Stackelberg, pl. 48; _Magazin Encycl._ 1811, ii. p. 140; and see note
130.
Footnote 134:
See also Brongniart, _Mus. Céram._ pl. 13, 11, and _Traité_, i. p.
576; _Bull. dell’ Inst._ 1829, p. 113, 1830, p. 129; _Ann. dell’
Inst._ 1837, p. 135, 1842, p. 103, 1847, p. 250; and numerous vases
in the Bibl. Nat. (see p. 689 of Catalogue).
Footnote 135:
_J.H.S._ xvii. p. 77; xviii. p. 281 ff.
Footnote 136:
B.M. B 8; Berlin 1682 = Reinach, i. 441; Reinach, i. 118, 2; B.M. E
508; Gerhard, _A.V.B._ iii. 238 = Reinach, ii. 120 (in Berlin),
signed by Ergotimos.
Footnote 137:
Pallat in _Ath. Mitth._ 1897, p. 265.
Footnote 138:
_Berl. Phil. Woch._ 1901, pp. 1001, 1436.
Footnote 139:
See Hesychius, _s.v._ Ἠχώ; he adds, λέγει δὲ Αἴγιναν, ἐπειδὴ ἐκεῖ
ὄστρακα πολλά ἐστι.
Footnote 140:
_Jahrbuch_, 1903, p. 124 ff.; Ἐφ. Ἀρχ. 1901, pls. 9–12, p. 173 ff.
Footnote 141:
Athens 618 = Baumeister, iii. p. 1963, fig. 2098.
Footnote 142:
_Ath. Mitth._ 1886, p. 16.
Footnote 143:
Furtwaengler and Loeschcke, p. 33.
Footnote 144:
Ross, _Reisen_, iii. p. 25.
Footnote 145:
Athens 1861.
Footnote 146:
_Class. Review_, 1899, p. 468.
Footnote 147:
E 732: see p. 357 and Fig. III.
Footnote 148:
Furtwaengler and Reichhold, _Gr. Vasenmalerei_, p. 220.
Footnote 149:
Furtwaengler and Loeschcke, p. 21. For Geometrical, see Brongniart
and Riocreux, _Mus. de Sèvres_, pl. 13, figs. 4, 13, 15, 16.
Footnote 150:
_Reisen_, i. p. 66; iii. p. 27. See also Berlin 3901, 4088;
Brongniart, _Traité_, i. p. 577; Bibl. Nat. 19, 21, 22. The Sèvres
vases mentioned by Brongniart were found about thirty feet below the
volcanic deposits.
Footnote 151:
See _Ath. Mitth._ 1903, p. 1 ff.; H. von Gaertringen, _Thera_, vol.
ii.
Footnote 152:
See Jahn, _Vasens. zu München_, p. xxvi; Berlin 1886; _Rhein. Mus._
1843, p. 435; Boettiger, _Vasengem._ i. p. 29.
Footnote 153:
These are fully described and illustrated in a volume issued by the
Hellenic Society (1904).
Footnote 154:
_Op. cit._ iii. p. 15 ff.
Footnote 155:
_J.H.S._ xxii. p. 46 ff.
Footnote 156:
_Mon. Grecs_, 1875, pls. 1–2.
Footnote 157:
_Rhein. Mus._ 1843. p. 435; Bibl. Nat. 873 (Chios); for Tenedos as a
pottery centre see Dio Chrys. _Orat._ 42, 5; Plutarch, _Vit. aer.
alien._ 2.
Footnote 158:
For ancient references to Samian ware see Chapter XXII., where the
subject is discussed in detail.
Footnote 159:
_Aus ion. u. ital. Nekrop._ (1898); he also found Cyrenaic,
Corinthian, and Attic pottery (p. 125 ff.). See below, p. 336.
Footnote 160:
See also _Arch. Zeit._ 1848, p. 280.
Footnote 161:
See Ross, _Reisen_, iv. p. 44.
Footnote 162:
Brongniart, _Traité_, i. p. 581 (plain wares only).
Footnote 163:
_J.H.S._ viii. p. 446. pl. 83.
Footnote 164:
Furtwaengler and Loeschcke, p. 33.
Footnote 165:
See Pottier, _Louvre Cat._ i. p. 130 ff.
Footnote 166:
See on the Geometrical pottery Pottier, _op. cit._ p. 136. It is
probably imported, although Dümmler (_Jahrbuch_, 1891, p. 268) thinks
otherwise.
Footnote 167:
There is at least one late R.F. vase from Crete in the National
Museum at Athens (_Cat._ 1851, 1860, 1921). See for other instances
of earlier finds, below, p. 269; Furtwaengler and Loeschcke, p. 22;
Pottier, _Louvre Cat._ i. p. 176.
Footnote 168:
_Proc. Soc. Antiqs._ 2nd Ser. xv. (1895), p. 351 ff.
Footnote 169:
See _J.H.S._ xxiii. p. 157 ff. for an estimate of the Knossos
pottery; also p. 265 below.
Footnote 170:
_British School Annual_, 1899–1900, p. 94 ff.; _J.H.S._ xxi. p. 78 ff.
Footnote 171:
_Ibid._ 1900–01, p. 121 ff.; _J.H.S._ xxiii. p. 248 ff.
Footnote 172:
_Ibid._ 1901–2, p. 289 ff.; 1902–3, p. 297.
Footnote 173:
_Rendiconti dell’ Accad. dei Lincei_, 1900, p. 631.
Footnote 174:
_American Journ. of Arch._ 1901, p. 371 ff., 302, 128; _British
School Annual_, 1901–02, p. 235 (Praesos).
Footnote 175:
Nos. 98 and 99 in the collection of M. van Branteghem were two fine
R.F. “aryballi” from Apollonia in Thrace.
Footnote 176:
The reader who wishes to gain a comprehensive idea of these vases is
referred to the plates of the Atlas to Stephani’s _Compte-Rendu de la
Comm. imp. arch. de St.-Pétersbourg_ (1861–83) = Reinach,
_Répertoire_, i. p. 1 ff.
Footnote 177:
See also Jahn, _Vasens. zu München_, p. xxvii.
Footnote 178:
_Compte-Rendu_, 1870–71, pl. 4 = Reinach, i. 34.
Footnote 179:
See an interesting article in _Anzeiger_, 1900, p. 151, on the
relations of the Black Sea colonies to Greece, especially in regard
to pottery.
Footnote 180:
See Dörpfeld, _Troja und Ilion_, i. p. 304 ff.
Footnote 181:
So Jahn, _Vasens_. p. xxvii, but from the illustration given in
Choiseul-Gouffier’s _Voyage pittoresque_, pt. 2, pl. 30, this seems
doubtful.
Footnote 182:
Jahn, _Vasens_. p. xxvii.
Footnote 183:
_Monuments Piot_, x. pls. 6–7.
Footnote 184:
The style resembled that of B 80 in the Brit. Mus.
Footnote 185:
See Perrot, _Hist. de l’Art_, vi. pp. 929, 931. The British Museum
possesses a similar one from Kalymnos (p. 273).
Footnote 186:
_Ion. u. ital. Nekrop._ pp. 86–7.
Footnote 187:
_Louvre Cat._ ii. p. 274; Pottier and Reinach, _Nécropole de Myrina_,
pp. 221, 499; _Bull. de Corr. Hell._ 1884, p. 509; _Ath. Mitth._
1887, p. 228.
Footnote 188:
_Röm. Mitth._ 1888, pl. 6; now in Brit. Mus.
Footnote 189:
See generally Chapter VIII.
Footnote 190:
_Ath. Mitth._ 1898, pl. 6, p. 38 ff.
Footnote 191:
Athen. xi. 481 A. See also _Ath. Mitth._ 1900, p. 94.
Footnote 192:
_Trans. Roy. Soc. Lit._ 2nd Ser. ii. (1847), p. 258, and plate, fig.
D.
Footnote 193:
Chantre, _Recherches archéol._ pls. 8–14; _J.H.S._ xix. p. 37 ff.
Footnote 194:
_Ath. Mitth._ xii. (1887), pp. 226, 376.
Footnote 195:
Cf. Pliny, _H.N._ xxxv. 161; Athenaeus, i. 28 D; Lucian, _Lexiph._ 7.
For pottery from Datcha, near Knidos, see _Rev. Arch._ xxv. (1894),
p. 27.
Footnote 196:
Jahn, p. xxvii.
Footnote 197:
_Comptes-Rendus de l’Acad. des Inscr._ Aug. 1902, p. 428 ff.; 1903,
p. 216.
Footnote 198:
_Catalogue of Cyprus Museum_, Oxford, 1899.
Footnote 199:
See Hermann, _Gräberfeld von Marion_ (1888); _J.H.S._ xi. p. 41 ff.,
xii. p. 315; _Branteghem Sale Cat._ Nos. 14–18, 28–30.
Footnote 200:
_J.H.S._ xi. p. 273.
Footnote 201:
_B.M. Cat. of Vases_, iv. F 510–12.
Footnote 202:
Petrie, _Hawara_, pl. 16, figs. 1–4.
Footnote 203:
It was presented to the British Museum by Sir E. Codrington in 1830.
Similar painted vases were found in Roman tombs at Curium, Cyprus
(_Excavations in Cyprus_, p. 78).
Footnote 204:
_Amer. Journ. of Arch._ 1885, p. 18.
Footnote 205:
See _Trans. Roy. Soc. of Lit._ 2nd Ser. ix. p. 165 ff., and _Arch.
Zeit._ 1846, p. 216; also p. 36 above.
Footnote 206:
_Bull. de Corr. Hell._ 1884, pl. 13; Froehner, _Ant. du Mus. de
Marseilles_, 1928–30.
Footnote 207:
_H.N._ xxxv. 161.
Footnote 208:
See Jahn, _Vasens. zu München_, p. lxxxiv; _Arch. Zeit._ 1850, pl. 18
= Reinach, i. 372; Micali, _Mon. Ined._ pl. 45, p. 279; and Schöne,
_Mus. Bocchi_, 1878.
Footnote 209:
_H.N._ xxxv. 160.
Footnote 210:
See Chapter XXII., and Brongniart, _Traité_, i. p. 583.
Footnote 211:
_Bull. dell’ Inst._ 1848, p. 62.
Footnote 212:
_Ibid._ 1847, p. 17.
Footnote 213:
_Class. Review_, 1899, p. 329; _Röm. Mitth._ 1899, pl. 7.
Footnote 214:
_Scavi della Certosa di Bologna_, text and plates, 1876: see also
_Bull. dell’ Inst._ 1872, pp. 12 ff., 76 ff., 108 ff.
Footnote 215:
See _Vasi Fitt._ iv. pl. 355, p. 82; _Bull. dell’ Inst._ 1849, p. 23.
Footnote 216:
P. lxxxiii.
Footnote 217:
Dennis, _Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria_, ii. p. 189; Micali, _Mon.
Ined._ p. 216.
Footnote 218:
_H.N._ xxxv. 160: Retinet hanc nobilitatem (_sc._ of Samian ware) et
Arretium in Italia.
Footnote 219:
Jahn, _Vasens._ p. lxxxii; Reinach, _Répertoire_, i. 163, 332; and
see 166.
Footnote 220:
Dennis, _Etruria_, ii. p. 431; Jahn, p. lxxxii; Reinach,
_Répertoire_, i. 137, 161, 251, 384.
Footnote 221:
See Plate XXVIII. and p. 370.
Footnote 222:
See Dennis, ii. p. 307 ff.; Jahn, p. lxxix.
Footnote 223:
Dennis, _ibid._
Footnote 224:
_Brit. Mus. Cat. of Vases_, iv. p. 25, Nos. G 179–94: cf. _Class.
Review_, 1897, p. 276, and _Ann. dell’ Inst._ 1871, p. 5 ff.
Footnote 225:
xi. 480 E.
Footnote 226:
Dennis, _Etruria_, ii. p. 46. _Class. Review_, 1894, p. 277, gives
some more recent finds.
Footnote 227:
Hartwig, _Meistersch._ pl. 47, p. 466: cf. _Bull. dell’ Inst._ 1830,
p. 233.
Footnote 228:
See Jahn, p. lxxviii.
Footnote 229:
Reinach, i. 203, 222 (Plate XXXIX).
Footnote 230:
See also _Class. Review_, 1893, pp. 84, 381; 1894, p. 277.
Footnote 231:
Dennis, i. p. 405; Jahn, p. lxviii.
Footnote 232:
B.M. A 469, 1537, 1540.
Footnote 233:
_Jahrbuch_, 1889, pls. 5–6, p. 218.
Footnote 234:
F 479; also Reinach, i. 215. For a late R.F. vase with a Latin
inscription from this site see _Röm. Mitth._ 1887, pl. 10, p. 231.
Footnote 235:
Jahn, p. lxv.
Footnote 236:
For an account of this tomb see Dennis, i. p. 33 ff., and above, p.
39.
Footnote 237:
See Chapter XVIII., and Roberts, _Gk. Epigraphy_, i. p. 17.
Footnote 238:
See for these Chapter XVIII.
Footnote 239:
_Cat._ 1655=Reinach, i. 199: see p. 319.
Footnote 240:
The Antaios krater and the Petersburg psykter: see p. 431.
Footnote 241:
Reinach, _Répertoire_, i. p. 106.
Footnote 242:
P. lxvi. ff.: see also generally Pottier, _Louvre Cat._ ii. p. 355 ff.
Footnote 243:
B.M. E 41.
Footnote 244:
_Notizie degli Scavi_, 1902, p. 84 ff.
Footnote 245:
_Class. Review_, 1894, p. 277.
Footnote 246:
Reinach, i. 320.
Footnote 247:
_Class. Review_, 1897, p. 226.
Footnote 248:
Jahn, p. lxiv; Reinach, i. 109, 368; _Class. Review_, 1897, p. 276.
Footnote 249:
Reinach, i. 345.
Footnote 250:
1831; see also _Bull. dell’ Inst._ 1831, p. 161. A view of the site
is given in _Mon. dell’ Inst._ i. pl. 41.
Footnote 251:
See generally Chapter XVIII. The finds are described in a work edited
by Gsell, entitled _Fouilles de Vulci_ (1891).
Footnote 252:
Eng. transl. p. 112.
Footnote 253:
Besides the already cited _Rapporto Volcente_ of Gerhard in the
_Annali_ for 1831, an account of these discoveries will be found in
the _Muséum Étrusque_ of the Prince of Canino; _Trans. Royal Soc. of
Lit._ ii. (1834), p. 76 ff. (Millingen); _Ann. dell’ Inst._ 1829, p.
188 ff.; Jahn’s _Einleitung_, p. lxviii; and an excellent description
in Dennis’s _Etruria_, 2nd edn. i. p. 448 ff.: see also Chapter
XVIII. Above all, reference should be made to the recent summary by
Gsell (see above).
Footnote 254:
Those who are curious in such matters may be grateful for a
bibliography of the controversy: Lanzi, _Dei Vasi antichi dipinti_;
Winckelmann, _Hist. de l’Art_, i. p. 188 ff.; Canino, _Mus. Étr._
(1829), and _Cat. di scelte ant. Étr._; _Annali_, 1831, p. 105 ff.,
1834, p. 285; _Bull. dell’ Inst._ 1829, pp. 60, 113 ff., 1831, p. 161
ff., 1832, p. 74 ff., 1833, p. 73 ff.; Gerhard, _Berl. ant. Bildw._
p. 143; _Journal de Savans_, 1830, pp. 115 ff., 177 ff.; Kramer,
_Styl und Herkunft_, p. 146; Thiersch, _Hell. bemalte Vasen_, etc.
Footnote 255:
Finds of “Proto-Corinthian,” B.F., and R.F. fragments have been
recently made in the precincts of the temple of Vesta (_Class.
Review_, 1901, p. 93).
Footnote 256:
A 1054 = _Bull. Arch. Nap._ ii. pl. 1, 1–2.
Footnote 257:
See p. 483, and Patroni, _Ceramica Antica_, p. 79 ff.
Footnote 258:
Mart. _Ep._ xiv. 114; Stat. _Silv._ iv. 9, 43.
Footnote 259:
See Patroni, _op. cit._ p. 93, also Jahn, _op. cit._ p. lxii, for
B.F. and other vases found here. Some of the vases are direct
imitations of Athenian fabrics.
Footnote 260:
Naples 3352–55.
Footnote 261:
B.M. B 610.
Footnote 262:
See Jahn, p. lxiii; Reinach, _Répertoire_, i. 317.
Footnote 263:
See Jahn, p. lii. Those in the British Museum from Nola came chiefly
from the Blacas collection.
Footnote 264:
See also Reinach, _Répertoire_, i. 228, 348; _Branteghem Sale Cat._
Nos. 84–5; and Jahn, p. li.
Footnote 265:
Walters, _B.M. Cat. of Vases_, iv. p. 16; Patroni, _Ceram. Ant._ pp.
37, 76.
Footnote 266:
See Jahn, p. xlvi ff.
Footnote 267:
_E.g._ Petersburg 355, and others in B.M.
Footnote 268:
Petersburg 1187, 1427; Naples 2991, S.A. 11, 708–9.
Footnote 269:
See Jahn, p. l, for examples from this site, mostly of inferior
merit; also Reinach, i. 250.
Footnote 270:
Berlin 2694; _Bull. dell’ Inst._ 1830, p. 21.
Footnote 271:
B.M. F 157; Bibl. Nat. 422.
Footnote 272:
Lenormant, _Grande Grèce_, i. p. 94.
Footnote 273:
See Jahn, p. xl.
Footnote 274:
For recent excavations see _Class. Review_, 1893, p. 381; 1894, p.
129 (vases with subjects of Kanake and Theseus with the ring).
Footnote 275:
Patroni, _Ceram. Ant._ p. 142; B.M. F 237–38.
Footnote 276:
Cf. also Petersburg 778, 895.
Footnote 277:
See p. 488, and B.M. F 543 ff.; for earlier vases, Reinach, i. pp.
471–77.
Footnote 278:
_La Grande Grèce_, i. p. 92 ff.
Footnote 279:
See _Class. Review_, 1898, p. 185, for mention of two B.F. kylikes
signed by Antidoros; also _Notizie degli Scavi_, 1903, p. 34 ff., 205
ff., for other interesting B.F. vases, including signatures of
Tleson, Sakonides, and Thrax. The two latter were found at Leporano,
about ten miles S.W. of Tarentum.
Footnote 280:
Mycenaean vases from this site are in the Louvre (Furtwaengler and
Loeschcke, _Myken. Vasen_, p. 48).
Footnote 281:
As for instance Munich 781 = Reinach, ii. 126.
Footnote 282:
These discoveries are summarised in the _Class. Review_, 1894, p.
278; 1896, p. 173; 1898, p. 428. Fuller details are given in the
_Notizie degli Scavi_ for those years. See also Furtwaengler and
Loeschcke, p. 47.
Footnote 283:
Jahn, p. xxxi.
Footnote 284:
_Arch.-Intell. Blatt_, 1836, No. 34, p. 283.
Footnote 285:
Gerhard, _Auserl. Vasenb._ 329–30; _Forman Sale Cat._ No. 357.
Footnote 286:
Millin-Reinach, ii. 61–2 (Taleides); _Mon. dell’ Inst._ i. pl. 52;
B.M. B 295 (Nikosthenes); B.M. E 474, E 478: cf. Jahn, p. xxxii, and
the index to Reinach’s _Répertoire_, _s.v._ Agrigente.
Footnote 287:
_Röm. Mitth._ 1897, p. 261 ff.
Footnote 288:
Jahn, p. xxxi.
Footnote 289:
_Arch.-Intell. Blatt_, 1834, No. 56, p. 457 ff.: see also _Bull.
della Comm. di Antich. in Sicilia_, 1872, p. 13 ff. pls. 4–5.
Footnote 290:
P. xxxi. One of the late vases with burlesque scenes (_Mon. dell’
Inst._ iv. pl. 12) was also found here.
Footnote 291:
See _B.M. Cat. of Terracottas_, D 1–2; _Röm. Mitth._ 1897, p. 262.
Footnote 292:
_Class. Review_, 1893, p. 231.
Footnote 293:
Jahn, p. xxxii.
Footnote 294:
_Ibid._ p. xxx.
Footnote 295:
Reinach, i. 408.
Footnote 296:
A B.F. vase in the Cagliari Museum is published in _Bull. Arch. Nap._
N.S. iv. pl. 13.
Footnote 297:
_J.H.S._ vii. pl. 62, p. 55.
Footnote 298:
_Bull. dell’ Inst._ 1842, p. 10.
Footnote 299:
Jahn, p. xxix.
CHAPTER III
_THE USES OF CLAY_
Technical terms—Sun-dried clay and unburnt bricks—Use of these in
Greece—Methods of manufacture—Roof-tiles and architectural
decorations in terracotta—Antefixal ornaments—Sicilian and
Italian systems—Inscribed tiles—Sarcophagi—Braziers—Moulds—Greek
lamps—Sculpture in terracotta—Origin of art—Large statues in
terracotta—Statuettes—Processes of
manufacture—Moulding—Colouring—Vases with plastic
decoration—Reliefs—Toys—Types and uses of statuettes—Porcelain
and enamelled wares—Hellenistic and Roman enamelled fabrics.
We now proceed to treat the subject of the fictile art among the Greeks
in its technical aspects, prefacing our study with a section dealing
with the uses of clay in general.
The term employed by the Greeks for pottery is κέραμος, or for the
material γῆ κεραμική. The word for clay in a general sense is πηλός,
while κέραμος has the more restricted sense of clay as material for
fictile objects; the latter word is supposed to be connected with
κεράννυμι, to mix. They likewise applied to pottery the term ὄστρακον,
meaning literally an oyster-shell, and ὀστράκινα τορεύματα[300] is also
an expression found for works in terracotta. Nor must we omit to
mention that πηλός too comes to bear a restricted sense, when it is
applied to the unburnt or sun-dried bricks freely employed in early
architecture. Keramos was regarded by the Greeks as a legendary hero,
from whom the name of the district in Athens known as the Kerameikos,
or potter’s quarter, was derived.[301] The word κέραμος soon became
generic, and as early as Homer’s time we find such an expression as
χάλκεος κέραμος for a bronze vessel[302]; similarly it came to be used
for tiles, even when they were of marble (see below, p. 100). The art
of working in clay may be considered among the Greeks, as among all
other nations, under three heads, according to the nature of the
processes employed: (1) Sun-dried clay (Gk. πηλινα or ὠμά, Lat.
_cruda_); (2) baked clay without a glaze, or terracotta (Gk. γῆ ὀπτή);
(3) baked clay with the addition of a glaze, corresponding to the
modern porcelain. It is then possible to treat of the uses of clay
under these three heads. The first, from its limited use, will occupy
our attention but very briefly; the second, the manufacture of building
materials and terracotta figures, only technically comes under the
heading of pottery, and will therefore also receive comparatively brief
mention. It remains, then, that in the succeeding chapters, as in the
preceding, it will be almost exclusively with the third heading that we
are concerned. Before, however, dealing with this third heading, or
pottery, we may review briefly the purposes for which clay was worked,
under the other two headings of brick and terracotta.
The uses of clay among the Greeks were very varied and extensive.
Sun-dried clay was used for building material, and we have already seen
what an important part was played by pottery in their domestic and
religious life. The uses of terracotta are almost more manifold than
those of pottery. It supplied the most important parts both of public
and private buildings, such as bricks, roof-tiles, drain-tiles, and
various architectural adornments; and was frequently used in the
construction and decoration of tombs and coffins. Among its adaptations
for religious purposes may be noted its use as a substitute for more
expensive materials in the statues of deities, as well as the countless
figurines or statuettes in this material, many of which have been found
on the sites of temples or in private shrines; and besides the
statuettes and other figures, of which such quantities have been found
in tombs, it was used for imitations of jewellery or metal vases made
solely for a sepulchral purpose. It also supplied many of the wants of
every-day life, in the form of spindle-whorls, theatre-tickets, lamps
and braziers, and culinary and domestic utensils of all kinds, taking
the place of the earthenware of modern times. It supplied the potter
with moulds for his figures and the sculptor with models for his work
in marble or bronze, and placed works of art within the reach of those
who found marble and the precious metals beyond their means.
One of the most elementary uses of clay is for the manufacture of
building material, for which it plays an important part, as we have
already seen, in the history of the Semitic races. Both burnt and
unburnt bricks were employed in Egypt and Mesopotamia, and their use
has already been referred to in the Introduction. Vitruvius[303] speaks
of the use of brick in the palace of Kroisos at Sardis, and we also
read of the walls of Babylon and Larissa (on the site of Nineveh) as
being of brick.[304] Generally speaking, sun-dried bricks belong to an
earlier period of development than baked bricks; at any rate, this is
the case in the buildings of Greece and Rome.
In Greece itself the antiquity of brick is implied by the words of
Pliny,[305] who tells us that Hyperbius and Euryalus of Athens “were
the first to” construct brick-kilns (_laterarias_) and houses; before
their time men lived in caves. He further goes on to say that Gellius
regarded one Toxius as the inventor of buildings of sun-dried clay,
inspired by the construction of swallows’ nests. The reference is
obviously to the employment by swallows of straw and twigs to make the
clay for their nests cohere; this may well have suggested, in the first
instance, the principle of mixing straw with sun-dried clay bricks, as
was done by the Israelites in their bondage in Egypt. The method is one
still practised in the East, where in such countries as Palestine and
Cyprus whole villages built in this fashion may be seen.
There is no doubt, however, that in Greece, with its stores of marble
and stone for building, brick never became general, though it was
probably more used in sun-dried form in earlier buildings before the
Greeks had begun to realise the possibilities of stone buildings.
Pausanias[306] speaks of temples of Demeter at Lepreon in Arcadia and
Stiris in Phokis, of a shrine of Asklepios at Panopeus in Phokis, and
of the Stoa of Kotys at Epidauros (restored by Antoninus Pius) as being
of unburnt brick (πηλός). Of the same material was the cella of a
temple at Patrae[307]; but the walls of various cities, such as
Mantinea, were of burnt brick.[308]
Nor was the use of sun-dried clay confined to building material. It
seems also to have been employed for modelling decorations of public
buildings. Thus Pausanias mentions “images of clay,” representing
Dionysos feasting in the house of Amphiktyon, adorning a chamber in the
temenos of that god in the Kerameikos,[309] and it seems highly
probable that these are to be identified with the _cruda opera_ of one
Chalcosthenes or Caicosthenes mentioned by Pliny,[310] where the word
_cruda_ can only be used in a technical sense (Greek ὠμά). He also
mentions at Tritaea in Achaia[311] statues of the Θεοὶ μέγιστοι in
clay, and at Megara an image of Zeus by Theokosmos,[312] of which the
face was gold and ivory, the rest clay and gypsum.
Our knowledge of the use of brick (both burnt and unburnt) and
terracotta in Greek architecture has been largely increased, not to say
revolutionised, by recent discoveries in all parts of the Greek world,
and going back to a very remote period.
Recent excavations have yielded walls of unburnt brick at Eleusis,
Mycenae, Olympia, Tegea, and Tiryns.[313] The Heraion at Olympia, which
dates from the tenth century B.C., is a peripteral temple with stone
stylobate, pillars and _antae_ of wood, and cella-wall of unburnt
brick. In this respect it resembles the temple of Zeus and Herakles at
Patrae (see above). It also possesses the oldest known example of a
terracotta roof (Fig. 9.). A recently discovered temple at Thermon in
Acarnania is constructed of wood and terracotta, with painted
terracotta slabs in wooden frames for metopes; the style of the
paintings appears to be Corinthian, and they form a valuable
contribution to the history of early Greek painting.[314]
[Illustration:
From _Durm’s Handbuch_.
FIG. 9. DIAGRAM OF ROOF-TILING, HERAION, OLYMPIA.
]
The stone stylobate at the Heraion was a necessity because of the
destructive effect of the moist earth on terracotta; it consisted of a
row of vertical slabs on which the bricks were placed in regular
courses. We may see in this method of construction the forerunner of
the system, universal since that time, of building walls on a plinth,
which survives even to the present day. In the same way door-jambs and
lintels, which were of necessity made of wood, not of brick, continued
to be constructed in that material even after the introduction of
stone.[315] It has been assumed by some authorities that the Doric
style of architecture is derived from a wooden prototype; this, however
true of the Ionic style, is not altogether true of Doric. The
proportions of the latter are too heavy. A more probable explanation is
that it is the combination of wood with sun-dried tiles or bricks which
we see in the Heraion that developed with the introduction of stone
into the Doric system.[316]
It is then clear that although in Greece bricks were by no means
indispensable for building temples, houses, and walls, and though stone
and marble undoubtedly had the preference, especially in later times,
yet their use is more general than was hitherto supposed. But when they
are mentioned by classical authors it is generally when speaking of
foreign or barbarian edifices, such as the palace of Kroisos at Sardis
or the monument of Hephaestion at Babylon,[317] and in a manner which
shows that they were not much employed in Greece at the time when they
wrote. The older temple of Apollo at Megara is described by
Pausanias[318] as having been of brick (πλίνθος), but we are left in
doubt as to whether this was baked or sun-dried; while the excavations
at Olympia have distinctly contradicted his statement[319] that the
Philippeion was of brick, as it is proved to have been built of stone
ashlar.[320] In 333–329 B.C. the Long Walls of Athens were constructed,
partly in brick, under Habron, son of Lykourgos, with Laconian tiles
for the roofs.[321] Other recorded buildings are all of late date and
under Roman influence, and we must leave an account of Roman
brick-building to be dealt with in a later chapter (XIX.).
There is an interesting passage in the _Birds_ of Aristophanes, in
which he is describing the building of the city of Nephelokokkygia, the
walls of which are apparently conceived as being of sun-dried brick. He
there speaks of “Egyptian brick-bearers,”[322] implying that the use of
brick was a characteristic distinction of that nation. The passage
(1133–51) is worth quoting in full, as showing the process employed in
the making of sun-dried bricks.
_Mess._ Birds and none else; no bricklayer of Egypt,
No stone-hewer was there, no carpenter:
With their own hands they did it, to my marvel.
There came from Libya thirty thousand cranes,
All having swallowed down foundation-stones,
Which with their beaks the rails still aptly shaped:
Another party of ten thousand storks
Were brick-makers: and water from below
The plovers and the other wading birds
Were raising up into the higher air.
_Peisth._ And who conveyed the mortar[323] for them?
_Mess._ Herons,
In hods (λεκάναισιν).
_Peisth._ And how did they get in the mortar?
_Mess._ That was the cleverest device of all, sir.
The geese with their webbed feet, as though with spades
(ἄμαις),
Dipp’d down, and laid it neatly on the hods.
_Peisth._ What feat indeed may not be wrought with feet?
_Mess._ Aye, and the ducks, by Jove, all tightly girt,
Kept carrying bricks, and other birds were flying,
With trowel on their head, to lay the bricks;
And then, like children sucking lollipops,
The swallows minced the mortar in their mouths.
(Kennedy’s Trans.)
Sun-dried bricks were known as πλίνθοι ὠμαί (_lateres crudi_); baked
bricks as πλίνθοι ὠπταί (_lateres cocti_ or _coctiles_). The Romans
also used the word _testa_ for baked brick, corresponding to the Greek
κέραμος. Vitruvius[324] distinguishes three varieties of unburnt
bricks, as used by the Greeks. One, known as “Lydian,” was also used by
the Romans, who named the bricks from their length _sesquipedales_;
their size was 1½ by 1 ft. The other two, exclusively Greek, were known
as πεντάδωρον and τετράδωρον, the word δῶρον signifying a “palm” or
three inches; in other words, they were respectively fifteen inches and
one foot square. The former was used for public buildings, the latter
for private houses, and they were arranged in the walls in courses of
alternate whole and half bricks, as is frequently done at the present
day. Vitruvius also speaks of bricks made at Pitane in Mysia, and in
Spain, which were so light that they would float in water.[325] He
advises that bricks should not be made of sandy or pebbly clay, which
makes them heavy and prevents the straw from cohering, so that they
fall to pieces after wet. Many other directions are given by him,[326]
but are too lengthy to quote here. Bricks were made in a mould called
πλαίσιον, a rectangular framework of boards[327]; and the sun-dried
bricks were, as we learn from the passage quoted above, made by
collecting the clay with shovels (ἄμαι) into troughs (λεκάναι) and
working it with the feet.[328] It is probable that we have some
allusion to the use of moulds in certain passages from the Latin
writers.[329] The final proceeding was the drying in the sun.
An important branch of the subject is the use of terracotta for
roof-tiles and other architectural decorations of temples and other
buildings. On this point our knowledge has during the last
five-and-twenty years been marvellously increased, the extent of its
use in architecture having been hitherto but little suspected.[330] The
generic term for a roof-tile is in Greek κέραμος; they are generally
divided into flat tiles (στεγαστῆρες or σωλῆες, _tegulae_) and
covering-tiles (καλυπῆρες, _imbrices_). Besides the ordinary roof-tiles
there must also be taken into consideration four varieties of
ornamental tiles which found their place on a classical building. They
are: (1) the covering-slabs arranged in a row along the γεῖσον, or
raking cornice of the pediment; (2) the κυμάτιον or cornice above the
γεῖσον; (3) the cornice along the sides of the building, with spouts in
the form of lions' heads, to carry off rain-water; (4) the row of
antefixal ornaments or ἀκρωτήρια surmounting the side-tiles.[331]
The flat roof-tiles or σωλῆες, as in the Heraion of Olympia and other
early buildings, are square and slightly concave, so that the raised
edges placed side by side may catch under the semi-cylindrical
καλυπῆρες, and so be held in their place. The latter are of plain
semi-cylindrical form, except the row at the lower edge of the roof,
which have attached to them the vertical semi-elliptical slabs known as
“antefixae,” of which more later.
The κυμάτια were painted with elaborate patterns of
lotos-and-honeysuckle, or maeanders, in red, blue, brown, and yellow,
the principle being preserved (as always in Greek architectural
decoration) of employing curvilinear patterns only on curved surfaces,
rectilinear only on flat surfaces.[332] At the back was the gutter for
collecting rain-water, which ran off through the holes pierced at
intervals in the cornice, passing through the mouths of lions’ heads,
moulded in very salient relief. These correspond to the gurgoyles of
Gothic architecture. Many specimens have been found at Olympia,
Elateia, and elsewhere in Greece; one of the finest, from a temple of
Apollo at Metapontum, is now in the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris. It
is very finely modelled, and the whole, with the background, richly
coloured in red, yellow, and black.[333] Spouts were sometimes modelled
in other forms, such as a Satyric mask, or the fore-part of a lion; of
the latter there are some examples in the British Museum.[334] In the
accounts for the erection of the arsenal at the Peiraeus there is an
interesting entry relating to these lions’ head spouts, in which they
are described as κεραμίδες ἡγέμονες λεοντοκεφάλαι, “principal tiles
with lions' heads.”[335]
The invention of antefixae is attributed by Pliny[336] to Butades of
Sikyon, who is also credited with the invention of modelling in clay,
in a well-known story; “he was,” says Pliny, “the first to place masks
on the extremities of the roof-tiles, which were at first called
bas-reliefs (_protypa_), but afterwards alto-reliefs (_ectypa_).”[337]
It is possible that the ἀγάλματα ὀπτῆς γῆς seen by Pausanias in the
Stoa Basileios at Athens[338] were ἀκρωτήρια or antefixal ornaments at
the angles of the cornice, but they are more likely to have been
modelled free and in the round than in relief on a background.[339]
Such sculptured groups were not uncommon in Greek architecture; thus
the cornice of the pediment of the temple of Zeus at Olympia was
adorned with a series of figures of Victory. The groups above mentioned
represented Theseus slaying Skiron and Eos carrying off Kephalos; and
it is interesting to note that a terracotta group with the latter
subject found at Cervetri[340] also undoubtedly came from the cornice
of a building.
------------------------------------------------------
PLATE II
[Illustration:
ARCHAIC ANTEFIXAE OF GRAECO-ITALIAN STYLE (BRITISH MUSEUM).
1. SATYR AND MAENAD, FROM CIVITA LAVINIA; 2. FEMALE HEAD, FROM CAPUA.
]
------------------------------------
The manner in which the antefixae were treated by the Greeks and
Etruscans for purposes of decoration is well illustrated in the British
Museum collection. In Cases 64–71 of the Terracotta Room may be seen a
series from Capua of archaic style, the front part being
semi-elliptical in form, having within an ornamental border a female
bust, Gorgon’s head, or other design in relief, all being richly
coloured (Plate II.). The back projects in a semi-cylindrical
termination, forming the covering-tile, with an arched support to the
upright piece. Similar antefixae were found by Lord Savile at Civita
Lavinia (see below), and some have elaborate subjects, such as Artemis
with two lions, or a Satyr and Maenad with a panther (Plate II.).[341]
Many have also been found at Cervetri, from which site came some
interesting friezes of terracotta now in the British Museum (B 626) and
at Berlin. These works of art, with which we must rank for their style
the reliefs on the archaic terracotta sarcophagus in the British Museum
(see Chapter XVIII.), show throughout a strong influence of Ionic art;
though all of local manufacture, their style is purely Greek, as is the
case with many of the contemporary works in bronze found in Italy.[342]
[Illustration: FIG. 10. TERRACOTTA ANTEFIX FROM MARATHON (BRITISH
MUSEUM).]
Antefixes from Hellenic sites are not so common, nor do they present
the same variety of subject or richness of colour. In many cases, as in
the fourth-century British Museum specimens from Asia Minor,[343] the
decoration is confined to scrolls and floral patterns in low relief,
the palmette being regarded as the most appropriate decorative motive
for this form of tile. An example of this type in the British Museum (C
902 = Fig. 10.), found on the field of Marathon, is inscribed with the
name Athenaios. Many later antefixes with remains of colouring have
been found at Tarentum, the subjects being chiefly heads of women or
mythological personages.
Roof-tiles proper have been discovered in large numbers both in Greece
and Italy. Olympia has proved the richest site in this respect, and
there are many specimens in the Museums of Athens and Palermo.[344]
Many of them have coloured decoration, and these terracotta remains are
almost the only evidence we now have of the extensive system of
colouring applied by the Greeks to their temples.[345]
At Olympia all the buildings have terracotta roofs except the temple of
Zeus and two others, the dates varying from the seventh century B.C.
down to Roman times. We know from Pausanias[346] that the temple of
Zeus was roofed with marble tiles in imitation of terracotta, an
invention traditionally attributed to Byzes of Naxos. The
covering-tiles of the Heraion roof (see Fig. 9.) end in semicircular
discs painted with ornamental patterns; the flat roof-tiles are of the
concave type described above. The normal sixth-century type of roof is
seen in the Treasury of the Megarians, which has smooth flat tiles and
covering-tiles ending in antefixes with palmette-and-lotos ornament,
and a kymation cornice with lion’s head spouts.
A greater variety of tiles is to be seen in the Treasury of Gela.
Here for the first time we note the introduction of a new system,
which consists in nailing slabs of terracotta over the surface of
the stonework, or, to use the convenient German term,
“Bekleidungstechnik.”[347] It is obvious at the first glance that
the origin of this practice dates from the time when buildings were
largely or wholly of wood, which required protection from the
weather. When the wood was replaced by stone, the fashion held its
ground for a time; but with the more extensive use of marble, which
could not well be covered in this manner, it disappeared altogether
in Greece.
------------------------------------------------------
PLATE III
[Illustration:
PART OF ARCHAIC TEMPLE WITH TERRACOTTA ROOF, CIVITA LAVINIA, AS
RESTORED
IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM.
]
------------------------------------
But the Treasury of Gela is by a Sicilian architect, and it seems
highly probable that the method of decoration employed was not one
usually practised in Greece, but was introduced from the Western
Mediterranean. Though rare in Greece, it is exceedingly common in
Sicily and Southern Italy. The middle temple (known as C) on the
acropolis of Selinus, and buildings at Gela and Syracuse, may be cited
as examples. The principle is also well illustrated in the terracotta
remains of the temple at Civita Lavinia, excavated by Lord Savile in
1890–94, which are now in the British Museum. They have, as far as
possible, been incorporated in a conjectural restoration in the
Etruscan Saloon (Plate III.).[348] It will be noted that most of the
slabs are pierced with holes, by means of which they were attached to
the walls or surface of the entablature; they are mostly decorated with
lotos-and-honeysuckle and other patterns, in relief and coloured, the
same being repeated in colour only on the back of the overhanging edges
of the cornice. These remains belong to two periods, the end of the
sixth century and the fourth century B.C.; they may be easily
distinguished by the differences in the treatment of the ornamental
patterns, while there is a marked absence of colouring in the later
remains. Similar architectural remains in terracotta have been found in
Etruria, and are described in Chapter XVIII. It should be noted that
the Civita Lavinia slabs are flat, whereas those used at Olympia, and
many others in Southern Italy and Sicily, are three-sided.
Specimens of ordinary Greek tiles have been found in many parts of the
ancient world, besides those for special architectural purposes already
discussed. Avolio[349] mentions many examples from Acrae and elsewhere
in Sicily, stamped with emblems or names of officials and of makers. At
Olbia, in Southern Russia, tiles were found stamped with names of Greek
aediles (ἀστυνόμοι), like the amphora-handles described below (p.
158),[350] and in Corfu tiles and bricks with names of magistrates
(πρυτάνεις), indicating in each case the existence of public
regulations concerning the potteries.[351] At Kertch (Panticapaeum) Dr.
Macpherson discovered large numbers of tiles with labels on which was
stamped the word [ΒΑΣΙΛΙΚΗ], “Royal,” together with other
inscriptions.[352] These tiles showed the manner of their attachment
one upon the other, and their dimensions answered to the Lydian variety
mentioned above. Other tiles discovered by Mr. Burgon at Athens, by Sir
Charles Newton in Kalymnos, and by Mr. Colnaghi at Kandyla (Alyzia) in
Acarnania, bore labels with inscriptions and designs in relief.[353] On
one of the latter series in the British Museum is the inscription
[ALYZEIÔN], “of the people of Alyzia” (Fig. 11); on another was
inscribed in the manner of the Athenian vases (see Chapters X. and
XVII.) [ΙΠΠΕΟΣ] [ΚΑΛΟΣ] [ΑΡΙ[Σ]ΤΟΜΕΔΕΙ] [ΔΟΚΕΙ], “Hippeus seems
handsome to Aristomedes.”[354]
[Illustration: FIG. 11. INSCRIBED TILES FROM ACARNANIA AND CORFU
(BRITISH MUSEUM).]
Inscribed tiles from Greece proper are somewhat rare, and the
best-known examples, to the number of sixteen, have been collected by
M. Paris[355]; they are usually inscribed with the word [ΔΗΜΟΣΙΑ] or
[ΔΗΜΟΣΙΟΣ], as a sort of Government stamp. Others have magistrates’
names, as [ΦΡΟΔFΙΣ], Ἀ]φροδ(ε)ισίου, on a tile at Corinth, or the
maker’s name, [FΑΣΤΟΥΚΡΙΤ], Fαστουκρίτ[ου, on one from Thisbe in
Boeotia.[356] Those found by M. Paris at Elateia have either the word
[ΔΗΜΟΣΙΟΣ] or [Ε[Π]Ι] with the name of the magistrate; though all are
fragmentary, it is possible to restore the full formula as πλίνθος
δημοσία ἐπὶ Ἀπελλέα, “government bricks, in the year of Apelleas’
office.”[357] A remarkable tile or _stele_, found near Capua and now in
the British Museum, has an inscription in Oscan, and two stamps of a
boar and a head of Athena, resembling types on Italian coins of the
early part of the third century.[358]
[Illustration] [Illustration]
From _Benndorf_ From _Jahrbuch d. arch. Inst._
FIG. 12. CALYX-KRATER FIG. 13. OSTRAKON OF XANTHIPPOS.
We may recall the fact that it was with a tile that Pyrrhus met his
death when besieging Argos. Nor is this the only occasion on which
these humble objects have played a part in history. In the
well-known Athenian institution of Ostracism the act of voting was
performed by writing on fragments of tiles or potsherds the names
of those whom it was desired to banish. Recent excavations have
yielded more than one actual specimen of these ὄστρακα or
sherds,—one bearing the name of Megakles (Fig. 12.); another, part
of a painted vase from the pre-Persian débris on the Athenian
Acropolis, the name of Xanthippos, the father of Perikles (Fig.
13); and a third, that of Themistokles.[359]
It is also probable that in Greece, as among the Romans, the hollow
floors of the hypocausts, as well as the flue-tiles of the hot baths,
were made of terracotta. The same material was also used for the pipes,
by means of which water was conveyed from aqueducts or drained from the
soil. A drain-pipe from Ephesos in the Museum at Sèvres is noted by
Brongniart and Riocreux,[360] and others have been found at Athens[361]
and in the Troad.[362]
Tiles were also employed for constructing graves, as has already been
noted in Chapter II. (see p. 34). In some tombs the floor was paved
with flat tiles, and the roof was constructed of arched tiles forming a
vault. The flat and square tiles were not used for tombs until a
comparatively late period. Some graves had a second layer of tiles to
protect the body from the superincumbent earth.[363] We shall have
occasion to make further allusion to the use of painted terracotta
slabs in Etruscan tombs (Chapter XVIII.).
The sarcophagi which played so important a part in the tomb were also
frequently made of terracotta, this material being most commonly
employed in Etruria. We have already mentioned (p. 62) the series of
archaic painted sarcophagi, which have all come from Clazomenae, near
Smyrna, and furnish us with much valuable information on the art of
painting in Ionia in the sixth century B.C. They will receive some
attention from this point of view in Chapter VIII. The British Museum
contains two very remarkable examples of Etruscan terracotta
sarcophagi, which are described in Chapter XVIII., as well as a series
of smaller examples, which are mere cinerary urns. Among other examples
of terracotta as used in tombs may be mentioned here a series of small
reliefs found in tombs at Capua and elsewhere in Southern Italy. They
consist of masks of Satyrs, river-gods, and Gorgons, and are often
highly coloured in red and blue. They are of late archaic work, about
480 B.C., but the exact way in which they were used to decorate the
tombs is uncertain. The British Museum collection contains many
specimens of these objects.[364]
There is a curious class of objects which hardly come under the heading
of any other category, but may be conveniently discussed here. Complete
specimens are very rare, but there is one in the Museum at Geneva which
has been identified as a brazier (πύραυνος or ἐσχάρα), and more
recently as a baking-oven (κλίβανος).[365] The form is that of a large
basin on a high stand, hollow underneath, with three square solid
handles projecting upwards from the rim. These handles, of which over a
thousand examples are to be found in various collections, are usually
the only part remaining, sometimes with part of the rim attached. They
are decorated with heads and other devices, usually in relief on square
panels, and the majority of these heads are of a Satyric or grotesque
character, wearing conical caps or adorned with ivy-wreaths. They
probably represent demons of some kind, and are placed there with
superstitious intent, to avert evil influences from whatever was baked
or cooked in the vessel. Similar masks are usually seen attached to
representations of forges and ovens on the painted vases,[366] and
remind us of the pseudo-Homeric invocation of evil deities against the
potters of Samos (see also p. 213 below). Professor Furtwaengler has
identified the heads as those of the Kyklopes, the attendant workmen of
Hephaistos.[367]
These objects are found all over the Mediterranean, especially at
Halikarnassos, Naukratis, and Delos, and the last-named place has been
regarded as the centre of their manufacture. They are all of the same
brick-like, coarse, red clay. Some bear the name of their maker,
Hekataios or Nikolaos. Besides the heads already mentioned, heads of
goats or oxen, or of Sirius, thunderbolts and rosettes are used by way
of devices. They have been collected together, and illustrations of all
the different types given by Conze in the _Jahrbuch_ for 1890, p. 118
ff.: two specimens are given on Plate IV. They belong to the
Hellenistic Age.
Other objects that exemplify the use of clay or terracotta in Greek
daily life are: moulds for vases and terracotta figures, lamps,
weights, and stamps for various purposes. Many flat discs of terracotta
have been found at Tarsus, Gela in Sicily, Tarentum, and other places,
pierced with two holes and about three inches in diameter.[368] They
are stamped with various devices and inscriptions, but their use is
unknown. Other discs of convex form found at Halikarnassos and stamped
with heads in relief are supposed to have been weights ([λεῖαι) to hold
down the threads of the loom (ἀγνύθες),[369] such as are used by the
Greeks at the present day; others again may be the weights used for
keeping the ends of the folds of a himation in position. Small pierced
cones of terracotta often found in the fields of Greece have been
supposed to have been suspended round the necks of cattle, but are
probably weights of some kind.[370] Lastly, terracotta egg-shaped
objects have been found in Sicily inscribed with various names, and are
supposed to have been voting-tickets used for the ballots of the
tribes.[371]
Many examples have been found of terracotta impressions from coins,
which may have been the trial-pieces of die-sinkers or forgers, since
persons of that class, as among the Romans, seem to have employed this
material for their nefarious practices. They are more fully discussed
in Chapter XIX. The British Museum contains a large collection of these
found in the Fayûm in Egypt, all of Roman date; also a copy of a coin
of Larissa from Acarnania. Terracotta medallions with impressions of
gems or seals are not uncommon, especially in Asia Minor and at
Naukratis, and among the latter are many lumps of clay actually used as
seals, with the pattern of the substance in which they were impressed
adhering to the back of them, while on the front is a design from a
signet-ring.[372]
* * * * *
The subject of =Lamps= is one that is more conveniently and
appropriately treated in the Roman section of this work (see Chapter
XX.), almost all existing examples in terracotta being of that period;
it may not, however, be out of place to include here a few general
remarks on the subject, pointing out the distinctive features of those
of purely Greek origin.
------------------------------------------------------
PLATE IV
[Illustration:
GREEK LAMPS AND “BRAZIER-HANDLES.”
1, 3, 4, 6, LAMPS FROM GREEK SITES; 2, 5 BRAZIERS FROM HALIKARNASSOS
AND CYPRUS (BRITISH MUSEUM).
]
------------------------------------
The invention of lamps was ascribed by Clement of Alexandria to the
Egyptians; and they were certainly in common use among the Greeks.
Herodotos[373] describes those which he saw in Egypt as simple saucers
filled with oil in which the wick floated, and this statement is partly
supported by the form of the lamps found in the earlier tombs of Cyprus
and on sites under Phoenician influence.[374] He also uses the phrase
περὶ λύχνων ἁφάς, “about the time of lighting lamps,” to denote the
evening.[375] The Greek comic writers allude to the use of lamps of
terracotta or metal,[376] and they played a part in religious
ceremonies.
The regular Greek name for a lamp was λύχνος (not λαμπάς, which means a
torch), and a lampstand was called λυχνοῦχος; the spout or nozzle in
which the wick was placed was known as μύξος or μυκτήρ, the wick itself
as ἐλλύχνιον.[377] A lamp with more than one nozzle was known as
δίμυξος or τρίμυξος.[378] The simple form was that derived from the
Phoenician lamp, an open saucer with a bent-up lip in which the wick
was placed; but commonly the Greek lamp had a circular or oval body
(the receiver) with flat covered top, in the centre of which was the
filling-hole. To this was sometimes attached a handle permitting the
insertion of a finger, and the nozzle was usually very small and quite
plain. An epithet applied by Aristophanes[379] to a lamp is τροχήλατος,
“made on the wheel”; but evidence points to their being always made in
moulds.
The majority of the lamps which have been found on Greek sites are of
Roman date, and they frequently bear Latin inscriptions; those of the
Hellenic period are seldom ornamented, and are usually covered with a
thin black glaze. Others are modelled in the form of human figures,
animals, heads, or sandalled feet; the British Museum possesses a good
example of grey ware from Knidos in the form of a figure of Artemis
(_Cat._ C 421), with the oil-receptacle on the top of her head; another
from Naukratis represents Eros (see for these Plate IV.). One from
Athens was inscribed [ΜΗ ΑΠΤΟΥ], “Do not touch,”[380] an inscription of
similar import to those on the Roman lamps from the Esquiline described
in Chapter XX.
Little has at present been done in the way of a scientific
investigation of Roman lamps, but the results of a rough classification
according to shapes show that certain forms are more specially
associated with Greek sites, and moreover frequently bear names of
makers in Greek letters. This is particularly the case with one form,
which appears to be confined to Athens, Corfu, the coast of Asia Minor,
and Cyprus. These lamps, of a pale yellow clay, have a circular body
with flat top, round the edge of which runs a border of impressed
egg-pattern, interrupted on either side by a small plain raised
panel.[381] The handle is small and pierced with a hole, the nozzle
also small, with straight sides. These lamps bear the makers’ names (in
the genitive), Primus ([ΠΡΕΙΜΟΥ]), Abaskantos ([ΑΒΑCΚΑΝΤΟΥ]), etc., the
former being especially common; all are in Greek letters. Some again
only have a single letter or monogram engraved underneath. They are
often very carefully executed, with sharply cut details, and the
subjects are usually mythological (see Plate IV. fig. 1); they appear
to be of very late date, not earlier than the third century after
Christ.
Another form which appears to be specially characteristic of Greek
sites is that with a plain or heart-shaped nozzle, sometimes with a
groove incised at the base, but without a handle. They are usually
quite small, with circular bodies. Large numbers of these were found by
Mr. Newton at Knidos in 1859,[382] and by Mr. Barker at Tarsos in
1845.[383] The subjects are mostly poor and devoid of interest,
including animals, rosettes, and various floral patterns. Many of these
lamps bear the signature ROMAINE(N)SIS, the form of the word indicating
that they were made by a Roman residing abroad (_i.e._ at Knidos), not
in Rome.[384] A third form, approximating to the Christian type, has a
small solid handle and plain nozzle, and is confined to sites on or
near the coast of Asia Minor. These, with the remaining types of lamps,
will be more fully dealt with in the Roman section of this work. It
may, however, be worth while mentioning here that Mr. Newton found at
Knidos several lamps of a coarse black ware, covered with thin glaze,
which are mostly of large size. They are circular, and convex above,
and are supplied with two or more long nozzles with blunt terminations
radiating round them (see Plate IV. fig. 6). Between the nozzles are
roughly stamped devices of Satyrs’ heads, flowers, etc., in relief.
These may fairly be regarded as a Greek type.
* * * * *
The subject of Greek =sculpture in terracotta= is so wide as to demand
a volume to itself; but a discussion of the uses to which clay was put
by the Greeks would not be complete without some mention of their
achievements in this direction. We propose therefore briefly to review
the main features of Greek terracotta statuettes and reliefs, by way of
illustrating the purely artistic use which they made of this material.
The subject may be divided under four heads: (1) Large statues; (2)
Statuettes or figurines; (3) Reliefs; (4) Moulds. Large or life-size
statues belong more particularly to the earlier phases of Greek art,
but appear again in its later developments, under Italian influences.
Statues of terracotta were also a common feature of Italian art, being,
in fact, the usual material employed by Etruscan statuaries, as well as
for the decoration of temples (see Chapter XVIII.). Greek terracotta
statues are practically non-existent; and although there are some
female figures nearly life-size and a male torso of almost colossal
proportions in the British Museum, also a Hermes in the Vatican, these
were found at Rome, belong to the Roman period, and, though Greek in
style, are really following an Etruscan fashion.
It is characteristic of the Hellenic race that from its earliest
beginnings it did not employ clay for utilitarian purposes exclusively,
but, influenced partly by the natural imitative instincts of man,
partly by the anthropomorphic tendencies of the Greek religion, soon
learned the value of this easily worked material for producing images
of deities, animals, and other objects. Although an equally high
antiquity may be claimed for images of wood, and the word ξόανον used
for a primitive cult-statue argues for the frequent use of this
material, yet the history of the word πλάσσειν tells equally in the
other direction. Originally used of moulding wet clay, it came by
degrees to denote modelling in general, and finally its derivative
πλαστική became the authorised classical word for sculpture.
Lactantius[385] speaks of Prometheus as the inventor of fictile images
for religious purposes, and of figures in bronze and marble as a later
development; the Latin poets[386] bear similar witness to the primitive
use of clay for sculptured images, and Pliny marvels at its
long-continued employment in Italy.[387] Among early Greek legends the
most noteworthy is that of Butades, the potter of Sikyon, to whom the
invention of modelling clay in relief was ascribed by Pliny[388] and
Athenagoras. The story as told by the former was that, in order to
preserve the likeness of his daughter’s lover, he moulded in terracotta
the shadow of his profile which the girl drew on the wall. This
account, however, is not very intelligible, and the clue is perhaps to
be found in the words of Athenagoras,[389] who says that he hollowed
out the lines of the face in the wall, filled in the grooves with clay,
and so obtained his relief as from a mould. This primitive work of art
was said to have been exhibited in the Nymphaeum at Corinth.
But this same invention was also claimed by the Samian sculptors,
Theodoros and Rhoikos, who flourished about the end of the seventh
century. They were pre-eminently artists in bronze, and were associated
with the introduction of hollow-casting in that material into Greece;
it may therefore be supposed that they actually were among the first to
use clay models for statues, this being an essential preliminary to the
hollow-casting process. This would not be incompatible with the
invention of moulding reliefs by Butades, admitting the truth of his
story. The latter was also credited with the invention of antefixal
ornaments (see above, p. 98) and the introduction of a mixture of red
ochre or ruddle with clay in order to give it a warmer tone.
The clay models used by sculptors as the basis of their work, which
were known as προπλάσματα, were probably made on the same lines as the
large works of art in clay. We read that Lysistratos of Sikyon, the
brother of Lysippos, was the first to make casts of statues by means of
terracotta moulds,[390] implying that it was about this time that the
practice arose of multiplying the principal statues in the same manner
as is now done by means of plaster casts. Some of the latter artists
combined the plastic art with that of painting, and Zeuxis is said to
have previously modelled in terracotta the subjects which he afterwards
painted. Pasiteles, an artist who lived at Rome in the first century
B.C., always first modelled his statues in terracotta, and spoke of the
plastic art as the mother of statuary.[391] But it must not be supposed
that as a general rule the Greek sculptors worked their marble statues
from models; rather, the contrary was the case, and Pasiteles seems to
have been peculiar in this respect.
The statue of Zeus, which has already been mentioned as made by
Theokosmos for Megara (p. 92), appears to have been made from a clay
model. It was intended to be of gold and ivory, but the breaking out of
the Peloponnesian War prevented the artist from carrying out his
intention, and only the head was completed, the other portions being of
gypsum and terracotta. At a later period gypsum was sometimes used for
sculpture, as in the case of an Apollo mentioned by Prudentius,[392]
and some fragmentary remains from Cyprus in the British Museum.
The clay models were sometimes made entirely by hand, but more usually
on a wooden core known as κάναβος,[393] which we may conjecture to have
been formed of two rods in the form of a cross, from the use of the
Latin word _crux_ in this connection.[394] It was certainly a
framework, not a solid core, and must be carefully distinguished from
κίνναβος, a lay-figure. Aristotle, in an interesting passage, uses the
word in speaking of skeletons drawn on a wall.[395] The modelling of
details was done partly with tools, partly with the finger. The use of
the finger-nail for this purpose became proverbial, as in the saying
attributed to Polykleitos: “When the clay has reached the finger-nail
stage, then the real difficulty begins.”[396]
The chief attention of inferior artists was directed to the production
of small terracotta figures, which the Greeks used as ornaments or
household gods, buried in their tombs, or dedicated in their temples.
They follow the same lines of development as the larger sculptures,
beginning with the columnar (ξόανα) and board-like (σανίδες) types
found in the primitive tombs of the Mycenaean and early Hellenic
civilisation. Originally they seem to have been manufactured purely for
religious purposes, but in course of time, with the gradual
rationalising of religious beliefs and consequent secularisation of
art-types, they lost this significance, and, while the _types_ were
preserved, they were converted into _genre_ figures from daily life.
These statuettes have been found on nearly all the famous sites of
antiquity from Babylonia to Carthage and Kertch; the most fruitful have
been Tanagra in Boeotia, Rhodes, the Cyrenaica, Capua and Canosa in
Italy, and various sites in Sicily. In Cyprus, Sardinia, and to a great
extent also in Rhodes, Phoenician influences seem to have been
dominant, and the earlier types bear a markedly Oriental character. For
beauty and charm the palm has by general consent been given to the
Tanagra statuettes of the fourth and third centuries, which were known
in antiquity as κόραι or “maidens,” from the prevalence of the seated
or standing types of girls in various attitudes.
The makers of these charming figures, known as κοροπάσται or
κοροπλάθοι, were, like the vase-painters, quite in a subordinate
position in the artistic world, and are spoken of with some contempt by
Isokrates, as if it would be absurd to compare them with a Pheidias or
a Zeuxis.[397] A fable of Aesop’s[398] represents Hermes being offered
a statue of Zeus for a drachma and one of himself for a mere song; the
low price seems to suggest that they were of terracotta, but the vendor
is called an ἀγαλματοποιός, not a κοροπλάθος. Demosthenes[399] condemns
the Athenians for voting for figure-head generals like makers of toys
for the market; and in further illustration of the uses to which they
were put, we may cite the definition of Suidas, of “those who fashion
little images out of clay of all kinds of creatures, with which to
trick children”; and the remark of Dio Chrysostom, who speaks of those
who buy the “maiden” figures for their children. A pretty epigram in
the _Anthology_[400] tells how Timareta, when about to marry, dedicated
to Artemis the playthings of her childhood, including her terracotta
dolls (κόρας). Lastly, Plato speaks of κόραι and images hung up in
shrines.[401]
The processes employed in the manufacture of terracotta statuettes were
five in number: (1) the preparation of the clay; (2) moulding; (3)
retouching; (4) baking; and (5) colouring and gilding. It does not
follow that all five were employed in the production of any one object;
on the other hand, all processes necessary to the completion of any one
object fall under one or other of these heads.
There were many varieties of clay in use among the Greeks, some being
considered more suitable for one purpose, some for another. These clays
vary in their characteristics in different parts of the Greek world,
and this may often be an important criterion for distinguishing fabrics
and detecting instances of importation. The clay of Cyprus differs much
from that of Rhodes, and that of Naukratis again from either, being of
a dark, coarse, and brick-like consistency. M. Pottier noted nine
varieties of clay in use at Myrina in Asia Minor, and M. Martha
distinguishes five in the terracottas of Athens. But these differences
may be explained by variations in the length or temperature of the
firing rather than in the clay.
Generally speaking, the clay of the terracottas is softer and more
porous than that of the vases. It is easily scratched or marked, and
does not ring a clear sound when struck; nor does it when submitted to
a high temperature become so hard as the pottery.[402] Its colour
ranges from deep red to a pale buff colour, and its texture and density
vary greatly in different localities. It was prepared by being washed
free of all granular substances, and then kneaded with the aid of
water. So, as we read in Hesiod’s account of the creation of
Pandora,[403] the god directed the mixing of clay and water, in order
to form his new creation.
The modelling of the figures was done by hand in the case of the
earlier fabrics, and of small objects such as the toys and dolls; the
clay was worked up into a solid mass with the fingers, and the marks of
these, left while it was wet, may still be often seen. Subsequently the
use of moulds became universal, the final touches being given to the
figure either with the finger or with a graving-tool, traces of which
are often visible on the faces and hair of the Tanagra figures. These
were invariably moulded, and the finer ones show traces of having been
most carefully touched up.
There is a pretty epigram in the Anthology,[404] which seems to imply
that the wheel was sometimes brought into use for modelling figures,
perhaps for the first rough outlining. A statuette of Hermes is
supposed to say:
The rolling circle of the potter’s wheel
Me, Hermes, formed, of clay from head to heel.
Mud-made, I lie not: the poor potter’s art,
Stranger! was ever pleasant to my heart.
(MACGREGOR.)
The process of moulding gave scope for reducing the “walls” of the
figure to the smallest possible thickness, thereby avoiding the danger
of shrinkage in the baking; it also rendered them extremely light, and
allowed of great accuracy in detail. A model (πρότυπος) was made in
terracotta with modelling-tools, from which the mould (τύπος) was
taken, also in terracotta,
------------------------------------------------------
PLATE V
[Illustration:
MOULDS FOR TERRACOTTA FIGURES, WITH CASTS FROM THE MOULDS.
2, 3. ARCHAIC, FROM RHODES; 1, 4. ARCHAISTIC, FROM TARENTUM (BRITISH
MUSEUM).
]
------------------------------------
usually in two pieces, which were then baked to a considerable
hardness. From this mould the figure was made by smearing it with
layers of clay until a sufficient thickness was reached, leaving the
figure hollow. The back was made separately, either from a mould or by
hand, and then fitted carefully on to the front, the join being
concealed by a layer of wet clay. The base was usually left open, and a
vent-hole was left at the back which may have served a double
purpose—first to allow the clay to contract without cracking, and
subsequently in some cases for the suspension of the completed figure.
The heads and arms were usually moulded separately and attached
afterwards, and altogether the average number of moulds employed—say
for a Tanagra figure—was four or five. M. Pottier[405] quotes an
instance of an Eros from Myrina which is made up of no less than
fourteen; yet it is not a specially complicated figure.
Greek moulds, either for statuettes or reliefs, are somewhat rare; but
the British Museum contains a fair number from Tarentum of all kinds
(see Plate V.).[406] Those that we possess are mostly for small
objects, such as figures of animals; but in the Museum collection there
are several moulds for reliefs, as well as for vases of the later class
with reliefs (see Chapters XI., XXII.), such as the Calenian phialae
with embossed designs.[407] Moulds employed for making stamps of
various kinds are also in existence; at Naukratis Mr. Petrie found
several circular “cake-stamps” with various designs. Of the moulds used
by forgers or others for copying coins we have already spoken (p.
106).[408]
The shrinkage of the clay as it dried afterwards permitted the figure
to be withdrawn easily from the mould, and it was then ready for the
necessary retouching. It is obvious from a glance at any collection of
terracottas that there is a great similarity between the various
representatives of any one type, and that actual or virtual repetitions
are by no means uncommon. This was, of course, due to the fact that
only a limited number of moulds were used, corresponding to the
different types. At the same time there are in almost all cases minute
differences which redeem them from a charge of monotony, and these were
obtained in various ways: by varying the pose of the head or attaching
the arms in different positions; by retouching before the baking; or by
the addition of attributes and colouring. As it has been neatly put by
M. Pottier,[409] “All the Tanagra figures are sisters, but few of them
are twins.” But retouching is not invariable, and is, in fact, confined
to the finer specimens, such as those of Tanagra. In the statuettes
from the Cyrenaica and Southern Italy it is the exception. The
difference which it effected may be well observed by comparing two
statuettes of Eros in the British Museum from Myrina (C 535–36), which
are from the same mould. They are identical in style and type, yet one
is far superior to the other in artistic merit, just because of the
greater finish of detail.
The process of baking required great care and attention; for if no
allowance was made for the evaporation of moisture, or if too great a
degree of temperature was reached, the result was bound to be
disastrous. It does not appear that a very high temperature was
reached, especially as compared with the pottery. The clay was further
insured against too rapid drying by preliminary exposure to the air. A
story told by Plutarch[410] of the fate which befell the chariot cast
for the temple of Jupiter on the Capitol illustrates the possibility of
disasters either from accident or carelessness. The clay swelled up to
such a size and hardness that it could only be extracted by pulling the
kiln to pieces.
The colouring of statuettes may be considered a fairly universal
practice, although not always suggested by their present appearance.
The earlier archaic specimens were not always, or only roughly,
coloured, and those of the Roman period seem to have been often left
plain; but otherwise it is the general rule. The surface on which the
colours were applied was formed by a white slip or _engobe_ of a creamy
colour and consistency, with which the whole figure (except the back)
was coated. This when dry becomes very flaky, and is liable to drop
off, carrying the colours with it; most statuettes retain at least
traces of this coating.
The method of painting is that known as _in tempera_, the pigments
being opaque, mixed with some stiffening medium. The colouring was as a
rule conventional, aiming at giving the figure a pleasing appearance,
without any particular regard to nature. It was applied after the
firing, as in that process the colours would have been liable to
injury. The tints are what are known as body-colours, without any
attempts at shading, and those usually employed are red, blue, yellow,
and black, the white slip forming a ground throughout, and left
untouched over the nude parts and often over the drapery; of these the
favourites, especially for drapery, were blue and red, as also we learn
from Lucian.[411] Pollux says it was a speciality of the κοροπλάθοι to
colour their figures yellow, or with a golden tint.[412] The reds range
in shade from scarlet to rose-colour and purple. At all times there was
a tendency to treat the drapery in masses of colour, and this we see
especially in the Tanagra figures, in which the chiton is almost
invariably blue, the himation rose-pink. At a later date it became more
customary to leave the drapery white, with borders and stripes only of
colour. Black was only used for details of features, such as the eyes;
green is very rare; and yellow was employed (in a deep brownish shade)
for the hair, and also for jewellery, etc. The use of gilding is at all
times rare in the statuettes; but some good examples are known—as, for
instance, two archaic statuettes from the Polledrara tomb, and a head
of Zeus, all in the British Museum.[413] Imitation jewellery in
terracotta gilt is not at all uncommon. On many of the earlier figures
from Cyprus the drapery is indicated by stripes of red and yellow laid
directly on the clay, while animals are usually decorated with stripes
of red and black; the method employed is the same as on the
contemporary vases (p. 253). Similarly, in the terracottas of the
Mycenaean and Geometrical periods, such as those from Boeotia, the
technique of the painted vases is closely followed, and the same
decorative patterns are employed.
The use of an enamelled glaze first appears at Athens in the fourth
century, and it is also occasionally found at Tanagra. The colour is
uniformly a dull ashen-grey. A few examples are also known from the
Cyrenaica, but it was in Sicily that the practice found most favour.
There we find attempts to reproduce the colouring of the flesh by an
enamel coating varying in hue from rose-pink to orange, and also grey
and purple tints.
It is probable that the colours employed for painting terracottas were
made from the same earths, though of a coarser kind, as the ware
itself. Some information on the subject may be derived from
Theophrastos, Vitruvius, and Dioskorides.[414] For white the artist
used a white earth, such as Melos produces, and white lead; it is also
said to have been produced from the burnt lees of wine, and from ivory.
The reds were composed of a red earth, probably ochre from Sinope, and
vermilion or _minium_. Yellow was obtained from Skyros and Lydia; and a
yellow ochre was obtained by burning a red earth.[415] The Egyptian
_smalto_ or cobalt served for blue, and a copper solution prepared with
alkali and silica was also employed. Copper green was obtained from
many places, and mixed with white or black.
* * * * *
This may be a convenient point at which to speak of a class of vases
which come rather under the heading of terracottas than that of painted
pottery. They are found at Calvi, Canosa, Cumae, and other places in
Southern Italy, and belong to the Hellenistic period, forming a
parallel development to the glazed wares with reliefs of which we shall
speak later (p. 497 ff.). They combine in a marked degree the
characteristics of the vase and the statuette, some being vases with
moulded reliefs or small figures in the round attached in different
places, others again actual figures or colossal heads modelled in vase
form by the addition of mouth, handle, and base (see Plate VI.). They
are usually of considerable—sometimes gigantic—size, and do not appear
to have served any practical purpose; some, indeed, are only imitation
vases with false bottoms. It is reasonable to suppose that they were
manufactured for sepulchral purposes only, like the large painted
kraters and amphorae of Apulia (p. 476).
------------------------------------------------------
PLATE VI
[Illustration: TERRACOTTA VASES FROM SOUTHERN ITALY (BRITISH MUSEUM).]
------------------------------------
Like the statuettes, they are covered throughout with a white slip laid
directly on the unglazed clay, and this is often richly coloured _in
tempera_. Some of the heads have the hair covered with intersecting
pink lines to imitate a net, and the figures attached to them are
usually coloured in the manner of the statuettes, with blue and pink
draperies. There are some, however, in which the encaustic or a similar
process seems to have been employed[416]; one example, in the British
Museum (D 185, shown on Plate VI.), has a Hippocamp painted on either
side in white and colours outlined with black, the wings being
elaborately rendered in blue, brown, yellow, and pink. The same process
is employed for a large cover of a vase in the British Museum from
Sicily (D 1), but the figures are now nearly obliterated.
The prevailing shape of these vases is that conventionally known as the
_askos_, with spherical body, over which passes a flat handle and three
mouths on the top; the latter are often covered in and figures placed
upon them. On the front and back of these vases _appliqué_ masks of
Medusa or figures in relief are usually placed, flanked by the
fore-parts of galloping horses. Others take the form of a large jug or
bowl with _appliqué_ ornaments.
It now remains to consider the small but interesting class of
terracotta reliefs, which are nearly all of the late archaic period,
dating from the beginning of the fifth century. Later reliefs are
nearly all architectural in character, and have already been described,
as have those which were made for the decoration of tombs and
sarcophagi. But the purpose for which the reliefs were made, of which
we are about to speak, is not so certain. One group appears from the
character of the subjects to be votive, and they may possibly have been
let into the walls of temples or shrines; but the others are mostly
known to have been found in tombs. The former group are found at Athens
and at Locri in Southern Italy; the latter at Melos and other sites
round the Aegean Sea, being usually known as “Melian” reliefs.
The character of the work of these Melian reliefs (see Plate VII.) is
exceedingly delicate and refined; the subjects are mainly mythological,
and include the slaying of Medusa by Perseus and of the Chimaera by
Bellerophon, Helle on the ram, Peleus seizing Thetis, Eos carrying off
Kephalos, and the death of Aktaeon. Three classes have been
distinguished,[417] of which the peculiarly Melian type has the figures
cut out, without background; in the second only the outer contours are
cut round, and the third consists of rectangular plaques.
Brunn[418] considers that they served a definite architectural purpose,
being intended to cover a field enclosed by borders, and that the holes
with which they are pierced show that they were used either for
suspension or attachment. But his reasons for regarding them as an
archaistic survival have not been generally accepted.
The Locrian type of relief takes the form of a square plaque.[419] They
are easily recognised by the rough micaceous character of the clay, and
by their subjects, which mostly relate to the myth and cult of
Persephone. They were probably dedicated in one of her shrines, as were
those found on the Acropolis at Athens to Athena. All these reliefs
seem to have been impressed in moulds, not modelled by hand, as many of
them exist in duplicate. Those from Greece are sometimes coloured.
------------------------------------------------------
PLATE VII
[Illustration:
TERRACOTTA “MELIAN” RELIEFS, ARCHAIC PERIOD (BRIT. MUS.).
]
------------------------------------
Many little figures in the shape of animals and other objects, such as
goats, pigs, pigeons, tortoises, chariots or boats, boys or apes riding
on animals, women making bread, and similar subjects, together with
jointed dolls or νευρόσπαστα, were evidently used as children’s toys.
They have been found deposited with the bodies of children in the tombs
of Melos, Rhodes, and Athens. In Mr. Biliotti’s excavations at Kameiros
in Rhodes in 1863, one child’s tomb was found containing two of the
“Melian” reliefs, small vases of glass and black-glazed ware, a
terracotta basket of fruit, and a sea-shell; in another were a bird,
two dolls, a child in a cradle, two grotesque figures, a woman playing
a tambourine, and two other terracotta figures.
The terracotta dolls were cast in a mould like the ordinary figures,
but the bodies, legs, and arms are formed of separate pieces pierced
with holes, so that they might be joined and moved with strings, like
the modern marionettes; hence their name of νευρόσπαστα, “drawn by
wires.” They all represent girls, and sometimes dancers with castanets
in their hands; they are coloured in the usual manner, and date from
various periods between 500 and 200 B.C. Allusion is sometimes made to
these figures in the Greek writers—as, for instance, by Xenophon, who
in his _Symposium_[420] introduces Socrates inquiring of an exhibitor
of these puppets what he chiefly relies on in the world. “A great
number of fools,” he replies, “for such are those who support me by the
pleasure they take in my performances.” Aristotle[421] mentions dolls
that moved their limbs and winked their eyes like marionettes, but this
can hardly refer to terracotta figures.[422]
* * * * *
It would require too much space to enumerate all the =subjects=
represented in the terracotta statuettes. But it may be found
convenient to give an outline of the subjects and principal types
adopted at different periods.[423] Roughly speaking, the range of
subjects may be divided into seven groups: (1) figures of deities; (2)
mythological subjects; (3) scenes from daily life; (4) imitations of
works of art; (5) caricatures; (6) masks; (7) animals. Among the
figures of the Olympian deities we find most commonly Demeter,
Aphrodite, and Artemis; Hephaistos, Ares, and Hestia are seldom if ever
represented; Zeus, Poseidon, Hera, and even Athena are also very rare.
Of the inferior deities, Dionysos, Persephone, Eros, and Nike (Victory)
are most frequently found, as well as Satyrs and similar personages.
Nor is it always easy to ascertain definitely whether a figure is or is
not intended to be mythological in significance.
This question is, in fact, closely bound up with that of the Uses for
which the statuettes were made, as on such a purpose their
interpretation in a mythological or human sense may largely depend. The
uncertainty of identification arises from the practice which obtained
of adhering closely to certain recognised _types_, which occur
repeatedly at all periods. There is a strong probability that a clear
distinction was not recognised by the Greek κοροπλάσται, but that the
same type of figure might be used either for a votive offering to a
deity, or as a mere ornament or article of tomb-furniture. And we are
further met with the fact that a type which was mythological at one
period ceases to be so at another, or at any rate is transformed by
some slight alteration of details or omission of an attribute. Thus the
seated figure of an Earth-goddess or Nursing-mother of a Rhodian or
Cypriote tomb becomes the nurse and child of the fourth century at
Tanagra, while the archaic standing type of a Persephone holding a
flower requires little but the omission of her special head-dress to
transform her into the girl-type of the Hellenistic age.
------------------------------------------------------
PLATE VIII
[Illustration:
ARCHAIC GREEK TERRACOTTAS (BRITISH MUSEUM).
1. MAN WITH RAM (RHODES); 2. PERSEPHONE (SICILY); 3. RHODES; 4. DOLL
(ATHENS).
]
------------------------------------
The earliest beginnings of the statuette proper show, as might be
expected in primitive Greek art, a very limited range of ideas. As in
marble, bronze, and wood, so also in clay, the type of the female deity
reigns supreme. The primitive Hellenic type of goddess adopts two
forms, both derived from an original in wood, the board-form or σανίς,
and the column-form (κίων or ξόανον), each of which finds parallels in
sculpture. The limbs are either completely wanting or of the most
rudimentary description, the figure terminating below in a spreading
base. Both these types are found in Rhodes, but on the mainland of
Greece the columnar form is confined to the Mycenaean period. In the
succeeding “Geometrical” age the board-like types rose into popularity
at Athens and Tegea, and above all in Boeotia. Two varieties are found,
a standing and a sitting type, and they are usually painted in the
manner of the local vases (see p. 290). The later examples show a great
advance in modelling, especially in the heads. The columnar form
exhibits its development best in the terracottas of the
Graeco-Phoenician period from Cyprus.
The standing and sitting goddess (Plate VIII.) are the two principal
types in archaic Greek art, and are remarkable for their wide
distribution and universal popularity. The name of the goddess may vary
with the locality, but the types remain almost identical, and the
attributes show little variation.
Another interesting archaic type is the so-called funeral mask or bust
(Plate VIII.), of which the best examples have come from Rhodes. Being
almost exclusively feminine, we must suppose that they ceased to
represent the image of the dead person, as in Egypt and primitive
Greece, and became images of the Chthonian goddess, Demeter or
Persephone, represented under the form of a bust rising out of the
earth.[424] Thus they played in the tombs the rôle of protection
against evil influences, like the mask of Demeter Kidaria, worn by the
priest at Pheneus in Arcadia on certain occasions.[425] Male masks are
occasionally found, representing the Chthonian Dionysos. They are very
rare after the fifth century.
The purely divine and mythological types in the archaic period are very
few in number. Of the Olympian deities few are represented, except in
the conventional hieratic types, hardly to be differentiated one from
another. But on certain sites are found representations of
nature-goddesses, such as the Earth-mother with a child in her lap
(Gaia Kourotrophos), or a nude goddess within a shrine, who may be a
combination of Astarte and Aphrodite. These types are of Oriental
origin, and are found in Cyprus, Rhodes, Naukratis, and Sardinia. They
may represent offerings made after child-birth. Among the
individualised deities we may point to figures of Hermes Kriophoros
(from Rhodes and Sicily),[426] of Herakles,[427] or of the local nymph
Kyrene, who appears holding the silphium-plant in a terracotta from
Carthage.[428]
Among miscellaneous feminine types are the _hydrophoros_ or
water-carrier, the woman riding on a mule, horse, or other animal, the
musician, and the mother nursing a child. Some of these have their
mythological counterparts, as in the Aphrodite riding on a goose, or
the Earth-mother, already mentioned. Male types are curiously rare, the
athletic influences, which are so strongly manifest in early Greek
sculpture, not affecting terracottas. The most popular is that of the
horseman, particularly in Cyprus. These figures are usually of a rude
and primitive kind, especially in Cyprus and at Halikarnassos. The
examples from Greece Proper show a more developed archaism, and are
found at Athens and in Boeotia. Sometimes instead of a horse the man
rides on a swan, mule, or tortoise.
Reclining male figures are sometimes characterised as Herakles or a
Satyr; but this type is most fully developed at Tarentum, in numerous
terracottas representing the well-known subject of the Sepulchral
Banquet, associated with a cult of the Chthonian deities.[429] There
are also various types of grotesque figures, usually in a squatting or
crouching attitude; some assume the form of a Satyr, and others are
obviously derived from the Egyptian figures of Ptah-Socharis, with bent
knees and protruding stomach.
------------------------------------------------------
PLATE IX
[Illustration:
GREEK TERRACOTTAS OF HELLENISTIC PERIOD (BRITISH MUSEUM).
1, 4, TANAGRA; 2, 3, SOUTHERN ITALY.
]
------------------------------------
In the fine and later periods, from the end of the fifth century
onwards, the standing or seated feminine figures are still by far the
most prominent. The change, however, which has taken place, from
mythological to _genre_, has been described as an evolution rather than
a revolution, brought about by artistic, not religious, considerations.
The possible varieties of the feminine standing types may be best
studied in the Tanagra figures (Plate IX.), which include women or
girls in every variety of pose or attitude. In most cases the arms are
more or less concealed by the himation, which is drawn closely across
the figure; in others a fan, mirror, wreath, or mask is held in one
hand, the other drawing the edges of the drapery together. Some lean on
a column or are seated on a rock; others play with a bird or perform
their toilet. Imitations of the Tanagra figures, but vastly inferior in
merit, subsequently became popular all over the Greek world; they are
found at Myrina in Asia Minor, in Cyprus, the Cyrenaica, and many parts
of Southern Italy.
Among miscellaneous types of the Hellenistic period, many of the
archaic ones already mentioned retain their popularity. Others appear
for the first time, and are more in accordance with the spirit of the
age, such as girls dancing, playing with knucklebones, or carrying
one another pick-a-back. There is a beautiful group of two
knucklebone-players from Capua in the British Museum (D 161). The
dancing type is found widely distributed.
Figures of goddesses and mythological subjects are very rare at
Tanagra, but fairly common on other sites, as at Myrina and Naukratis.
Archaistic imitations of the archaic seated and standing goddesses are
often found in the Cyrenaica and Southern Italy; but the Chthonian
deities appear but rarely among the types of more advanced style. As in
sculpture and vase-paintings, Aphrodite now becomes the most prominent
among the feminine deities, and some of the later statuettes appear to
be reproductions of well-known works of art, the Cnidian Aphrodite, the
Anadyomene, or the crouching type of Aphrodite at the bath. Artemis and
Athena are occasionally found, but Nike (Victory) is really the most
popular figure after Aphrodite. She, however, plays little more than
the part of a female Eros, a counterpart to whom the Hellenic artist
felt to be a necessity. Formerly these winged female types were styled
Psyche, but this was a conception of post-Hellenistic origin.
Among the male deities the conditions remain much as before. Zeus
appears for the first time, and was especially popular at Smyrna, and
Sarapis and Asklepios are also occasionally found. In Naukratis the
influence of the Egyptian religion made itself felt in the production
of numerous figures of Bes, Harpocrates, and the like. Hermes is not
found so often as might have been expected, though there is a notable
instance in the British Museum (C 406) of a caricature of the famous
statue by Praxiteles, where a Satyr takes his place. Dionysos is only
met with occasionally, as are Satyrs and Maenads; but masks of a
Bacchic character are very common in Italy.
The one deity who really seems to have caught the popular taste is
Eros, although at the time when most of the Tanagra statuettes were
produced this popularity was hardly assured. The types of Eros
standing, seated, flying, or riding on animals are innumerable and
found all over the Greek world. The best examples come from Eretria in
Euboea, but Myrina and Sicily have also produced large numbers. They
vary from almost Praxitelean conceptions, like the Flying Eros from
Eretria in the British Museum (C 199), to the veritable Pompeian
_amoretti_ from the same site and from Myrina. The riding types of Eros
(on a horse, dog, swan, or dolphin) are chiefly found in the Cyrenaica
or Southern Italy. In many cases the Eros types are used for ordinary
unwinged boys.
Among the human male types a new feature is the introduction of the
athlete, as he appears in many boyish figures from Tanagra, and later
as a boxer among the somewhat coarse conceptions of the Roman period.
Some years ago a remarkable copy of the Diadumenos of Polykleitos in
terracotta was found in Asia Minor.[430]
* * * * *
In the tombs of the Aegean Islands, Italy, and elsewhere, a class of
ware has sometimes been found quite distinct from the ordinary fictile
pottery and resembling the porcelain or enamelled ware of the Egyptians
and Babylonians, such as the _ushabtiu_, found in the tombs of the
former, and the enamelled bricks of the latter. For the most part they
must be regarded as importations, of foreign manufacture, the medium of
commerce being the Phoenicians, who not only introduced Egyptian
objects of art, but themselves endeavoured to imitate them. Hence we
must distinguish some as of Egyptian origin, others as made by the
Phoenicians. As might be expected, they are most often found where
Phoenician influence was strong, as in Rhodes and Sardinia. Egyptian
perfume-vases have been found in the Polledrara tomb at Vulci (see
Chapter XVIII.) and may be dated by the accompanying scarabs of
Psammetichus I. as belonging to the end of the sixth century.
But these are by no means the earliest examples. In the Bronze Age
tombs of Cyprus occasional finds have been made of plates of blue
porcelain or faïence, with Egyptian designs going back to the
eighteenth dynasty[431]; and for several centuries other Egyptian
objects in porcelain, or with enamelled glaze, continue to be found in
the tombs of Cyprus, Rhodes, and Greece. And there is also a
considerable quantity of such wares which is not Egyptian in character,
although it may be to some extent imitative, and therefore demands
notice. Of this the most remarkable examples are the _rhyta_, or
drinking-horns, found at Enkomi in Cyprus, in 1896, and now in the
British Museum.[432] The two finest specimens are in the form of a
female head surmounted by a cup (Plate X.) and a ram’s head
respectively. Although found in tombs with Mycenaean objects, and
therefore presumably of early date, the style and modelling are so far
advanced—so purely Hellenic—that they may be compared with archaic work
of the sixth century B.C. or even later.
In the tombs of Kameiros in Rhodes,[433] along with Egyptian porcelain
objects, were found many vases of this ware, of apparently Greek
workmanship. This is further implied by the presence in one tomb of a
figure of a dolphin with a Greek [[Π]Υ[Θ]ΕΩ [Ε]ΜΙ], “I belong to
Pythes.”[434] It is quite conceivable that the Greeks of Rhodes (as of
Naukratis: see below) knew and practised Egyptian methods. The finds
include small _alabastra_ with friezes of men and animals in relief,
and flasks of a compressed globular shape similarly ornamented; also
_aryballi_ of various moulded forms, such as animals or helmeted heads
(Plate X. fig. 3). The vase in the form of a head seems to be an early
Phoenician idea; and this particular type of the helmeted head seems to
have been adopted subsequently by Ionian artists in the Clazomenae
sarcophagi.[435] Similar vases and figures have been discovered in the
tombs of Melos, Corinth, Cervetri, and Vulci, and also in Syria and at
Naukratis in Egypt.[436] Others again from the tombs of Kameiros and
Vulci take the form of jars of opaque glass ornamented with zigzag
patterns in white and dull crimson on a greenish ground.[437] A
specimen of somewhat similar ware was found in a Bronze Age tomb at
Curium, Cyprus, in 1895,[438] consisting of a tall funnel-shaped beaker
of blue and yellow glazed ware with an edging of dark brown (Plate X.).
The technique is superior to that of the later examples, and more on a
level with that of the porcelain _rhyta_ from Enkomi.
In Greece Proper there are altogether few traces of this enamelled
ware, and after the sixth century B.C. it quite disappeared. But some
very fine specimens have been found in the tombs of Southern Italy. A
jug with delicate ornamentation in blue and white came from Naples, and
a similar vase from the same site, but shaped like a _kalathos_ and of
a pale green colour, is now in the British Museum. Objects of this ware
have also been found on the site of the ancient Tharros in Sardinia.
Their glaze was a pale green, like that of the twenty-sixth dynasty
wares, and with them was found a scarab of Psammetichus I, which shows
them to be contemporaneous with the objects found in the Polledrara
tomb. But the strong Phoenician element in Sardinia is sufficient to
indicate that these fabrics are all of Egyptian importation.
------------------------------------------------------
PLATE X
[Illustration:
PORCELAIN AND ENAMEL-GLAZED WARES (BRITISH MUSEUM).
4, 6, CYPRIOTE BRONZE AGE; 3, ARCHAIC GREEK (RHODES); 1, 2, 5,
GRAECO-ROMAN PERIOD.
]
------------------------------------
In the Hellenistic period, when vase-painting had reached its latest
stages, the fashion of glazed enamelled ware was revived; its chief
centre was Alexandria, which would naturally have carried on the
traditions of Egyptian porcelain or faïence. Specimens of glazed ware
with reliefs or modelled in various forms have been found at Naukratis
and in the Fayûm, including a fine blue porcelain head of a Ptolemaic
queen (Plate X.). In a tomb at Tanagra were found a beautiful _askos_
in the form of a duck on which Eros rides, and another porcelain
vase,[439] evidently imported from Alexandria, or some other industrial
centre of Hellenised Egypt. Porcelain jugs, inscribed with the names of
Arsinoe, Berenike, and one of the Ptolemies, have been found at
Benghazi in North Africa, at Alexandria, and at Canosa in Southern
Italy.[440] They are of blue ware, with reliefs of Greek style
attached. Fragments of the same kind dating from the first century B.C.
were found at Tarsos in Cilicia,[441] and in the Louvre there are
glazed wares covered with yellow or green enamel from Smyrna and Kyme.
The British Museum possesses similar vases from Kos and elsewhere, with
wreaths and similar patterns in relief (Plate X.), but these are not
earlier than the Roman period. Enamelled wares of early Roman date have
also been found on the Esquiline, and the ware is common at
Pompeii.[442]
It does not appear that the manufacture of these enamelled wares was
confined to one spot; they are found all over Asia Minor, Italy, and
Gaul, and in other countries bordering on the Mediterranean. It seems
probable, however, that there were three principal centres of the
fabric, at least in the Roman period. The first of these was in Asia
Minor, or the islands along its coasts, whence came the specimens found
at Tarsos, in Ionia, and in the islands such as Kos. These are mostly
small vases, of metallic form, especially in the treatment of the
handles (cf. Plate X., fig. 5), the colour being usually a bluish
green, though some examples are more polychromatic. These seem to have
been exported to Italy, and _viâ_ Marseilles to Gaul. Next, there are
the wares made at Alexandria, of which the vases described above are
examples. And, thirdly, there was a Gaulish fabric, which must probably
be located at Lezoux in the Auvergne (see Chapter XXIII.), examples
from which are found at Vichy, in the Rhone Valley, and at Trier and
Andernach in Germany.[443] Fragments of this ware are even reported to
have been found in England—as, for instance, at Ewell in Surrey, at
Colchester and Weymouth.[444] These are of grey clay with yellow,
green, or brown glaze, with ornaments of leaves, vine-branches, or
scrolls, stamped in moulds; the shapes are jugs, flasks, or two-handled
cups. A later variety is of white clay with a malachite-green glaze,
the forms being again of a metallic type, and towards the end of the
period imitations of glass with _barbotine_ decoration (see Chapter
XXIII.) appear. These two groups cover the first century after Christ.
Sometimes the ornamentation of the later glazed wares from Italy takes
the form of small reliefs (_emblemata_), made separately and attached
before the glaze was applied, and there are two or three specimens of
this class in the British Museum. It was also not infrequently used for
lamps, which, apart from the glaze, have all the characteristics of the
ordinary kinds, and even for figures of gladiators, boats, and other
objects. The glaze is of a thick vitreous character, and was not
improbably produced by lead; at all events a French writer[445]
maintains, in opposition to the views of Brongniart and Blümner, that
by a study of this ware he has established a knowledge of lead-glaze
among the ancients.[446]
-----
Footnote 300:
Strabo, viii. p. 381 (the expression should probably be confined to
vases with reliefs).
Footnote 301:
Paus. i. 3, 1; Harpokration, _s.v._ κεραμεῖς.
Footnote 302:
_Il._ v. 387.
Footnote 303:
ii. 8, 10.
Footnote 304:
Hdt. i. 179; Xen. _Anab._ iii. 4, 7. Cf. Ovid, _Mel._ iv. 57:
“ubi dicitur altam
Coctilibus muris cinxisse Semiramis urbem.”
Footnote 305:
_H.N._ vii. 194.
Footnote 306:
v. 5, 4; x. 35, 5 and 4, 3; ii. 27, 7 (ὠμῆς τῆς πλίνθου: see Frazer’s
note ad loc.); Nissen, _Pompeian. Studien_, p. 24.
Footnote 307:
Vitr. ii. 8, 9.
Footnote 308:
Xen. _Hell._ v. 2, 5; Paus. viii. 8, 5.
Footnote 309:
ἀγάλματα ἐκ πηλοῦ, i. 2, 5.
Footnote 310:
xxxv. 155; see Milchhoefer in _Arch. Stud. H. Brunn dargebr._ p. 50.
Footnote 311:
vii. 22, 6.
Footnote 312:
i. 40, 4.
Footnote 313:
See on the subject generally Dörpfeld and others, _Die Verwendung von
Terrakotten_, Berlin, 1881.
Footnote 314:
_Ath. Mitth._ xxiv. (1899), p. 350; Ἐφ. Ἀρχ. 1903, pls. 2–6, p. 71
ff. Cf. the painted terracotta panels in wooden frames at Sparta,
mentioned by Vitruvius (ii. 8, 9).
Footnote 315:
See a passage in Xenophon (_Mem._ iii. 1, 7) bearing on the different
materials used in Greek domestic architecture.
Footnote 316:
See Dörpfeld, _Die antike Ziegelbau u. sein Einfluss auf d. dor.
Styl_, in _Hist. u. Phil. Aufsätze E. Curtius gewidmet_, p. 139 ff.
Footnote 317:
Diod. Sic. xvii. 115.
Footnote 318:
i. 42, 5.
Footnote 319:
v. 20, 5.
Footnote 320:
Blümner, _Technologie_, ii. p. 11; _Olympia_ (_Ergebnisse_), ii. p.
129 ff.
Footnote 321:
_Inscr. Gr._ (_Atticae_), ii. 167.
Footnote 322:
Αἰγύπτιοι πλινθοφόροι (l. 1133).
Footnote 323:
An obviously incorrect rendering of πηλός; Tr. pêlos the process of
making sun-dried bricks is certainly here referred to, as the
allusion to Αἰγύπτιοι πλινθοφόροι implies.
Footnote 324:
ii. 3, 3.
Footnote 325:
ii. 2, 4.
Footnote 326:
ii. 2, 1, 2. For further details see Chapter XIX.
Footnote 327:
Ar. _Ran._ 800, quoted by Pollux, x. 148: cf. Plut. _Vit. Sol._ 25.
Footnote 328:
For representations of this process in Egyptian wall-paintings see
Rosellini, _Mon. Civili_, ii. p. 255, pl. 49, 1, and Wilkinson,
_Manners and Customs_, i. p. 344.
Footnote 329:
Isid. _Orig._ xix. 10, 16: _lateres ... inde nominati sunt quod lati
ligneis formis efficiuntur_. Cf. _ibid._ xv. 8, 16.
Footnote 330:
See on the subject generally, Dörpfeld, _Die Verwendung von
Terrakotten_, 1881, and Borrmann’s excellent treatise in Durm’s
_Handbuch d. Architektur, Die Keramik in d. Baukunst_ (1. Theil, Bd.
4), p. 28 ff.; also Wiegand, _Puteol. Bauinschr._ pp. 719, 756 ff.
Footnote 331:
On the origin of ἀκρωτήρια see Benndorf in _Jahreshefte_, 1899, p. 1
ff.
Footnote 332:
Cf. _B.M. Cat. of Terracottas_, C 904.
Footnote 333:
Rayet and Collignon, pl. 16.
Footnote 334:
_Cat. of Terracottas_, D 707–8.
Footnote 335:
Boeckh, _Urkunde über Scewesen_ (_Staatshaushaltung_, iii.), p. 406.
Footnote 336:
_H.N._ xxxv. 151.
Footnote 337:
_H.N._ xxxv. 152.
Footnote 338:
i. 3, 1.
Footnote 339:
The use of the word ἄγαλμα also seems to point to this conclusion.
Footnote 340:
_Arch. Zeit._ 1882, pl. 15.
Footnote 341:
_J.H.S._ xiii. p. 315. See generally, Minervini, _Terrecotte del
Museo Campano_.
Footnote 342:
See Furtwaengler, _Meisterwerke_, p. 250.
Footnote 343:
_Cat. of Terracottas_, C 910 ff.
Footnote 344:
A good example of a painted tile from Aegion in Achaia is in the
British Museum (_Cat. of Terracottas_, C 908).
Footnote 345:
Cf. also the tiles from the temple at Elateia in Boeotia, described
by M. Paris, _Élatée_, p. 106.
Footnote 346:
v. 10, 3. It is noteworthy that Pausanias here uses the word κέραμος,
although the tiles are not of terracotta, indicating that it had
become by long usage the generic word for tiles of all kinds. Cf. St.
Luke v. 19.
Footnote 347:
See Dörpfeld, etc., _Verwendung von Terrakotten_, pls. 1–4;
_Olympia_, ii. p. 193 ff.
Footnote 348:
See _Builder_, 4 March 1899, p. 219.
Footnote 349:
_Fatture di argille in Sicilia_, pp. 27, 31.
Footnote 350:
Becker in _Mélanges Gréco-Romaines_, i. (1854), p. 482 ff.
Footnote 351:
_Inscr. Gr._ ix. p. 164.
Footnote 352:
_Antiqs. of Kertch_, pp. 72, 75, pl. 7.
Footnote 353:
See _Brit. Mus. Cat. of Terracottas_, E 131 ff., E 186.
Footnote 354:
Boeckh, _C.I.G._ i. 541.
Footnote 355:
_Élatée_, p. 110.
Footnote 356:
See also _Ath. Mitth._ 1877, p. 441, for a long inscription from
Sparta.
Footnote 357:
Others with ἐπί and a magistrate’s name are in the British Museum
(_Cat. of Terracottas_, E 131–33, 186 ff.): see also _Inscr. Gr._ ix.
735 ff.
Footnote 358:
_B.M. Cat. of Terracottas_, E 130.
Footnote 359:
See Benndorf, _Gr. u. Sic. Vasenb._ p. 50, pl. 29, fig. 10; _Jahrbuch
d. arch. Inst._ ii. (1887), p. 161; _Ath. Mitth._ 1897, p. 345; Hicks
and Hill, _Gk. Hist. Inscrs._ p. 16.
Footnote 360:
_Musée de Sèvres_, p. 19.
Footnote 361:
_Ath. Mitth._ ii. (1877), pl. 8, p. 119; Daremberg and Saglio,
_Dict._ i. p. 1260, fig. 1673.
Footnote 362:
Daremberg and Saglio, i. p. 338, fig. 399.
Footnote 363:
Cf. Stackelberg, _Gräber der Hellenen_, pl. 7; Dodwell, _Tour_, i. p.
452.
Footnote 364:
_Cat. of Terracottas_, B 494 ff.
Footnote 365:
Benndorf in _Eranos Vindobonensis_, p. 384.
Footnote 366:
Fig. 67.. Cf. also Berlin 2294, and see Daremberg and Saglio, _s.v._
Caminus.
Footnote 367:
_Jahrbuch_, vi. (1891), p. 110.
Footnote 368:
_B.M. Cat. of Terracottas_, E 156 ff.
Footnote 369:
See _J.H.S._ xiii. p. 80.
Footnote 370:
Cf. Macpherson, _Antiqs. of Kertch_, p. 103.
Footnote 371:
Boeckh, _C.I.G._ iii. 5686.
Footnote 372:
For examples of these see _B.M. Cat. of Terracottas_, E 93 ff.
Footnote 373:
ii. 62.
Footnote 374:
See Daremberg and Saglio, _art._ Lucerna, _init._; _Cyprus Mus. Cat._
p. 80.
Footnote 375:
vii. 215.
Footnote 376:
Ar. _Eccl._ 1; Axionikos, quoted by Pollux, x. 122.
Footnote 377:
The words φλόμος and θρυαλλίς seem to denote the _material_ of which
the wick was made (cf. Pollux, x. 115).