn out to be in quite
the wrong place for the particular operations in hand--but to seize and
occupy a "flying base," neither permanent nor designated beforehand, but
selected for the occasion according to the exigencies of the strategic
situation, and capable of being shifted at will in response to any
change in those exigencies. History shows that the latter method has
been something like the normal procedure in war alike in times past and
in the present day. The alternative method is perhaps rather adapted to
the convenience of peace conditions than to the exigencies of war
requirements. During his watch on Toulon Nelson established a flying
base at Maddalena Bay, in Sardinia, and very rarely used the more
distant permanent base at Gibraltar. Togo, as I have stated in an
earlier chapter, established a flying base first at the Elliot Islands
and afterwards at Dalny, during the war in the Far East. Instances might
easily be multiplied to show in which direction the experience of war
points, and how far that direction has been deflected by the possibly
deceptive teaching of peace. I shall not, however, presume to pronounce
_ex cathedra_ between two alternative methods each of which is
sanctioned by high naval authority. I will only remark in conclusion
that though the establishment of permanent secondary bases may, in
certain exceptional cases, be defensible and even expedient, yet their
multiplication, beyond such exceptional cases of proved and acknowledged
expediency, is very greatly to be deprecated. The old rule
applies--_Entia non sunt praeter necessitatem multiplicanda._
* * * * *
My task is now finished--I will not say completed, for the subject of
naval warfare is far too vast to be exhausted within the narrow compass
of a Manual. I should hardly exaggerate if I said that nearly every
paragraph I have written might be expanded into a chapter, and every
chapter into a volume, and that even so the subject would not be
exhausted. All I have endeavoured to do is to expound briefly and in
simple language the nature of naval warfare, its inherent limitations as
an agency for subduing an enemy's will, the fundamental principles which
underlie its methods, and the concrete problems which the application of
those methods presents. Tactical questions I have not touched at all;
strategic questions only incidentally, and so far as they were
implicated in the discussion of methods. Political issues and questions
of international policy I have eschewed as far as might be, and so far
as it was necessary to deal with them I have endeavoured to do so in
broad and abstract terms. Of the many shortcomings in my handling of the
subject no one can be more conscious than I am myself. Yet I must
anticipate one criticism which is not unlikely to be made, and that is
that I have repeated and insisted on certain phrases and ideas such as
"command of the sea," "control of maritime communications," "the fleet
in being," "blockade," and the like, until they might almost be
regarded as an obsession. Rightly or wrongly that has, at any rate, been
done of deliberate intent. The phrases in question are in all men's
mouths. The ideas they stand for are constantly misunderstood,
misinterpreted, and misapplied. I hold that, rightly understood, they
embody the whole philosophy of naval warfare. I have therefore lost no
opportunity of insisting on them, knowing full well that it is only by
frequent iteration that sound ideas can be implanted in minds not
attuned to their reception.
INDEX
Aircraft, 121
Alabama, the, 109
Alexander, his conquest of Darius, 48
Allemand, his escape from Rochefort, 66, 67
Amiens, Peace of, 73
_Animus pugnandi_, 46, 47, 48, 49, 55, 58, 59, 61, 78
Antony, Mark, 72
Armada, the, 79, 112
Bacon, quoted, 6
Baraille, De, his part in the Dunkirk campaign, 87, 88
Barham, Lord, 18, 64;
and Nelson, 66, 67;
his conduct of the Trafalgar campaign, 118
Base, flying, 142;
naval, 137
Battle-cruiser, its functions, 122-128
Beachy Head, Battle of, 32, 35;
campaign of, 70, 78
Berlin Decrees, 100
Bettesworth, 118
Blockade, 17;
a form of disputed command, 20-29;
military, its methods, 23;
military and commercial, 21
Bolt from the blue, 80, 89
Boscawen, at Lagos, 79
Brest, 33, 35;
blockaded by Cornwallis, 30;
blockaded by Hawke, 79;
De Roquefeuil at, 81, 82
Bridge, Admiral Sir Cyprian, on a fleet in being, 31;
on supply and communications of a fleet, 140;
his estimate of Torrington, 32, 40;
on Torrington's trial, 42
Brundusium, Caesar at, 72
Cadiz, Killigrew at, 34
Caesar, his Pharsalian campaign, 71, 72
Calais, the Armada at, 79
Calder, his action off Finisterre, 118;
Barham's instructions to, 64
Camperdown, Duncan at, 126
Cape St Vincent, meeting of Nelson with Craig and Knight off, 65
Capital ships, 113
Carthagena, Spanish ships at, 66
Charles, Prince, 82
Chateau-Renault, 33, 35
Clausewitz, his definition of war, 4;
on limited and unlimited war, 5, 22
Colomb, Admiral, on differentiation of naval force, 114;
on Torrington's strategy, 40, 43, 79
Command of the sea, 6, 10, 11-19, 20, 21, 50, 52, 54, 71, 94, 98, 121,
133, 134, 135;
its true meaning, 15, 135;
no meaning except in war, 15, 135
Command of the sea, disputed, in general, 49-67
Commerce, maritime, extent of British, 53;
in war, 93-110;
its modern conditions, 101-110
Concentration of naval force, its conditions, 132
Conflans, at Brest, 79
Corbett, Mr Julian, 62, 67;
on the Dunkirk campaign, 89;
on commerce in war, 105;
on Craig's expedition, 61, 66;
on projects of invasion, 77;
on the Trafalgar campaign, 118
Cornwallis, and the blockade of Brest, 18, 30
Craft, small, 57, 76
Craig, his expedition to the Mediterranean, 61-67
Cuba, its deliverance by the United States, 54
Dalny, Togo at, 26, 143
Dettingen, 80
Downs, the, Norris ordered to, 85
Duncan, at Camperdown, 126
Dungeness, Roquefeuil anchors at, 87;
Norris at, 88;
Norris and Roquefeuil at, 89
Dunkirk, troops collected at, 81;
embargo at, 83;
Saxe and Baraille at, 88
Egypt, Napoleon's descent on, 73
Elliott Islands, Togo at, 26, 143
Embargo, at Dunkirk, 83
Farragut, 7
Fleets, and base, their true relation, 138
Fleet in being, phrase first used by Torrington, 42;
defined, 45, 58;
a form of disputed command, 30-48
Fleets, supply of, 140
Food Supply, Royal Commission on, 99
Fortress fleet, 48, 58;
Admiral Mahan on, 47, 55
Ganteaume, at Brest, 31
General chase, 125
General Staff, the, 117
Germany, Navy Law of 1900, 130
Goschen, Lord, quoted, 124
Gravelines, 79, 87
Gunfleet, the, 37, 40, 44
Hague Conference, 102
Hannay, Mr David, 100
Hannibal, his passage of the Alps, 61
Hardy, Nelson's, on big ships, 124
Hawke, 32;
blockades Brest 79;
at Quiberon Bay, 126
Hornby, Sir Geoffrey, on the command of the sea, 45
Invasion, 51, 68-92;
dilemma of, 70
Invasion over sea, three ways of, 75
James II., 32
Justin of Nassau, and the Armada, 79
Killigrew, Vice-Admiral, 34, 37, 39, 40, 44, 78;
his expedition to Cadiz, 34;
his return to Plymouth, 35.
Knight, Rear-Admiral, escorts Craig, 65
Lagos, Boscawen and De La Clue at, 79
Lepanto, Battle of, 112
Line of battle, the, 113
Lisbon, Craig and Knight at, 65
Lissa, Battle of, 8
Louis XIV., 33
Maddalena Bay, Nelson's base at, 143
Mahan, Admiral, on commerce at sea, 98, 99;
on a fleet in being, 31, 43;
on a fortress fleet, 47, 55;
on Hannibal's passage of the Alps, 61;
on Nelson, 48, 123;
on territorial expansion, 52
Maida, Battle of, 66
Makaroff, Admiral, 47, 59
Manchuria, 59; Japanese successes in, 55
Maria Theresa, 80
Mary, Queen, her orders to Torrington, 40, 44
Mathews, his action off Toulon, 80;
in the Mediterranean, 83, 84
Medina Sidonia, and the Armada, 79
Mediterranean, the, England's position in, 136, 137
Merchant vessels, conversion of into warships at sea, 101-104
Morbihan, the, troops collected in, 79
Napoleon, 30, 31; and the campaign of Trafalgar, 18, 19;
his descent on Egypt, 61, 73;
his ignorance of the sea, 74
Naval force, differentiation of, 111-128;
distribution and supply of, 129-145
Naval strength, measure of, 129
Naval warfare, defined, 1;
special characteristic of, 56;
its limitations, 51;
philosophy of, 145;
its primary aim, 14
Nelson, 18, 32, 46, 123;
his advanced squadron, 127;
and Barham, 66, 67;
his base at Maddalena Bay, 143;
on the blockade of Toulon, 22;
on Craig's expedition, 64;
evaded by Napoleon, 73;
evaded by Villeneuve, 63;
at Trafalgar, 60;
his Trafalgar Memorandum, 126;
his pursuit of Villeneuve, 37, 38
Newcastle, Duke of, 83
Nile, Battle of the, 74
Norman Conquest, the, 68, 75
Norris, Sir John, 83;
in the Downs, 87;
leaves the Downs, 88;
and Roquefeuil at Dungeness, 89;
at St Helen's, 85, 86
North Sea, concentration in, 135
Orde, Sir John, raises the blockade of Cadiz, 65
Orders in Council, the British, 100
Parma, Duke of, and the Armada, 79
Peace strategy of position, 131, 132, 136
Philippines, the, acquired by the United States, 52
Pitt, 61, 62, 63, 67
Plymouth, Killigrew at, 35
Pompey, at Pharsalus, 71, 72
Port Arthur, 27;
how blockaded by Togo, 26, 143;
its capture by Japan, 54, 55;
first Japanese attack on, 46;
Russian fleet at, 47, 58
Pretender, the, 80
Privateering, 99, 101
Property, private, at sea, 95-97
Puerto Rico, acquired by the United States, 52
Quiberon Bay, Battle of, 79, 126
Rochefort, Allemand escapes from, 66, 67
Roquefeuil, De, at Brest, 81, 82;
anchors at Dungeness, 87;
puts to sea, 82;
and Norris at Dungeness, 89;
off the Start, 84, 86
Rozhdestvensky, at Tsu-Shima, 60
Sampson, Admiral, 46
Santiago, 46;
its capture by the United States, 54
Saxe, Marshal, at Dunkirk, 81;
with Baraille at Dunkirk, 88
Sea, its characteristics, 13
Sea power, 6, 10, 13, 52, 55
Sea transport, 14
Sebastopol, siege of, 6, 46
Shovel, Sir Cloudesley, 33, 35, 39, 40, 44, 78
Sovereignty of the Seas, 49, 50
St Helen's, Norris at, 85, 86
Start, the, De Roquefeuil off, 84, 86
Submarine, the, 24, 120, 121
Supply, of fleets, two alternative methods of, 142
Syracuse, Athenian expedition to, 61
Talavera, Battle of, 73
Teignmouth, French raid on, 42
Telegraphy, wireless, 26, 117
Togo, Admiral, 59;
his method of blockading Port Arthur, 26, 143
Torbay, Tourville's projected descent on, 33
Torpedo craft, 24, 57, 69, 120
Torpedo, the locomotive, 24
Torrington, Arthur Herbert, Earl of, 34, 35, 36, 47, 78;
anchors at Beachy Head, 41;
Admiral Bridge on, 32, 40, 42;
Colomb on, 43;
on a fleet in being, 32, 42;
ordered to give battle, 44;
his strategy, 38, 39;
tried by Court Martial, 42;
warns Mary and her Council, 40
Toulon, Chateau-Renault at, 33
Tourville, 33, 34, 43, 44, 48, 70, 78;
at Brest, 35;
in the Channel, 36
Trade routes, 104
Trafalgar, 63;
campaign of, 90, 91;
and Craig's expedition, 61;
its significance, 19
Tsu-Shima, Battle of, its effects, 54, 55
Utrecht, Treaty of, 82
Villeneuve, pursued by Nelson, 37;
driven out of the West Indies, 38;
leaves Toulon, 63
War, defined, 1;
its origin, 2;
its primary object, 4;
of American Independence, 99, 133;
Boer, 8, 56, 94;
civil, 1, 2;
Crimean, 6;
Cuban, 9, 46;
in the Far East, 9;
of 1859, 7;
of 1866, 7;
of 1870, 8, 54;
of Secession in America, 2, 7;
the Seven Years', 79
Wars, the Dutch, 93, 113
War Staff, 118, 119
Wellington, 73;
his Peninsular Campaigns, 19
William the Conqueror, 68
William III., 32
Wolseley, Lord, on communications, 73
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THE
CAMBRIDGE MANUALS
OF SCIENCE AND LITERATURE
Published by the Cambridge University Press under the general
editorship of P. Giles, Litt.D., Master of Emmanuel College, and A.C.
Seward, F.R.S., Professor of Botany in the University of Cambridge.
A series of handy volumes dealing with a wide range of subjects and
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within the reach both of the student and of the ordinary reader.
80 VOLUMES NOW READY
HISTORY AND ARCHAEOLOGY
42 Ancient Assyria. By Rev. C.H.W. Johns, Litt.D.
51 Ancient Babylonia. By Rev. C.H.W. Johns, Litt.D.
40 A History of Civilization in Palestine. By Prof. R.A.S. Macalister,
M.A., F.S.A.
78 The Peoples of India. By J.D. Anderson, M.A.
49 China and the Manchus. By Prof. H.A. Giles, LL.D.
79 The Evolution of Modern Japan. By J.H. Longford.
43 The Civilization of Ancient Mexico. By Lewis Spence.
60 The Vikings. By Prof. Allen Mawer, M.A.
24 New Zealand. By the Hon. Sir Robert Stout, K.C.M.G., LL.D., and
J. Logan Stout, LL.B. (N.Z.).
76 Naval Warfare. By J.R. Thursfield, M.A.
15 The Ground Plan of the English Parish Church. By A. Hamilton Thompson,
M.A., F.S.A.
16 The Historical Growth of the English Parish Church. By A. Hamilton
Thompson, M.A., F.S.A.
68 English Monasteries. By A.H. Thompson, M.A., F.S.A.
50 Brasses. By J.S.M. Ward, B.A., F.R.Hist.S.
59 Ancient Stained and Painted Glass. By F.S. Eden.
80 A Grammar of Heraldry. By W.H. St J. Hope, Litt.D.
ECONOMICS
70 Copartnership in Industry. By C.R. Fay, M.A.
6 Cash and Credit. By D.A. Barker.
67 The Theory of Money. By D.A. Barker.
LITERARY HISTORY
8 The Early Religious Poetry of the Hebrews. By the Rev. E.G. King,
D.D.
21 The Early Religious Poetry of Persia. By the Rev. Prof. J. Hope
Moulton, D.D., D.Theol. (Berlin).
9 The History of the English Bible. By John Brown, D.D.
12 English Dialects from the Eighth Century to the Present Day. By
W.W. Skeat, Litt.D., D.C.L., F.B.A.
22 King Arthur in History and Legend. By Prof. W. Lewis Jones, M.A.
54 The Icelandic Sagas. By W.A. Craigie, LL.D.
23 Greek Tragedy. By J.T. Sheppard, M.A.
33 The Ballad in Literature. By T.F. Henderson.
37 Goethe and the Twentieth Century. By Prof. J.G. Robertson, M.A.,
Ph.D.
39 The Troubadours. By the Rev. H.J. Chaytor, M.A.
66 Mysticism in English Literature. By Miss C.F.E. Spurgeon.
PHILOSOPHY AND RELIGION
4 The Idea of God in Early Religions. By Dr F.B. Jevons.
57 Comparative Religion. By Dr F.B. Jevons.
69 Plato: Moral and Political Ideals. By Mrs J. Adam.
26 The Moral Life and Moral Worth. By Prof. Sorley, Litt.D.
3 The English Puritans. By John Brown, D.D.
11 An Historical Account of the Rise and Development of
Presbyterianism in Scotland. By the Rt Hon. the Lord Balfour of
Burleigh, K.T., G.C.M.G.
41 Methodism. By Rev. H.B. Workman, D.Lit.
EDUCATION
38 Life in the Medieval University. By R.S. Rait, M.A.
LAW
13 The Administration of Justice in Criminal Matters (in England and
Wales). By G. Glover Alexander, M.A., LL.M.
BIOLOGY
1 The Coming of Evolution. By Prof. J.W. Judd, C.B., F.R.S.
2 Heredity in the Light of Recent Research. By L. Doncaster, M.A.
25 Primitive Animals. By Geoffrey Smith, M.A.
73 The Life-story of Insects. By Prof. G.H. Carpenter.
48 The Individual in the Animal Kingdom. By J.S. Huxley, B.A.
27 Life in the Sea. By James Johnstone, B.Sc.
75 Pearls. By Prof. W.J. Dakin.
28 The Migration of Birds. By T.A. Coward.
36 Spiders. By C. Warburton, M.A.
61 Bees and Wasps. By O.H. Latter, M.A.
46 House Flies. By C.G. Hewitt, D.Sc.
32 Earthworms and their Allies. By F.E. Beddard, F.R.S.
74 The Flea. By H. Russell.
64 The Wanderings of Animals. By H.F. Gadow, F.R.S.
ANTHROPOLOGY
20 The Wanderings of Peoples. By Dr A.C. Haddon, F.R.S.
29 Prehistoric Man. By Dr W.L.H. Duckworth.
GEOLOGY
35 Rocks and their Origins. By Prof. Grenville A.J. Cole.
44 The Work of Rain and Rivers. By T.G. Bonney, Sc.D.
7 The Natural History of Coal. By Dr E.A. Newell Arber.
30 The Natural History of Clay. By Alfred B. Searle.
34 The Origin of Earthquakes. By C. Davison, Sc.D., F.G.S.
62 Submerged Forests. By Clement Reid, F.R.S.
72 The Fertility of the Soil. By E.J. Russell, D.Sc.
BOTANY
5 Plant-Animals: a Study in Symbiosis. By Prof. F.W. Keeble.
10 Plant-Life on Land. By Prof. F.O. Bower, Sc.D., F.R.S.
19 Links with the Past in the Plant-World. By Prof. A.C. Seward,
F.R.S.
PHYSICS
52 The Earth. By Prof. J.H. Poynting, F.R.S.
53 The Atmosphere. By A.J. Berry, M.A.
65 Beyond the Atom. By John Cox, M.A.
55 The Physical Basis of Music. By A. Wood, M.A.
71 Natural Sources of Energy. By Prof. A.H. Gibson, D.Sc.
PSYCHOLOGY
14 An Introduction to Experimental Psychology. By Dr. C.S. Myers.
45 The Psychology of Insanity. By Bernard Hart, M.D.
77 The Beautiful. By Vernon Lee.
INDUSTRIAL AND MECHANICAL SCIENCE
31 The Modern Locomotive. By C. Edgar Allen, A.M.I.Mech.E.
56 The Modern Warship. By E.L. Attwood.
17 Aerial Locomotion. By E.H. Harper, M.A., and Allan E. Ferguson,
B.Sc.
18 Electricity in Locomotion. By A.G. Whyte, B.Sc.
63 Wireless Telegraphy. By Prof. C.L. Fortescue, M.A.
58 The Story of a Loaf of Bread. By Prof. T.B. Wood, M.A.
47 Brewing. By A. Chaston Chapman, F.I.C.
* * * * *
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treatment which in such subjects is essential.... In their general
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offer to the inquiring layman the hardly earned products of technical
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