Footnote 464:_History of Ancient Pottery: Greek, Etruscan, and Roman. Volume 1 (of 2)

_Suppl._ 463.

Footnote 465:

_E.g._ B.M. E 494. See also Chapter XV.

Footnote 466:

See Schol. _in_ Ar. _Ran._ 218, and _J.H.S._ xx. p. 110 ff.

Footnote 467:

For explanation and parallels see Frazer, _Golden Bough_, ii. p. 119

ff.

Footnote 468:

Raoul-Rochette in _Revue Archéol._ viii. (1851), p. 112: see also

Theocr. xv. 113 ff.

Footnote 469:

_Revue Archéol. l.c._ p. 118; Mart. xi. 19; Pliny, _H.N._ xix. 59.

Footnote 470:

_Hist. Plant._ vi. 7.

Footnote 471:

Pernice in _Jahrbuch_, 1899, p. 60 ff. He would also regard the

so-called σμηματοθήκη (see p. 198) as a vase of this class; but this

seems much more doubtful. See also p. 167, under πλημοχόη.

Footnote 472:

Cf. Böhlau, _Ion. u. Ital. Nekrop._ p. 39; Berlin 1108.

Footnote 473:

Pernice’s arguments have been directly impugned by Kouroniotes in Ἐφ.

Ἀρχ. 1899, p. 233, and by Robinson in _Boston Mus. Report_, p. 73;

and it certainly seems more probable that metal vessels would have

been used for this purpose; moreover, the form of the θυμιατήριον is

well known. But he has personally assured the present writer that the

clay κώθωνες show traces internally of the use of fire.

Footnote 474:

Reinach, i. 235 = Naples 3255.

Footnote 475:

See p. 214.

Footnote 476:

_Adv. Leoch._ 1086, 1089.

Footnote 477:

Cf. _B.M. Cat. of Sculpture_, i. p. 297.

Footnote 478:

See note on p. 132 above. The custom seems to have been specially in

favour in the fourth century B.C.

Footnote 479:

_E.g._ B.M. D 65, 70–1; _J.H.S._ xix. pl. 2. On the subject

generally, see _ibid._ p. 169 ff.

Footnote 480:

Fig. 20 = F 93, a Lucanian hydria in the British Museum, is a very

fine instance, several of the vases being represented with painted

subjects. Among them is a Panathenaic amphora (see above, p. 132), on

which is depicted a chariot-race.

Footnote 481:

_Il._ xxiii. 253.

Footnote 482:

Q. Smyrn. iii. 737.

Footnote 483:

It no doubt suggested Tennyson’s “Two handfuls of white dust, shut in

an urn of brass.” Cf. l. 1142 (κήτει).

Footnote 484:

_Brit. School Annual_, 1901–2, pls. 18–19, p. 298; _Mon. Antichi_, i.

p. 201, pls. 1–2.

Footnote 485:

B 130: see also p. 46.

Footnote 486:

No. 2422 = Furtwaengler and Reichhold, pl. 34.

Footnote 487:

E 811: see for other instances, Jahn, _Vasensamml. zu München_, p.

lxxxv, note 600, and p. 39 above.

Footnote 488:

_Cat. of Terracottas_, C 12.

Footnote 489:

Mr. J. L. Myres, on opening a tomb at Amathus, in Cyprus, in 1894,

found jugs, bowls, and other kinds of vases ranged round the body,

like a dinner-service set out on a table.

Footnote 490:

A good instance is the Python krater in the British Museum (F 149),

one of the handles of which has been repaired with lead. See also

Jahn, _Vasens. zu München_, p. ci, note 731; B.M. B 607, B 608, E

106; Berlin 1768.

Footnote 491:

Gerhard, _Auserl. Vasenb._ ii. 145 = Reinach, ii. 75.

Footnote 492:

_Rev. Arch._ iii. (1904), p. 50.

Footnote 493:

Juvenal, xiv. 308.

Footnote 494:

_Vespae_, 1437.

Footnote 495:

The use of this form of vase is further illustrated by the

_hydrophoria_-scenes on B.F. vases, in which it constantly occurs.

See below, p. 166.

Footnote 496:

B.M. A 1054, B 450; Boeckh, _C.I.G._ i. 545.

Footnote 497:

See Chapter XVII., where examples are given.

Footnote 498:

Cf. also Bk. v. 198 ff.

Footnote 499:

x. 62 ff.

Footnote 500:

_Recherches sur les véritables Noms des Vases Grecs_, Paris, 1829.

Footnote 501:

_Observations sur les Noms des Vases Grecs_, etc., Paris, 1833, and

_Supplément_, 1837–38.

Footnote 502:

_Rapporto Volcente_ in _Ann. dell’ Inst._ 1831, p. 221 ff.; and in

criticism of Letronne, _Berlins ant. Bildwerke_, i. p. 342 ff., and

_Ann. dell’ Inst._ 1836, p. 147 ff.

Footnote 503:

_Handbuch d. Archäol._ § 298–301.

Footnote 504:

_Ueber die hellenischen bemalten Vasen_, Munich, 1844.

Footnote 505:

_De Nominibus Vasorum Graecorum_, Kopenhagen, 1844. This work is very

useful for its exhaustive references to classical literature. It is

also critically up to the mark.

Footnote 506:

_Angeiologie_, Halle, 1854.

Footnote 507:

_Vasensamml. zu München_, p. lxxxvi ff. (1854).

Footnote 508:

There are some very useful articles in Daremberg and Saglio’s

_Dictionnaire_ under the respective headings, so far as the work has

appeared (down to M in 1904).

Footnote 509:

Cf. also xi. 462 D.

Footnote 510:

Pliny (_H.N._ iii. 82) states that the island of Pithecusa (the

modern Ischia) was so called not from πίθηκος, an ape, but from πίθος

(_a figulinis doliorum_), implying that wine-casks were made here in

antiquity, as they are at the present day.

Footnote 511:

Athen. xi. 465 A, and cf. 495 B; _Il._ xxiv. 527; see Ussing, p. 33,

and Suidas, _s.v._ The comic poets also speak of a πιθάκνη, or small

πίθος, used for holding wine at festivals.

Footnote 512:

See Chapter XX., and a relief in the Villa Albani, Helbig,

_Führer_^2, ii. p. 56, No. 853; cf. also Hesychius, ἐν πίθῳ, and Ar.

_Eq._ 792.

Footnote 513:

See Chapter XIV. (Fig. 126).

Footnote 514:

B.M. B 464, F 210.

Footnote 515:

_Op. et Di._ 98; the word has been confused with πυξίς, meaning a

box. See _J.H.S._ xx. p. 99.

Footnote 516:

Hesych. _s.v._; Pollux, vii. 163.

Footnote 517:

This must be distinguished from κάναβος (see p. 111), a skeleton

frame on which statues were modelled. See _Geoponica_, vi. 3, p. 4;

Pollux, vii. 164; Jahn in _Ber. d. sächs. Gesellsch._ 1854, p. 42;

Blümner, _Technologie_, ii. p. 42.

Footnote 518:

_Brit. School Annual_, 1899–1900, p. 22; cf. _Amer. Journ. of Arch._

1901, p. 404.

Footnote 519:

_Ath. Mitth._ 1903, pp. 96 ff., 140 ff., Beilagen 1–5.

Footnote 520:

_Troja und Ilion_, i. p. 315.

Footnote 521:

See Pottier, _Louvre Cat._ ii. p. 381 ff.; _Ath. Mitth._ 1886, pl. 4;

_Röm. Mitth._ xii. (1897), p. 256; _Arch. Zeit._ 1881, p. 44 ff.;

Kekulé, _Terracotten von Sicilien_, pls. 55–7, 60; and p. 496.

Footnote 522:

Hom. _Il._ xxiii. 170; _Od._ ii. 290, ix. 164; _Inscr. Gr._

(_Atticae_), ii. 965 _b_ (oil); and see Chap. XXI., _s.v._ See also

Jahn, _Vasens. zu München_, p. xcii, and cf. the amphora in Rome with

the oil-selling scene (Helbig, 70 = Reinach, i. p. 106).

Footnote 523:

ἀμφιφορεύς, from ἀμφί, “on either side,” and φέρω, “I carry.”

Athenaeus (xi. 501 A) explains it as ὁ ἑκατέρωθεν κατὰ τὰ ὧτα

δυνάμενος φέρεσθαι.

Footnote 524:

_Trans. Roy. Soc. Lit._ 2nd Ser. iii. (1850), p. 7.

Footnote 525:

Dumont, _Inscrs. Céramiques_, pl. 9.

Footnote 526:

The order here given is that suggested by H. von Gaertringen in

_Inscr. Gr._ xii. pt. 1, p. 8.

Footnote 527:

Dumont, _Inscrs. Céramiques_, pl. 6; see also _Revue Archéol._ N.S.

iii. (1861), pls. 9, 10, p. 283.

Footnote 528:

_Jahrbücher für Philol._ Suppl. xvii. (1890), p. 281.

Footnote 529:

Boeckh, _C.I.G._ ii. 2121.

Footnote 530:

_Trans. Roy. Soc. Lit._ iii. (1850), p. 84.

Footnote 531:

_C.I.L._ iv. 2584; other examples from Pompeii are given in Chapter

XXI.

Footnote 532:

Stoddart in _Trans. Roy. Soc. Lit._ 2nd Ser. iii. (1850), p. 1 ff.,

iv. (1853), p. 1 ff.; Boeckh, _C.I.G._ iii. Nos. 5375–5392,

5555–5566, 5751 (Sicily); _Philologus_, 1851, p. 278 ff. (Sicily);

_Jahrb. für Philol._ Suppl.-Bd. xviii. p. 520 ff.; _Abh. d.

phil.-phil. Kl. d. k. bayer. Akad. d. Wiss._ ii. (1837), p. 781 ff.;

_Mélanges Gréco-Romaines_, i. p. 416 ff. (Olbia); Dumont, _Inscrs.

Céramiques de Grèce_, Paris, 1872; _Ath. Mitth._ 1896, p. 127 ff.;

_Jahrb. für Philol._ Suppl.-Bd. iv. p. 453, v. p. 447, x. pp. 1, 207

(Olbia); _Inscr. Gr._ (_Ins. Maris Aegaei_), xii. pp. 175–203, Nos.

1065–1441 (amphora-handles from Rhodes); and other references already

given.

Footnote 533:

_E.g._ Athens 657.

Footnote 534:

_Bull. de Corr. Hell._ 1898, pls. 4, 6; Plate XLVII.

Footnote 535:

_E.g._ Baumeister, iii. p. 1975, fig. 2114; Athens 688, 690.

Footnote 536:

_Berlins ant. Bildw._ p. 346; see also Thiersch, _Tyrrhen. Amphoren_,

p. 1 ff.

Footnote 537:

See below, p. 388, and Karo in _J.H.S._ xix. p. 147 ff.

Footnote 538:

See note 536 above; also p. 324.

Footnote 539:

A “transitional” example has recently been published by Hartwig in

_Röm. Mitth._ 1901, pl. 5, p. 117.

Footnote 540:

See also Pollux, x. 66.

Footnote 636:

It should be noted that the cups he describes are always of metal.

Footnote 637:

_Od._ ix. 346, xiv. 78; cf. the description in Theocr. i. 26 ff., and

see below, p. 185; also Ussing, p. 126.

Footnote 638:

xi. 488 ff.; cf. _Il._ xi. 632. It is described by Homer as “studded

with golden nails; and four handles there were; and about each rested

two golden doves; and beneath there were two bottoms.”

Footnote 639:

See Chapter XIII.; and below, p. 186.

Footnote 640:

Poll. vi. 96; Athen. xi. 478 B, F.

Footnote 641:

_Il._ v. 306.

Footnote 642:

Athen. xi. 478 E.

Footnote 643:

_Il._ xxii. 494. See for other instances of its use, _Od._ xv. 312,

xvii. 12 (πύρνον καὶ κοτύλην, “bite and sup”); Schol. _ad_ Ar.

_Plut._ 1054; and Athen. xi. 478–79.

Footnote 644:

_Apud_ Athen. 482 B.

Footnote 645:

_Od._ xiv. 112. See Athenaeus, xi. 498 for quotations; also Eur.

_Cycl._ 256, 390, 556, and Liddell and Scott, _s.v._

Footnote 646:

Athen. xi. 500 A; Macrob. v. 21, 16.

Footnote 647:

_E.g._ _B.M. Cat. of Bronzes_, 1244, 1272, 1309–14; Stephani,

_Ausruhende Herakles_, pp. 151 ff., 195 ff.

Footnote 648:

Ἡράκλειος δεσμός (500 A).

Footnote 649:

The sculptor Mys made a σκύφος Ἡρακλεωτικός with the sack of Troy

chased upon it (Athen. xi. 782 B).

Footnote 650:

In _C.I.G._ ii. 2852 silver σκύφοι chased with figures of animals are

recorded among the offerings in the temple of Apollo at Branchidae.

Footnote 651:

xi. 495 A.

Footnote 652:

_E.g._ B.M. E 152, and see _Cat._ iii. p. 14. The owl and

olive-branch seem to have been official marks; they appear on coins

and dicasts’ tickets.

Footnote 653:

xi. 783 D; 495 C; cf. Theocr. i. 25.

Footnote 654:

Cf. B.M. B 77, 78; _J.H.S._ xiii. p. 78.

Footnote 655:

xi. 784 D.

Footnote 656:

See _id._ xi. 477 E.

Footnote 657:

The word also occurs in Horace (_Od._ ii. 7, 22) for a large wine-cup.

Footnote 658:

_E.g._ B.M. B 370, 371, 681.

Footnote 659:

Robert, _Homerische Becker_, p. 3.

Footnote 660:

xi. 481 D.

Footnote 661:

xi. 782 F, 500 F.

Footnote 662:

Cf. Macrob. v. 21: _pocula procera ac navibus similia_. In

illustration of the resemblance of a bowl to a ship we may cite the

story of the wise men of Gotham, also the golden bowl of the Sun (p.

181), and the form of the Welsh coracle.

Footnote 663:

F 596.

Footnote 664:

Athen. xi. 483 B.

Footnote 665:

Cf. Ar. _Eq._ 600, and see the account of this cup given by Plutarch,

_Lycurg._ 9. The word for the inner rim or lip is ἄμβων (Pollux, vi.

97; Critias _apud_ Athen. xi. 483 B; see _ibid._ viii. p. 347 B). The

shape formerly regarded as a κώθων on account of its recurved lip has

been thought by Pernice to have been used for incense (_Jahrbuch_,

1899, p. 60); but see above, p. 140.

Footnote 666:

Boeckh, _C.I.G._ i. 161.

Footnote 667:

_Pac._ 1094.

Footnote 668:

Athen. xi. 483 F.

Footnote 669:

_Ibid._ 473 D.

Footnote 670:

Macrob. v. 21.

Footnote 671:

See _J.H.S._ xviii. p. 288. For typical examples see Athens 612 and

_Bull. de Corr. Hell._ 1897, p. 450 (Boeotian); also Berlin 1737,

2116–20, 2876, 2877, 4019; _Anzeiger_, 1891, p. 116.

Footnote 672:

xi. 474 E; cf. v. 198 B, C.

Footnote 673:

_E.g._ Visconti, _Mus. Pio-Clem._ iv. pl. 35; _B.M. Cat. of

Terracottas_, B 490.

Footnote 674:

_Georg._ iv. 380.

Footnote 675:

Boeckh, _C.I.G._ i. 140, 141, 150 = _B.M. Inscrs._ 27–29.

Footnote 676:

So called from being turned (κυλίεσθαι) on the wheel (Athen. xi. 480

B). The word constantly occurs in literature: Phokyl. 11; Sappho, 5;

Hdt. iv. 70, etc.

Footnote 677:

_E.g._ B.M. E 49, 50. Cf. Hermippus _apud_ Athen. xi. 480 E, and the

Ficoroni cista (Roscher, i. p. 527).

Footnote 678:

xi. 480 C (quoting Pindar).

Footnote 679:

See p. 215.

Footnote 680:

Athen. xi. 480 E.

Footnote 681:

This was also done in the case of some late Italian fabrics; see

_B.M. Cat. of Vases_, iv. p. 25 and below, p. 501.

Footnote 682:

xi. 470 E, 471 D; cf. v. 199 B.

Footnote 683:

xi. 469 B. In § 464 C he speaks of Ρὁδιακαὶ χυτρίδες, which lessened

the tendency to inebriety, and in § 496 F he describes a cup called

Ρὁδίας.

Footnote 684:

Pollux, vi. 95–98; x. 66.

Footnote 685:

Ar. _Lys._ 203.

Footnote 686:

B 379–82.

Footnote 687:

A recent writer (Böhlau, in _Athen. Mitth._ for 1900, p. 40 ff.)

attributes this shape to an Ionic origin.

Footnote 688:

See generally Athen. xi. 501 ff. Isidorus (_Etym._ xx. 5) says:

“Phyalae dictae quod ex vitro fiant” (_sc._ ὔαλον).

Footnote 689:

The words βαλανωτή, βαλανειόμφαλος, and καρυωτή also seem to be

descriptive of this type. Phialae (καρυωταί) dedicated to Agathe

Tyche, Themis, Leto, and Hekate, were among the possessions of the

temple of Apollo at Branchidae (Boeckh, _C.I.G._ ii. 2852).

Footnote 690:

G 117, 118: see Plate XLVIII.

Footnote 691:

_Il._ xxiii. 270, where it is described as ἀπυρωτός, implying that it

was used over a fire.

Footnote 692:

_Ibid._ l. 243.

Footnote 693:

_Rhet._ iii. 4: cf. Athen. x. 433 C.

Footnote 694:

See Athen. xi. _s.vv._; also Pollux, vi. 98.

Footnote 695:

Schol. _in_ Ar. _Pac._ 916.

Footnote 696:

Cf. B.M. E 784–803.

Footnote 697:

See for a discussion of this word, Athen. xi. 476 A.

Footnote 698:

_E.g._ B.M. B 42, 46, 181, 204, etc.

Footnote 699:

xi. 461 B, 497 B.

Footnote 700:

διατετρημένον, Athen. xi. 497 E.

Footnote 701:

Exx. in B.M. F 417–36.

Footnote 702:

xi. 500 E. In the temple of Apollo at Branchidae there were

παλίμποτοι, τραγέλαφοι, πρότομοι, with dedicatory inscriptions to

Apollo and Artemis; evidently _rhyta_ of this kind (Boeckh, _C.I.G._

ii. 2852). An example in the B.M. (F 431) ends in the heads of a boar

and dog conjoined.

Footnote 703:

xi. 468 F; cf. 497 A.

Footnote 704:

xi. 496 E; other names for the rhyton are δικέρας (Pollux, vi. 97),

ἐνιαυτός, ὄλμος, and παλίμποτος: see note 702.

Footnote 705:

_In Meid._ 565 fin.

Footnote 706:

See p. 127 and Plate X.

Footnote 707:

Pollux, vi. 84–5; x. 86; Ar. _passim_; Lucian, _Somn._ 14, p. 723

(τρύβλιον); see Ussing, _De nom. vas. graec._ p. 160 ff.

Footnote 708:

Schöne in _Comm. phil. in hon. Mommseni_, p. 653, mentions a plate

with ΙΧΘΥΑΙ inscribed underneath. Cf. also Plate XLIV. and p. 487.

Footnote 709:

See p. 139.

Footnote 710:

Pollux, vi. 85; x. 86; Ar. _Ran._ 1440, _Plut._ 812, _Av._ 361;

Athen. ii. 67 D, xi. 494 C. Cf. for these words Chapter XVII.

Footnote 711:

x. 92. Liddell and Scott state that ἐρεύς is a _vox nihili_.

Footnote 712:

Pollux, x. 93.

Footnote 713:

xi. 476 E.

Footnote 714:

See _Brit. School Annual_, iii. (1896–97) p. 58; _Ath. Mitth._ 1898,

p. 271; Couve in Daremberg and Saglio’s _Dict. s.v._ Kernos.

Athenaeus cannot have known this type.

Footnote 715:

_Ath. Mitth._ 1898, pls. 13, 14; _Ephem. Arch._ 1885, pl. 9, 1897, p.

163 ff.

Footnote 716:

_Ath. Mitth._ _loc. cit._ p. 295.

Footnote 717:

See _Jahrbuch_, 1894, p. 57 ff.

Footnote 718:

Cf. Dem. _Fals. Leg._ p. 415, and p. 133 above.

Footnote 719:

Athen. xi. 784 B.

Footnote 720:

See Pollux, vii. 166; x. 63.

Footnote 721:

xi. 783 F; he derives the -βαλλος from βαλάντιον (_sic_). He also

says it is like the αρύστιχος, and that ἀρυστίς = πρόχοος.

Footnote 722:

See Athen. xi. 784 D; Pollux, vi. 98; Hippokrates, 494, 55.

Footnote 723:

He somewhat vaguely identifies it with the Thericleian and Rhodian

kylikes. Pollux (vi. 98) also implies it to be a cup.

Footnote 724:

See Ussing, p. 117; Pollux, vi. 106, x. 121; Ar. _Ach._ 1063.

Footnote 725:

Hesych. _s.v._ ῥύμμα. Also called σμηματοδοκίς.

Footnote 726:

_E.g._ B.M. 208, 225, 376, 386, 794, 810, D 65. But see on this shape

Pernice in _Jahrbuch_, 1899, p. 68, and Robinson in _Boston Mus.

Report_, 1899, p. 73. The latter rejects Pernice’s incense-burner

theory (see above, p. 140), and suggests their use for perfume or

scented water.

Footnote 727:

The B.M. has a late B.F. example, B 298.

Footnote 728:

_Jahrbuch___, 1899, p. 129.

Footnote 729:

E 774; E 810 in the B.M. is a good example of this form.

Footnote 730:

It was formerly thought to be a kind of roof-tile. See Robert in Ἐφ.

Ἀρχ. 1892, p. 247; B.M. B 597, 598; Athens 1588–92.

Footnote 731:

See _B.M. Cat. of Vases_, iii. p. 17.

Footnote 732:

See _op. cit._ iv. p. 8, fig. 18.

Footnote 733:

In the examples from Greek sites, such as the Cyrenaica, the handle

is arched over the back, as in Fig. 62.

Footnote 734:

For the Mycenaean “false amphora,” a variation of the askos, see p.

271 and Plate XV.

Footnote 735:

See Chapter XI. for a general discussion of the subject, and Chapter

V. for its technical aspect.

Footnote 736:

_B.M. Cat. of Terracottas_, D 204 ff.

Footnote 737:

See p. 88; also _B.M. Cat. of Terracottas_, D 1–2; _Röm. Mitth._

1897, p. 262.

Footnote 738:

_Cat. of Terracottas_, D 209–10.

CHAPTER V

_TECHNICAL PROCESSES_

Nature of clay—Places whence obtained—Hand-made vases—Invention

of potter’s wheel—Methods of modelling—Moulded vases and

relief-decoration—Baking—Potteries and furnaces—Painted vases

and their classification—Black varnish—Methods of

painting—Instruments and colours employed—Status of potters in

antiquity.

In this chapter we propose to deal with the various technical processes

required for the manufacture of painted vases, that being of all the

methods of working in clay employed by the Greeks the most important,

and thus, as already implied, forming the main branch of our subject.

These vases show, in fact, the highest point of perfection to which the

ceramic art attained.

In the making of Greek vases we can distinguish four separate stages:

(1) Preparation of the clay; (2) Modelling (_a_) on the wheel, (_b_) by

hand, or (_c_) from a mould; (3) Baking; (4) Painting, glazing, and

other decoration. The last-named is not absolutely essential, _i.e._ a

vase, especially one for ordinary daily use, may be considered complete

without it. Further, the three first stages are practically the same at

all periods of Greek art, whereas the systems of painting and

decoration are subject to local variations and chronological

development. For the purposes of the present chapter it is sufficient

to consider only those vases which have undergone the complete process

of manufacture, or what are known for the purposes of study as “Painted

Greek Vases.”

1. PREPARATION OF THE CLAY

The paste of these vases is similar to terracotta in its general

characteristics, such as the constitution of the mixture of which it is

composed; it is in general very delicate, but deeper in tone and finer

in texture than that of the terracottas. Brongniart has described it as

“tender, easily scratched or cut with a knife, remarkably fine and

homogeneous, but of loose texture”[739]; but it would be more accurate

to say that it varies in one respect, being sometimes so hard that

cutting or scratching has no effect upon it. When broken it exhibits a

dull opaque colour, varying from red to yellow and yellow to grey. On

being struck it gives forth a dull metallic sound; it is exceedingly

porous, and easily allows water to ooze through.

The surface was protected by a fine, thin alkaline glaze, which is

semi-transparent, enhancing the colours with which the vase was

painted, like the varnish of a picture. It is this glaze which forms

the special distinction of the Greek painted vases and renders them, in

contradistinction to common pottery or earthenware, the counterpart of

the medieval faïences or majolicas, or the finer porcelain of the

present day.

As to the chemical composition of the paste, it would seem that

hitherto investigations have been confined to vases of Italian origin,

but probably those found on Greek soil would yield similar results. The

principal ingredients are clay, silicic acid, and iron oxide, with

slight admixtures of carbonate of lime and magnesia. The principal

results of previous investigations have been tabulated by Blümner,[740]

and yield the following average result (chiefly from analyses of vases

from Southern Italy):—

Silicic acid 52 to 60 parts.

Clay earth 13 to 19 parts.

Chalk 5 to 10 parts.

Magnesia 1 to 3 parts.

Iron oxide 12 to 19 parts.

The largest proportion of clay found in any one vase was 27 parts;

there was also one instance given of 24 parts of iron oxide.

The variations in tone of the clay of Greek vases are very marked. The

usual colour is an ochre varying from yellowish-white to brownish-red,

the mean being a sort of orange. These variations were apparently

regulated by the amount of iron oxide employed. It has been noted by

Jahn[741] that vases were sometimes moulded “double,” _i.e._ turned on

the wheel in two different thicknesses of clay, the finer and ruddier

forming the exterior surface for decoration.

The earliest and most primitive Greek vases (including those of the

Mycenaean period) in most cases exhibit the natural quality of the

clay, ranging from yellow to grey in colour; it is usually coarse and

insufficiently baked, and protected by no lustrous glaze. In the early

archaic vases, such as those of Melos, Athens, and Rhodes, we observe a

pale yellow tone, which is apparently not a glaze, but inherent in the

clay.[742] Thenceforward the clay becomes appreciably redder and warmer

in tone until the lustrous glaze reaches its perfection in the Attic

vases of the fifth century. In the later Italian fabrics again there is

a great degeneration, the clay rapidly reverting to a paler hue,

especially in the vases of Campania; while in the Etruscan imitations

of the third century it is a dull coarse yellow, apparently due to a

preponderance of lime. Generally speaking, it may be said that the

colour depends on the proportion in which the constituent parts are

mixed, a larger proportion of iron oxide producing a redder, a larger

proportion of lime a paler hue.

The clay is permeable, allowing water to exude when not glazed, and

when moistened emits a strong earthy smell. It is not known how this

paste was prepared, for the Greeks have left few or no details of their

processes, but it has been conjectured that the clay was fined by

pouring it into a series of vats, and constantly decanting the water,

so that the last vat held only the finest particles in suspension. The

clay was worked up to the right consistency with the hands, and is

supposed to have been ground in a mill or trodden out with the feet.

Either red or white clay, or a mixture of the two, was preferred by the

ancients, according to the nature of the pottery required to be made,

as we learn from an interesting passage in the _Geoponica_:—“All kinds

of earth are not suited for pottery, but some prefer the reddish

variety, others the white; others again blend the two ... but the

potter ought personally to assist in the operations and see that the

clay is well levigated and not placed on the wheel until he has

obtained a clear idea of the probable appearance of the jar after the

baking” (vi. 3).

Certain sites enjoyed in antiquity great reputation for their clays.

One of the most celebrated was that procured from a mine near the

promontory of Cape Kolias,[743] close to Phaleron, from which was

produced the paste which gave so much renown to the products of the

Athenian Kerameikos. The vases made of it became so fashionable, that

Plutarch[744] relates an anecdote of a person who, having swallowed

poison, refused to drink the antidote except out of a vessel made of

this clay. It seems to have been of a fine quality, but not remarkably

warm in tone when submitted to the furnace; ruddle, or red ochre

(_rubrica_), being employed to impart to it that rich deep orange glow

which distinguishes the finest vases of the best period.[745]

Corinth,[746] Knidos, Samos, and various other places famous for their

potteries, were provided with fine clays. At Koptos, in Egypt, and in

Rhodes, vases were manufactured of an aromatic earth.[747] The extreme

lightness of the paste of these vases was remarked by the ancients, and

its tenuity is mentioned by Plutarch.[748] That it was an object of

ambition to excel in this respect, appears from the two amphorae

mentioned by Pliny as preserved in the temple of Erythrae,[749] of

extreme lightness and thinness, made by a potter and his pupil when

contending which could produce the lightest vase. The thinnest vases

which have come down to us are scarcely thicker than pieces of stout

paper. Great difference is to be observed in the pastes of vases from

widely-separated localities, due either to the composition or to the

baking, as has been noted in the case of the terracottas (p. 113).

2. MANUFACTURE OF VASES

The earliest glazed vases were made with the hand, but the wheel was an

invention of very remote antiquity, as has been noted in our

Introductory Chapter. It is generally supposed that its origin is to be

attributed to Egypt. Its introduction into Greece may easily be traced

by a study of primitive pottery from any site such as Crete, Cyprus, or

Troy, where the distinction between hand-made and wheel-made vessels is

clear. Thus in the tombs of Cyprus which belong to the Bronze Age, the

earlier finds, dating from about 2500–1500 B.C., are exclusively of

hand-made pottery.[750] The latter part of the Bronze Age may be

regarded as a transitional period, in which the tombs contain hand-made

unglazed painted vases, together with pottery of a much more developed

character, with a lustrous yellow glaze, bearing unmistakable evidence

of having been turned on a wheel. This pottery appears to be largely

imported, as opposed to the local wares, which are still hand-made, and

its widespread distribution over the whole of the “Aegean” area marks

an important epoch in the history of early ceramics (see Chapter VI.).

It covers the period from 1500 to about 900 B.C., and it is to this

time that we may attribute the general use of the potter’s wheel in

Greece, although it was known even earlier, as some isolated specimens

prove.

Among the Greeks there were many contending claims for the honour of

having invented the potter’s wheel. Tradition attributed it to various

personages, such as Daedalos,[751] or his nephew and rival Talos[752];

Hyperbios of Corinth[753]; Koroibos of Athens; and Anacharsis the

Scythian.[754] Kritias, the comic poet, claimed the invention for

Athens—“that city which ... invented pottery, the famous offspring of

the wheel, of earth, and of fire.”[755] There is also a familiar

allusion to it in Homer,[756] which is a fair testimony to its

antiquity:—

“Full lightly, as when some potter sitteth and maketh assay

Of the wheel to his hands well-fitted, to know if it runneth true.”

As regards the traditions, even Strabo[757] realised their absurdity,

when he asked, “How could the wheel be the invention of Anacharsis,

when his predecessor Homer knew of it?” On the other hand, Poseidonios

adheres to the tradition, maintaining that the passage in Homer is an

interpolation.[758] Other allusions to the wheel are in the writings of

Plato[759] and the comic poet Antiphanes.[760]

[Illustration: FIG. 65. POTTER’S WHEEL (FROM A PAINTING OF ABOUT 600

B.C.).]

Among the Egyptians and Greeks the wheel took the form of a low

circular table, turned with the hand, not as nowadays with the

foot.[761] The assumption that the wheel was turned with the foot is

only supported by one passage in the Book of Ecclesiasticus[762]; the

evidence of Plutarch[763] and Hippokrates[764] tells decidedly against

it. In 1840 some discs of terracotta, strengthened with spokes and a

leaden tire, came to light on the site of the ancient potteries at

Arezzo, and these had evidently been used as potter’s wheels.[765] The

process is also represented on two or three vases, as on a Corinthian

painted tablet of about 600 B.C. (Fig. 65),[766] on a kylix in the

British Museum (B 433), on a B.F. hydria in Munich (Fig. 67 _b_,

below), and on a R.F. fragment from the Acropolis of Athens (Fig.

66),[767] which shows a man modelling the foot of a large krater, while

a boy or slave turns the wheel, as on the Munich vase. On the British

Museum cup the potter is seated on a low stool, apparently modelling a

vase which he has just turned into shape on the wheel.

[Illustration: FIG. 66. POTTER’S WHEEL (FROM A VASE OF ABOUT 500 B.C.).]

In making the vases the wheel was used in the following manner:—A piece

of paste of the required size was placed upon it vertically in the

centre, and while it revolved was formed with the finger and thumb, the

potter paying regard not only to the production of the right shape, but

to the necessary thickness of the walls. This process sufficed for the

smaller pieces, such as cups or jugs; the larger amphorae and hydriae

required the introduction of the arm. The feet, necks, mouths, and

handles were separately turned on moulds, and fixed on while the clay

was moist. They are often modelled with great beauty and precision,

especially the feet, which are admirably finished off, to effect which

the vase must have been inverted. The modelling and separate attachment

of the handle is represented in more than one ancient work of art (see

Fig. 66). In many cases the joining of the handles is so excellent that

it is easier to break than to detach them. Great technical skill was

displayed in turning certain peculiar forms of vases, and generally

speaking the Greeks with their simple wheel effected wonders, producing

shapes still unrivalled for beauty.

In the case of the earlier vases, which are made by hand, after the

clay was properly kneaded the potter took up a mass of the paste, and

hollowing it into the shape of walls with one hand, placed the other

inside it and pressed it out into the required form. In this way also

the thickness of the walls could be regulated. When raised or incised

ornaments were required, he used modeller’s tools, such as wooden or

bronze chisels. The largest and coarsest vases of the Greeks were made

with the hand, and the large πίθοι, or casks, such as have been

recently found in such numbers in Crete and Thera (p. 152), were

modelled by the aid of a kind of hooped mould (κάνναβος): see _ibid._).

The smaller and finer vases, however, were invariably turned on the

wheel. On a Graeco-Roman lamp from Pozzuoli, in the British

Museum,[768] a potter is seen standing and modelling a vase before his

furnace, in the manner no doubt employed at all periods.

Certain parts of the ancient painted vases were modelled by the potter

from the earliest times—_e.g._ on those of the Geometrical period

horses are occasionally found on the covers of the flat dishes moulded

in full relief, and in other examples the handle is enriched with the

moulded figure of a serpent twining round it. This kind of ornament is

more suitable to works in metal than in clay, and suggests the idea

that such vases were, in fact, imitations of metallic ones. On vases of

all periods moulded bosses and heads, like the reliefs on metal vases,

are sometimes found; even in black-figured vases the insertions of the

handles of hydriae and oinochoae are occasionally thus enriched. In the

later styles modelling was more profusely employed; small projecting

heads were affixed to the handles of jugs[769] at their tops and bases,

and on the large kraters found in Apulia the discs in which the handles

terminated (see above, p. 171) were ornamented with heads of the Gorgon

Medusa, or with such subjects as Satyrs and Maenads. These portions

were sometimes covered with the black varnish used for the body of the

vase, but frequently they were painted with white and red colours of

the opaque kind.

A peculiar kind of modelling was used for the gilded portions of

reliefs, introduced over the black varnish. When the vase was baked a

fine clay was applied to the parts intended for gilding and delicately

modelled, either with a small tool or a brush, a process similar to

that adopted in the Roman red ware (_en barbotine_, see Chapter XXI.).

It may indeed have been squeezed in a fluid state through a tube upon

the vase, and then modelled. As the gilded-portions are generally

small, this process was not difficult or important. A vase discovered

at Cumae[770] has two friezes executed in this style, the upper round

the neck, representing the Eleusinian deities, delicately modelled,

coloured, and with the flesh completely gilded; the lower one consists

of a band of animals and arabesque ornaments. Several vases from the

same locality, from Capua and from the Cyrenaica, have wreaths of corn,

ivy, or myrtle, and necklaces round the neck, modelled in the same

style, while the rest is plain.

But the art of modelling was soon extensively superseded by that of

_moulding_, or producing several impressions from a mould, generally

itself of terracotta. The subject was in the first place modelled in

relief with considerable care; and from this model a cast in clay was

taken and then baked. The potter availed himself of moulds for various

purposes. From them he produced entire parts of his vase in full

relief, such as the handles, and possibly in some instances the feet.

He also stamped out certain ornaments in relief, much in the same

manner as the ornaments of cakes are prepared, and fixed them while

moist to the still damp body of the vase. Such ornaments were

principally placed upon the lips or at the base of the handles, and in

the interior of the _kylikes_ or cups of a late style. A late bowl of

black glazed ware in the British Museum (see Plate XLVIII.) contains an

impression from one of the later Syracusan decadrachms having for its

subject the head of Persephone surrounded by dolphins: it was struck

about 370 B.C. by Euainetos.[771]

The last method to be described is that of producing the entire vase

from a mould by stamping it out, a process extensively adopted in Roman

pottery. During the best period of the fictile art, while painting

flourished, such vases were very rare; but on the introduction of a

taste for magnificent vases of chased metal, the potters endeavoured to

meet the public taste by imitating the reliefs of metal ware.

The most remarkable of these moulded vases are the _rhyta_ or

drinking-horns, the bodies of which terminate in the heads of animals,

produced from a mould (see above, p. 192). By the same process were

also made vases in the form of jugs or lekythi, the bodies of which are

moulded in the shape of human heads, and sometimes glazed, while the

necks were fashioned on the lathe, and the handles added. These were

coloured and ornamented on the same principle as the rhyta, the

vase-portion being generally covered with a black glaze, but sometimes

with a white slip, after the manner of the terracottas. Besides the

rhyta, _phialae_, or saucers, were also moulded; fine examples of which

process may be seen on the flat bossed saucers, or _phialae

mesomphaloi_, discussed in Chapter XI., p. 502.

Amphorae and other vases of late black ware, the bodies of which are

reeded, were also evidently produced from moulds, and could not be made

by the expensive process of modelling. Of smaller dimensions, but also

made by moulding, were the vases known as _gutti_, or “lamp-feeders”

(see above, p. 200). They have reeded bodies, long-necked mouths, and

circular handles; and on their upper surface a small circular medallion

in bas-relief, with a mythological subject. Such vases are principally

found in Southern Italy and in Sicily, and belong to the second century

B.C. (Chapter XI., p. 502). After being moulded they were entirely

covered with a black glaze. Other vases again are entirely moulded in

human or animal forms, with a small mouth or spout. These are found at

all periods, but chiefly in the archaic Rhodian and Corinthian fabrics,

and again reviving in the later stages of vase-fabrics in Southern

Italy. Examples may be seen in the First Vase Room (Cases 33–34 and F)

and Fourth Vase Room (Case B) of the British Museum: see also Plate

XLVI. Others again retain the form of the jug or _lekythos_, with a

figure or relief attached to the front of the body and coloured or

covered with a white slip, while the back is varnished black. The whole

subject is treated in fuller detail in Chapter XI.

Many vases of the fourth century and later are entirely covered with a

coating of black glaze, while rows of small stamped ornaments,

apparently made with a metal punch, have been impressed on the wet clay

before the glaze was applied. These decorations are unimportant in

their subjects, which are generally small Gorgons’ heads, tendrils, or

palmettes, and hatched bands, arranged round the axis of the vase. This

latter ornament was probably produced by rolling the edge of a disc

notched for the purpose round the vase, in the same manner as a

bookbinder uses his brass punch. When these vases came into use the

potter’s trade had ceased to be artistic, and was essentially

mechanical. They are found on almost all sites from Cyprus to

Italy.[772]

* * * * *

After the vases had been made on the wheel they were duly dried in the

sun[773] and lightly baked, after which they were ready for varnishing

and painting; it is evident that they could not be painted while wet

and soft. Moreover the glaze ran best on a surface already baked. It is

also probable that the glaze was brought out by a process of polishing,

the surface of the clay being smoothed by means of a small piece of

wood or hard leather. At all events this seems the most satisfactory

interpretation of a vase-painting in Berlin (Fig. 67_a_),[774] where a

boy is seen applying a tool of some kind to the outer surface of a

completed vase (_kotyle_); that the vase is not yet varnished is shown

by its being left in a red colour, while two others, varnished black

all over, stand on the steps of an oven close by, probably to dry after

the application of the varnish.

[Illustration: FIG. 67. (_a_) CUP IN BERLIN WITH BOY POLISHING VASE;

(_b_) HYDRIA IN MUNICH: INTERIOR OF POTTERY.]

Many vases, whether decorated with designs or not, are varnished black

throughout the exterior, except the feet and lips, and we cannot be

certain whether or not any glaze had been previously applied to the

surface; but in respect of the red-figured vases, it is clear from the

method employed (see p. 221) that they were originally glazed

throughout.

This lustrous glaze is, like the black varnish, now quite a lost art.

Seen under a microscope it has evidently been fused by baking; it

yields neither to acids nor the blow-pipe. It is remarkably fine and

thin, insomuch that it can only be analysed with great difficulty. No

lead entered into its composition. It is however far inferior to modern

glazes, being permeable by water; but it is not decomposed by the same

chemical agents. On the later R.F. vases it is of decidedly inferior

quality, and often scales away, carrying the superimposed colours with

it.[775]

3. THE BAKING OF VASES

The process of baking (ὀπτᾶν, _coquere_) was regarded as one of the

most critical in the potter’s art. It was not indeed universal, as

Plato[776] distinguishes between vases which have or have not been

exposed to the action of fire (ἔμπυρα and ἄπυρα), and Pliny[777] speaks

of _fictile crudum_ (ὠμόν) used for medicinal purposes. But all the

vases that have come down to us have certainly been baked. The

necessary amount of heat required was regulated by the character of the

ware, and in the case of most Greek fabrics it appears to have been

high. Many examples exist of discoloured vases which have been

subjected to too much or too little heat, and in which the varnish has

acquired a greenish or reddish hue. On the other hand, in some of those

that have been subjected to subsequent burning, the red glaze has

turned to an ashen-grey colour,[778] the black remaining unimpaired;

but there are also instances of the varnish peeling off, the red colour

alone preserving the outline of the figures.

Other accidents were liable to befall them in the baking, such as the

cracking of the vase under too great heat; this produced an effect

expressed by the term πυρορραγής or φοξός, words which seem to have

some reference to the _sound_ of a cracked pot.[779] Or the shape of a

vase might be damaged while it was yet soft, one knocking against

another and denting its side, or crushing the lip through being

carelessly superimposed. On a R.F. amphora in the British Museum (E

295) a dent has been caused by the pressure of another vase, which has

left traces of a band of maeanders. This probably happened when the

vases were in the kiln for the second firing. The quality of the baking

was tested by tapping the walls of the vase.[780]

These misfortunes were attributed to the action of malicious demons,

whose influence had to be counteracted in various ways; thus, for

instance, a Satyric or grotesque head was placed in front of the

furnace and was supposed to have an apotropaeic effect against the evil

eye.[781] The pseudo-Homeric hymn addressed to the potters of Samos

invokes the protection of Athena for the vases in the furnace, and

mentions the evil spirits which are ready to injure them in the case of

bad faith on the potter’s part. Among the names given are: Ἄσβεστος,

“the Unquenchable”; Σμάραγος, “the Crasher”; Σύντριψ, “the Smasher”;

Ὠμόδαμος, “the Savage Conqueror.”

The form of the oven probably differed little from those in use at the

present day. No furnaces have been found in Greece, and our only

evidence is derived from the painted vases; but they have been found at

Ruvo[782] and elsewhere in Italy, and also in France, Germany, and

England. Those of Roman date are indeed by no means uncommon, but are

discussed in fuller detail in the corresponding section of the work

(Chapter XXI.).

As depicted on vases and elsewhere, the ancient furnaces seem to have

been of simple construction, tall conical ovens fed by fires from

beneath, into which the vases were placed with a long shovel resembling

a baker’s peel. The kilns were heated with charcoal or wood fuel, and

in some of the representations of them we see men holding long

instruments with which they are about to poke or rake the fires (Fig.

68). They had two doors, one for the insertion of the vases and one for

the potter to watch the progress of the baking. For vases of great

size, like the huge πίθοι, special ovens must have been necessary; and

we have a representation on a Corinthian pinax[783] of such an oven,

the roof of which resembles the upper part of a large _pithos_

surrounded by flames.

[Illustration: FIG. 68. SEILENOS AS POTTER.]

On the lamp from Pozzuoli in the British Museum, referred to on p. 209,

there is a curious subject in relief, representing a potter about to

place a vase in an oven with a tall chimney; and on a hydria at

Munich[784] (Fig. 67 _b_) a man is about to place an amphora in a kiln,

while other jars (painted white) stand ready to be baked. But for our

purposes the Corinthian pinakes are even more valuable for the

information they afford. There are several representing the exterior of

the conical furnace, with men standing by watching the fires and

tending them with rakes[785]; in another we have a bird’s-eye view in

horizontal section of the interior of an oven, filled with jugs of

various forms (Fig. 69). Flames are usually indicated rising from

underneath the ovens.[786]

[Illustration: FIG. 69. INTERIOR OF FURNACE (FROM CORINTHIAN PINAX)]

The Munich hydria (Fig. 67_b_) reproduces the interior of a potter’s

workshop with such detail that a full description of the scene may be

permissible.[787] On the left of the picture a seated man seems to be

examining an amphora, which has just been finished (it is painted

black) and is brought up for his approval. Next is seen an amphora on

the potter’s wheel, painted white to indicate its imperfect state; one

man places his arm inside to shape the interior, while another turns

the wheel for him. On their right another white amphora is being

carried out, just fresh from the wheel, but without handles or mouth,

to be dried in the open or at the furnace; next is another standing on

the ground to dry. On the right of the scene stands the foreman or

master of the pottery, before whom a nude man carries what has been

thought to be a sack of coals for the furnace, which is seen on the

extreme right.

Even more vivid and instructive, in spite of its careless execution, is

the painting on a kotyle found at Exarchos or Abae in Lokris, and now

in the Athens Museum (Fig. 70).[788] The style is that of the imitation

B.F. vases found in the temple of the Kabeiri at Thebes, late in the

fifth century. We see represented the interior of a potter’s workshop,

in which the master of the business sits holding up a kylix in one

hand, while with the other he threatens a slave, who runs off with

three kotylae ready for the furnace; three similar kotylae stand by the

master’s feet, and behind him are two more vases on a shelf. On the

right of the scene a workman sits at a table on which is a pot full of

paint, with a brush in it; he holds up a newly-painted kotyle, admiring

his workmanship. The picture is completed by a realistic representation

of an unfortunate slave suspended by cords to the ceiling as a

punishment for some offence, while another belabours him with a leather

thong.

[Illustration: FIG. 70. INTERIOR OF POTTERY.]

It would appear that the vases after the baking were often placed on

the exterior of the furnace, either to prevent the too rapid cooling of

the clay, or (as indicated on the Berlin cup) for the pigments to dry.

Jahn and others have published a gem[789] on which a small two-handled

vase is placed on the top of an oven, and a youth is applying two

sticks to it, perhaps in order to take it down without injury by the

contact of the hand. A companion gem,[790] on which an artist is

painting a similar jar, shows a jug and a kylix standing on a kiln.

When the vases were returned from the furnace, the potter appears to

have made good as far as possible the defects of those not absolutely

spoiled; and if naturally or by accident any parts remained too pale

after the baking, the defect was remedied by rubbing them over with a

deep red ochre, which supplied the necessary tone.

4. PAINTING

We may distinguish three principal classes of painted pottery, of which

one at least admits of several subdivisions:—

(1) Primitive Greek vases, with simple painted ornaments, chiefly

linear and geometrical, laid directly on the ground of the clay with

the brush. The colour employed is usually a yellowish or brownish red,

passing into black. The execution varies, but is often extremely coarse.

(2) Greek vases (and Italian imitations) painted with figures. These

may be subdivided as follows:—

(_a_) Vases with figures in black varnish on red glazed ground (see

Frontispiece, Vol. II.);

(_b_) Vases with figures left in the red glaze on a ground of black

varnish (see Frontispiece, Vol. I.).

(3) (_a_) Vases of various dates with outline or polychrome decoration

on white ground (see Plate XLIII.);

(_b_) Vases (also of various dates) with designs in opaque colour on

black ground.

Of these, the second group is by far the largest and most important,

and the complicated and technical processes which it involved will

demand by far the greater share of our attention in the following

account of the methods of painting. In both the classes (_a_) and (_b_)

the colouring is almost confined to a contrasting of the red glazed

ground of the clay with a black varnish-like pigment, a contrast which

perhaps more than anything else furnishes the great charm of a Greek

vase.

This black varnish is particularly lustrous and deep, but varies under

different circumstances. Great difference of opinion has always existed

as to its nature, and the method by which it was brought to such

perfection by the Greeks. The variations in its appearance are due

partly to differences of locality and fabric, partly to accidents of

production. It is seen in its greatest perfection in the so-called

Nolan amphorae of the severe red-figure period; and at its worst in the

Etruscan and Italiote imitations of Greek fabrics. On the vases found

at Vulci it shows a tendency to assume a greenish hue, as opposed to

the blue-black of the Nolan vases, while variations in the direction of

red, brown, and (on late South Italy fabrics) grey are of frequent

occurrence. It is probable that these gradations of quality are mainly

due to the action of fire, according as a higher or lower temperature

was employed. On the other hand, the ashen-grey hue which vases of all

periods sometimes assume[791] seems to be due to the direct action of

fire in contact with them, and this may perhaps be explained by

supposing that they had been burnt on a funeral pyre. This varnish also

varies in the thickness with which it was laid on, as can be easily

detected with the finger.

Although the chemical action of the earth sometimes causes the black

varnish to disappear entirely, leaving only the figures faintly

indicated on the red-clay ground, there has never yet been found any

acid which has any effect upon it.[792] Various opinions have been

promulgated, from Caylus downwards, as to the elements of which it is

composed.[793] Brongniart[794] has analysed it with the following

results:—

Silicic acid 46·30 50·00

Clay earth 11·90

Iron oxide 16·70 17·00

Chalk 5·70

Magnesia 2·30

Soda 17·10

Copper traces.

It is unnecessary here to enter in detail into the numerous other

theories of its composition, but so far it cannot be said that any

certainty has been attained.

Turning now to the methods by which the black varnish was applied, we

find it necessary to distinguish between the two classes of

black-figured and red-figured vases; some vases, of course, are

completely covered with it, having no painted design, but these do not

enter into the question.

In the black-figured vases the figures are painted in black silhouette

on the red ground of the vase, the outlines being first roughly

indicated by a pointed instrument making a faint line.[795] The surface

within these outlines was then filled in with the black pigment by

means of a brush, the details of anatomy, drapery, armour, etc., being

subsequently brought out in part by further incising of lines with a

pointed tool. In some of the finest vases, such as those of Amasis and

Exekias (p. 381), the delicacy and minuteness of these lines is brought

to an extraordinary pitch of perfection. After a second baking had

taken place, the designs were further enriched by the application of

opaque purple and white pigments, usually following certain

conventional principles, the flesh of women and devices on shields, for

instance, being always white, folds of drapery always purple. A third

baking at a much lower heat was necessary to fix these colours, and the

vase was then complete.

It should here be noted that there are really two subdivisions of these

black-figured vases, which may be termed for convenience “red-bodied”

and “black-bodied.”[796] In the former the whole vase stands out in the

natural red colour of the clay; whereas in the latter the treatment

approaches more nearly to the red-figure method which we shall

presently discuss. The whole body of the vase is in these examples

covered with the black varnish, with the exception of a framed panel of

red, on which the figures are painted. This distinction may be well

observed in the Second Vase Room of the British Museum, where most of

the vases on the east side of the room belong to the former or

“red-bodied” class, while all those on the west side are

“black-bodied,” with designs in panels.

In the red-figured vases the black varnish is used as the background,

and covers the whole vase, as in the “black-bodied” B.F. fabrics, the

figures not being actually painted, but _left red_ in the colour of the

clay. The process was as follows:—Before the varnish was applied the

outlines of the figures were indicated, not by incised lines but by

drawing a thick line of black with a brush round their contours. It is

probable that a fine brush was used at first, especially for more

delicate work, and then a broader brush producing a line about an

eighth of an inch in thickness. The process, be it noted, is more akin

to _drawing_ than painting; and it was as draughtsmen _par excellence_

that the red-figure artists excelled. The next stage was to mark the

inner details by means of very fine black lines (corresponding to the

incised lines of B.F. vases), or by masses of black for surfaces such

as the hair; white and purple were also employed, but far more

sparingly than on the earlier vases. In the late Athenian and South

Italian vases a tendency to polychromy sprang up, but the main process

always remained the same to the final decadence of the art. The figures

being completed and protected from accidents by their broad black

borders, the varnishing of the whole exterior surface was then

proceeded with. This was of course a purely mechanical business. A

fragment of a red-figured vase in the Sèvres Museum forms an excellent

illustration of the method employed, as, although the figures are

finished, the ground has never been filled in, and the original black

border is plainly visible (Fig. 71).

[Illustration: FIG. 71. FRAGMENT OF UNFINISHED RED-FIGURED VASE.]

The result of the second baking was to fix the varnish and cause it to

permeate the surface of the clay in such a way as to become practically

inseparable from it. The subsidiary colours, on the other hand, which

were laid on over the black, are always liable to disappear or fade.

A very interesting representation of painters at work on their vases is

to be seen on a hydria from Ruvo (Fig. 72).[797] Three painters are

seated at work with their brushes, of whom two are being crowned by

Victories, while the third is about to receive a wreath from Athena,

the protecting goddess of the industry. Their paint-pots are to be seen

by their side. At one end of the scene a woman is similarly occupied.

From _Blümner_.

[Illustration: FIG. 72. STUDIO OF VASE-PAINTER.]

In class 3 (_a_), or vases with figures on white ground, we have to

deal with the process of covering the naturally pale clay with a white

slip of more or less thick and creamy consistency, on which the designs

were painted. In the archaic period this process is fairly common,

especially in the earliest vases of Corinth and of Ionia, and at Kyrene

and Naukratis. It was revived at Athens about the end of the sixth

century (see pp. 385, 455). But when once the white slip was laid on,

the technical process differed little from that in use on ordinary

red-ground vases, except for the general avoidance of white as an

accessory; it merely results that instead of a contrast of black and

red, one of black and cream is obtained. The method was one also

largely practised in early painting, as we see in the Corinthian

pinakes and the sarcophagi of Clazomenae (pp. 316, 362).

But there is another class of white-ground vases to which we must

devote more special attention, namely, those on which the figures are

painted either in outline or with polychrome washes on the same white

slip. The earliest instance of such a method is in the series of

fragments found at Naukratis, dating from the beginning of the sixth

century (see p. 348), which technically and artistically are of

remarkably advanced character, and combine the two methods of painting

in outline and in washes of colour. In the fifth century the practice

was revived at Athens as a means of obtaining effective results with

small vases, and became especially characteristic of one class, the

funeral lekythi, which are elsewhere described (Chapter XI.). This,

however, must serve as the most convenient place for a few remarks on

their technique.

The vases, after they had left the wheel and were fitted with handle,

etc., were covered with a coating of white flaky pigment, in

consistency resembling liquid plaster of Paris, or, when dry, pipeclay.

They received this coat of white while still on the wheel, and then a

second coating, of the usual black varnish, was applied to such parts

as were not required for decoration. Usually the white covered the

cylindrical part of the body, and the shoulder up to the neck; black

was applied to the mouth, neck, handle, base of body, and stem. The

clay, it should be noted, is of the ordinary kind, but two varieties

have been distinguished, one of pale red, for light thin vases, the

other of a blackish-grey, for thicker and heavier ware. The natural

colour appears on the inside of the lip and foot. Before being removed

from the wheel the vases were finely polished, which gave to the white

coating a sort of lustrous sheen; they were then fired at a low

temperature.

The method of decoration[798] was usually as follows:—A preliminary

sketch was made with fine grey lines, ignoring draperies (hence the

lines of figures are usually visible _through_ the draperies), but not

always necessarily followed when the colours were laid on. This was

done as soon as the first lines were dry, the colour being applied with

a fine brush and in monochrome—black, yellow, or red—following the

lines of the sketch more or less closely. In the later examples red was

used exclusively, and at all periods at Athens; but in the vases

attributed to Locri and Sicily, a black turning to yellow is used. This

combination of black and yellow is also used on the best Attic vases

for various details, such as eyes and hair. The outlines also served to

indicate the folds of the draperies. For the surfaces of drapery and

other details, polychrome washes were employed, the colour being spread

uniformly by means of a large brush. All varieties of red from rose to

brown are found, also violet, light and brownish yellow, blue, black,

and green. Hair is sometimes treated in outline, sometimes by means of

washes. It is noteworthy that in the later examples the wash-colours

were often painted right over the red lines. On the bodies of the

figures these washes are rare, but in some cases shades of brown are

used for flesh colour, as on the figure of Hypnos on a lekythos in the

British Museum (D 58).

At Athens this polychrome decoration was not indeed limited to the

lekythi, but was extended to the kylix, the pyxis, and other forms, of

which some beautiful examples exist in the British Museum and at

Athens.[799] In these, as in the best of the lekythi, the drawing of

Greek artists seems almost to have reached perfection, and arouses our

wonder yet more when we reflect that everything was done merely by

freehand strokes of the brush. This technique is practically limited to

the period 480–350 B.C.

The subsidiary ornamentation of the lekythi was put on either after the

main design or before, this being immaterial. The lines above the

design can be seen to have been painted on the wheel, as they go all

round the vase; but the palmettes on the shoulder and maeander patterns

above the design do not extend beyond it. After the colouring the vases

appear to have been fired again, and in some cases the white slip was

probably varnished. The details of their manufacture show that the

lekythi were not intended for daily use; the shape is awkward for

handling—the handles, for instance, are obviously not intended for

practical use—and the delicate, lightly baked slip made them too porous

for liquids. Everything tends in the direction of elegance and delicacy.

Our next sub-division consists of vases, chiefly of late date, in which

the decoration is by means of opaque colours laid on the surface of a

vase altogether coated with black varnish or glaze. The process is not

indeed one absolutely unknown in earlier times, for there is the

primitive Kamaraes ware of Crete (p. 266), and also a small series of

archaic vases belonging to the early part of the fifth century (p. 393)

in which this principle is adhered to, the designs being painted in

opaque red or white on the black varnish. The latter seem to show a

development from the black-figure period, to the end of which they

belong, and may have been intended to rival the new red-figure method,

but failed to attain popularity.

We next meet with the process in Southern Italy, where it again appears

as the last effort of a worn-out fashion to flicker into life with

renewed popularity. The centre of this revival, which follows on after

the Apulian vases of the third century, was Gnatia (Fasano), on the

coast of that district. The vases are partly modelled in relief, or

have ornaments in relief attached; the decoration, in white and purple,

is confined to one side only, and is very feeble and limited in its

scope. An apparently local variety, perhaps made in Campania by native

craftsmen, has the figures in opaque red, with details marked by rudely

incised lines.

The Gnatia style was adopted by the Romans in the second century for a

small series of vases inscribed with names of Italian deities, such as

Juno and Vesta (p. 490), and it appears in the method of decoration

known as _en barbotine_ on the pottery of the Empire (see Chapters

XXI., XXIII.).

[Illustration: FIG. 73. VASE-PAINTER VARNISHING CUP ON WHEEL.]

The instruments which were employed for the painting of the vases were

not, as formerly supposed, limited to a metal or reed pen, and a

camel’s-hair brush. It has been recently pointed out in a most

illuminating article by Dr. Hartwig[800] that the lines of black

bordering the figures on red-figured vases are usually double, the

space in between being filled in with varnish thus: [ornament].

Practical experiments have shown that this can be obtained with a

_feather brush_ or pen, drawing the lines separately, not concurrently,

as might be done with a metal pen.[801] The feathers of the snipe were

specially suitable for this purpose, as were also those of the swallow.

It is probable that we see the use of the ordinary brush on the Ruvo

vase-painting already mentioned, but this was no doubt used for filling

in the ground and all parts where the colour was laid on in large

masses. Again, on a fragment from the Athenian Acropolis (Fig. 73)[802]

a man is seen covering the inside of a B.F. kylix with black varnish

while he turns it on the wheel; this is also done with an ordinary

brush. But there is a R.F. kylix,[803] on the interior of which we see

the undoubted use of the feather-brush or pen (Fig. 74). In his left

hand the painter seems to hold the sharp tool for engraving the

outlines of the figures, and with his right he manipulates the

feather-pen which is seen to consist of a small feather inserted in a

wooden holder.

[Illustration: FIG. 74. VASE-PAINTER USING FEATHER-BRUSH.]

It is not likely that this instrument was generally used before the

introduction of the R.F. style; it would hardly have been required

either for the silhouette figures of the B.F. vases or the outlines on

the white ground. According to Hartwig, Andokides, one of the earliest

R.F. artists (about 520 B.C.) was making experiments in the use of the

feather-pen, and in the course of twenty years, in the vases of

Epiktetos and his school, its use had become general. It is not indeed

unknown on B.F. vases, and can be traced in the ornamentation where

fine lines were required, as on the Amasis vase in the Bibliothèque

Nationale.[804] It was probably first used in the more developed Ionic

pottery, but as we have seen had no chance of becoming generally used

until the essentially linear R.F. style came into vogue. The artists

who reached the height of skill in its use were Meidias and the

painters of the delicate little vases of the latter half of the fifth

century, this instrument being also admirably adapted for making the

fine inner lines in which the painters of that period achieved such

success.

Besides the painting-brush and the feather-pen, the other instruments

used in the decoration of vases include the pointed graving-tools

employed for incised lines, modelling-tools for the parts in relief, a

stick for steadying the hand while at work, and a pair of compasses.

The latter were employed for marking circles, as may be clearly seen on

shields on the B.F. vases, where the mark left by the central point of

the compasses is often visible.

The difficulties in the painting of Greek vases must have been

numerous. In the first place, it was necessary for the artist to finish

his sketch with great rapidity, since the clay rapidly absorbed the

colouring matter, and the outlines were required to be bold and

continuous, any joins producing a bad effect. Again, the vases were

often painted while in an upright position, and the artist was obliged

to stoop, rise, and execute his work in these difficult attitudes; nor

could he remove the pencil from any figure which he had once begun. The

eye must have been his only guide. Then, as he was obliged to draw his

outline upon a damp surface, the black colour which he used was

instantly confounded with the tint of the clay. The lines grew broad at

first, and afterwards contracted themselves, leaving but a light trace,

so that the artist could with difficulty discern what he had been

doing. Moreover, the lines, once begun, could not be left off except

where they met other lines which cut or terminated them. Thus, for

example, the profile of a head must have been executed with a single

continuous line, which could not be interrupted till it met the neck;

and in drawing a thigh or leg, the whole outline must have been

finished without taking off the pencil: proceeding from the top

downwards, making use of the point to mark the horizontal lines, and

afterwards rising upwards to finish the opposite side. The drawing was

done entirely by the hand and no pattern used.

The outlines round the figures on R.F. vases were drawn strongly, in

the manner described above, to prevent the background encroaching on

the figure. That this was done while the clay was moist appears by the

outlines uniting, which could not have taken place if the clay had been

dry. It was so difficult to fill in the outlines without alteration,

that they were frequently changed, and sometimes the ground was not

reached, while at others it exceeded the line.

The ancient artists, notwithstanding these difficulties, observed all

the laws of balance and proportion, especially ἰσομετρία, or the law of

equal height of all figures; conveyed expression by means of attitude;

and, by the use of profile, and the introduction of accessories, or

small objects, into the background, contrived to compensate for the

want of perspective.

This latter deficiency was due to the use of flat colours, which did

not allow of shades, and the figures were consequently not seen in

masses distinguished by light and shade, but isolated in the air.

Hence, in order to make the figures distinct, and to express by

attitude all the actions and sentiments required, the artist was

compelled to use profile. The black colour, the choice of which may at

first appear singular, is, after all, the most harmonious, and the best

suited for showing the elegance and purity of the outline; whilst by

its aptness to reveal any defects of shape, it compelled the artist to

be very careful in his drawing.

The colours employed[805] were, as we have seen, remarkably few in

number. Of the black varnish which plays such an important part, and of

its composition we have already spoken. Of the opaque accessory

colours, the white is said by Brongniart[806] to be a carbonate of lime

or fine clay. It is evidently an earth of some kind, and gives no trace

of lead under analysis. The creamy slip of the white-ground vases is of

similar character, and appears to be a kind of pipeclay. It was

probably of the same character as the earth of Melos used by

Polygnotos.[807] The deep purple or crimson, so largely employed on the

Corinthian and early Attic B.F. vases, is known to be an oxide of iron,

an element which entered largely into the red glaze. The yellow found

on the white vases and those of Apulia as an accessory to white is of

an ochrous nature. The red used for outlines on the white lekythi is

probably not vermilion (_minium_), but red ochre (μίλτος, _rubrica_).

Blue and green, which are rarely found, and only on vases of the later

styles, were produced from a basis of copper. On vases from the time of

Euphronios and Brygos (about 480 B.C.) onwards, gilding was

occasionally employed, the process being one which we have already

described (see above, p. 210). Good instances of this process are to be

seen in the fourth-century vases from Capua, which are glazed black

throughout and ornamented solely with gilding.[808] But the gold leaf

has often perished. Besides Capua, these vases are found chiefly in

Athens and the Cyrenaica.

5. STATUS OF POTTERS

It now remains to say something respecting the makers of Greek

vases—the potters of antiquity. Unfortunately, however, little is known

of their condition, except that they formed a guild, or fraternity, and

that they amassed considerable fortunes by exporting their products to

the principal emporia of the ancient world. The existence of two

_Kerameikoi_, or pottery districts, at Athens shows the great

commercial importance of the manufacture. In later times there seems to

have been a considerable tendency to division of labour among the

potters, and each man “specialised” in some particular shape; hence we

find them characterised as χυτρεύς and χυτροπλάθος,[809]

ληκυθοποιός,[810] καδοποιός,[811] or κωθωνοποιός.[812] It is assumed

that the word ἐποίησεν, “made,” when found on a vase, indicates the

potter, and not the artist, although it is reasonable to suppose that

when no artist’s name accompanies the formula the potter was at the

same time the painter. On one vase the names of two potters, Glaukytes

and Archikles, are found[813]; one has been supposed to be the

artist’s, but it is more probable they were partners.

By the Athenians, potters were called _Prometheans_,[814] from the

Titan Prometheus, who made man out of clay—which, according to one

myth, was the blood of the Titans, or Giants—and was thus the founder

of the fictile art. It was not, however, much esteemed, although

without doubt the pursuit of it was a lucrative one, and many of the

trade realised large fortunes; in proof of which may be cited the

well-known anecdote of Agathokles,[815] who, at a time when the rich

used plate, was in the habit of mixing earthenware with it at his

table, telling his officers that he formerly made such ware, but that

now, owing to his prudence and valour, he was served in gold—an

anecdote which also suggests that the profession was not highly

esteemed. The guild at Athens was called ἐκ κεραμέων, “of the

potters,”[816] and we also hear of a college of κεραμεῖς at

Thyateira.[817] However, the competition in the trade was so warm as to

pass into a proverb, and the animosity of some of the rival potters is

even recorded upon the vases.[818] To this spirit are also probably to

be referred many of the tricks of the trade, such as imitations of the

names of makers, and the numerous illegible inscriptions. When the

potter’s establishment—called an _ergasterion_—was large, he employed

under him a number of persons, some of whom were probably free but poor

citizens, whilst others were slaves belonging to him.[819] How the

labour was subdivided there are no means of accurately determining, but

the following hands were probably employed:—(1) A potter, to make the

vase on the wheel; (2) an artist, to trace with a point in outline the

subject of the vase; (3) a painter, who executed the whole subject in

outline, and who probably returned it to No. 2, when incised lines were

required; (4) a modeller, who added such parts of the vase as were

moulded; (5) a fireman, who took the vase to the furnace and brought it

back; (6) a fireman for the furnace; (7) packers, to prepare the vases

for exportation. Hence it may readily be conceived that a large

establishment employed a considerable number of hands, and exhibited an

animated scene of industrial activity.

-----

Footnote 739:

_Traité_, i. p. 548.

Footnote 740:

_Technologie_, ii. p. 56.

Footnote 741:

_Die Malerei_, p. 176.

Footnote 742:

See Jahn, _Vasens. zu München_, p. cxliv; and Brunn-Lau, _Griech.

Vasen_, p. 6.

Footnote 743:

Suidas, _s.v._; Athenaeus, xi. 482 B; Blümner, _Technol._ ii. p. 36.

Footnote 744:

_De recta audiendi rat._ 9, § 42 D.

Footnote 745:

Suidas, _s.v._ Κωλιάδος κεραμῆες; cf. Pliny, _H.N._ xxxv. 152.

Footnote 746:

For representations of quarrying for clay at Corinth see the pinakes

at Berlin, _Ant. Denkm._ i. pl. 8, Nos. 7, 23.

Footnote 747:

Athen. xi. 464 B. C.

Footnote 748:

_Reg. et Imp. Apophth._ 174 E.

Footnote 749:

Pliny, _H.N._ xxxv. 161.

Footnote 750:

Myres in _Cyprus Mus. Cat._ p. 16.

Footnote 751:

Diod. Sic. iv. 76.

Footnote 752:

See Frazer, _Pausanias_, note to i. 21, 4.

Footnote 753:

Pliny, _H.N._ vii. 198; Schol. _ad_ Pind. _Ol._ xiii. 27.

Footnote 754:

Diog. Laert. i. 105; Suidas, _s.v._ Ἀνάχαρσις.

Footnote 755:

Athen. i. 28 C.

Footnote 756:

_Il._ xviii. 600.

Footnote 757:

vii. 303.

Footnote 758:

Seneca, _Ep._ 90, 31.

Footnote 759:

_Rep._ 420 E.

Footnote 760:

_Apud_ Athenaeum, x. 449 B.

Footnote 761:

See Blümner, _Technologie_, ii. p. 38, note 3.

Footnote 762:

xxxviii. 29: κεραμεὺς καθήμενος ... καὶ συστρέφων ἐν ποσὶν αὐτοῦ

τροχόν.

Footnote 763:

_De gen. Socr._ 20, p. 588 F.

Footnote 764:

i. 645 K, quoted by Blümner.

Footnote 765:

Blümner, ii. p. 39; Jahn in _Ber. d. sächs. Gesellsch_. 1854, p. 40,

note. See also Chapters XXI.-XXII.

Footnote 766:

_Ant. Denkm._ i. pl. 8, figs. 17, 18; cf. _Gaz. Arch._ 1880, p. 106.

Footnote 767:

_Ath. Mitth._ xiv. (1889), p. 157.

Footnote 768:

Blümner, _Technologie_, ii. p. 51.

Footnote 769:

As on the vases of Nikosthenes (see below, p. 385; B.M. B 619, 620;

Louvre F 116, 117).

Footnote 770:

Reinach, _Répertoire_, i. 11 = Petersburg 525.

Footnote 771:

Evans, in _Num. Chron._ 3rd Ser. xi. p. 319 = _B.M. Cat._ iv. G 121,

122.

Footnote 772:

See for examples _B. M. Cat._ iv. G 87–95.

Footnote 773:

Cf. Aesop, _Fab._ 166 _a_, _b_.

Footnote 774:

_Cat._ 2542 = Blümner, _Technologie_, ii. p. 50.

Footnote 775:

Brongniart, _Traité_, i. p. 552.

Footnote 776:

_Legg._ iii. 679 A.

Footnote 777:

_H.N._ xxix. 34.

Footnote 778:

_E.g._ B.M. B 426, E 459.

Footnote 779:

Cf. Ar. _Ach._ 933: ψοφεῖ λάλον τι καὶ πυρορραγές. See also Suid.

_s.v._ πυρορραγές; Pollux, vii. 164; _Etym. Magn._ p. 798, 17; and

Schol. _in_ Hom. _Il._ ii. 219. I cannot but think that in the term

φοξός, as applied to Thersites' head, there is some correspondence to

our phrase “crack-brained.” Simonides (_apud_ Athen. xi. 480 D)

speaks of a φοξίχειλος Ἀργείη κύλιξ, a term of disputed meaning; but

a cup of which the brim (χεῖλος) would suggest the shape of a peaked

head is hardly conceivable; and here again there must surely be some

notion of sound.

Footnote 780:

See Blümner, _op. cit._ ii. p. 46.

Footnote 781:

See Fig. 67 _b_; Berlin 2294; Furtwaengler, in _Jahrbuch_, vi.

(1891), p. 110, points out that these heads probably represent the

Kyklopes or demon-attendants of the fire-god Hephaistos. See above,

p. 105, under πύραυνοι; also Daremberg and Saglio, _art._ Caminus.

Footnote 782:

Lenormant, _La Grande Grèce_, i. p. 94.

Footnote 783:

Berlin 802 = _Ant. Denkm._ i. 8, 4.

Footnote 784:

_Cat._ 731 = Jahn in _Ber. d. sächs. Gesellsch._ 1854, pl. 1, fig. 1,

p. 27.

Footnote 785:

A Seilenos in this act appears on a vase in _Sale Cat. Hôtel Drouot_,

May 11th, 1903, No. 131 (reproduced in Fig. 68).

Footnote 786:

Examples are: _Ant. Denkm._ i. pl. 8, figs. 12, 19_b_, 22 (in

Berlin); _Gaz. Arch._ 1880, pp. 105, 106 (in Louvre).

Footnote 787:

A better drawing has recently been given in Furtwaengler and

Reichhold, _Gr. Vasenm._ p. 159; but the reproduction in Fig. 67 is

accurate in all essentials.

Footnote 788:

_Cat._ 1114 = _Ath. Mitth._ xiv. (1889), p. 151.

Footnote 789:

See Blümner, ii. p. 52.

Footnote 790:

_Ibid._

Footnote 791:

See above, p. 214.

Footnote 792:

Blümner (ii. p. 75) gives an account of various chemical experiments

made upon it.

Footnote 793:

See Blümner, ii. p. 76 ff.

Footnote 794:

_Traité_, i. p. 550.

Footnote 795:

This process is well illustrated on certain vases (_e.g._ B 158 in

Brit. Mus.), where the artist has subsequently altered his design,

and the lines still remain visible.

Footnote 796:

See for a fuller consideration of this point p. 368.

Footnote 797:

Baumeister, iii. p. 1992, fig. 2137 = Reinach, i. 336.

Footnote 798:

See Pottier, _Lecythes blancs_, p. 99 ff.

Footnote 799:

See Chapter XI., and Hartwig, _Meisterschalen_, p. 499.

Footnote 800:

_Jahrbuch_, 1899, p. 147 ff.

Footnote 801:

See _Ath. Mitth._ 1891, p. 376.

Footnote 802:

_Jahrbuch_, 1899, p. 154.

Footnote 803:

_Jahrbuch_, 1899, pl. 4.

Footnote 804:

_Cat._ 222.

Footnote 805:

See Durand-Gréville in _Rev. Arch._ xviii. (1891), p. 99 ff., xix.

(1892), p. 363 ff.

Footnote 806:

See Blümner, _Technol._ ii. p. 81.

Footnote 807:

See for the four colours used by him, Plut. _de defect. orac._ 47,

436 C; Cic. _Brut._ 18, 70; and cf. Pliny, _H.N._ xxxv. 50.

Footnote 808:

On vases with gilding, see Jahn, _Vasen mit Goldschmuck_ (1865).

Footnote 809:

Plat. _Theaet._ 147 A, _Rep._ iv. 421 D; Pollux, vii. 163.

Footnote 810:

Strabo, xv. 717; Pollux, vii. 182.

Footnote 811:

Schol. _in_ Ar. _Pac._ 1202.

Footnote 812:

Pollux, vii. 160.

Footnote 813:

B.M. B 400.

Footnote 814:

Lucian, _Prom. in Verbis_, 2; cf. Lactantius, _Div. Inst._ ii. 11.

Footnote 815:

Plutarch, _Apophth. Reg. et Imp._ 176 E.

Footnote 816:

Cf. _B.M. Cat. of Sculpt._ i. 599; Ross-Meier, _Demen von Attika_, p.

122, No. 67. The persons here mentioned were not necessarily potters.

Footnote 817:

Boeckh, _C.I.G._ ii. 3485.

Footnote 818:

Hes. _Op. et Di._ 25: καὶ κεραμεὺς κεραμεῖ κοτέει; quoted by

Aristotle, _Rhet._ ii. 4, 21, and Plat. _Lys._ 215 C. Euthymides on

one of his vases places the boast, “Euphronios never did anything

like this.” See for these two artists, Chapter X.

Footnote 819:

Cf. the vase at Athens described above (p. 218), and the others with

representations of potteries.

PART II

HISTORY OF GREEK VASE-PAINTING

CHAPTER VI

_PRIMITIVE FABRICS_

History of Ancient Pottery: Greek, Etruscan, and Roman. Volume 1 (of 2) · 第 11 / 16 章