EDWARD S. MARTIN

If William Makepeace Thackeray were alive to-day he would not write a

_Book of Snobs_. He might write a _Book of Reformers_.

This is the opinion of that shrewd and kindly satirist, Edward S.

Martin. I found him not in New York, the city whose lights and shadows

are reflected in much of his graceful prose and pungent verse, but out

among the Connecticut hills. In the pleasant study of his quaint

Colonial cottage he talked about the thing he delights to

observe--humanity.

"Thackeray would not write a _Book of Snobs_ to-day," he said. "The snob

is not now the appealing subject that he was in the early days of the

reign of Queen Victoria. Thackeray could not now find enough snobs and

snobbery to write about, either in England or in America. Snobs are by

way of having punctured tires these days.

"Don't you think that the snobs were always very much apart from our

civilization and national ideals? They were a symptom of an established

and conservative society. And this established and conservative society

Thackeray in his way helped to break down.

"To-day, in England and in the United States, that kind of society is in

a precarious condition. If Thackeray were now writing, he would not

satirize snobs. It is more likely that he would satirize the reformers.

I think that all the snobs have hit the sawdust trail."

"How did this happen?" I asked. "What was it that did away with the

snobs?"

"It was largely a natural process of change," said Mr. Martin. "The

snobs were put on the defensive. You see, there is a harder push of

democracy now than there was in Thackeray's time. The world of which the

snob was so conspicuous a part seems, especially since the war began, to

have passed away. Of course the literature of that world is not dead,

but for the moment it seems obsolete.

"To-day the whole attention of civilized mankind is fixed on the great

fundamental problems; there is no time for snobbery. For one thing,

there is the problem of national self-preservation. And there has

recently been before the civilized world, more strongly than ever

before, the great problem of the development of democracy.

"I suppose that the war will check, to a certain extent, the development

of democracy. In England the great task of the hour is to organize all

the powers of society for defense against attack, against attack by a

power organized for forty years for that attack.

"I suppose England will get organization out of this war. And if we get

into the war, we'll get organization out of it."

Mr. Martin is generally thought of as a critic of social rather than

political conditions. But he is keenly interested in politics. Speaking

of American politics and the possibility of America's entering the war,

he said:

"For the past fifteen years our greatest activity in politics has been

to rip things open. It seemed to most people that the organization was

getting too strong and that it was controlled by too few people. The

fight has been against that condition.

"But if we became involved in a serious war trouble the energy of our

people would be directed to an attempt to secure increased efficiency.

We would become closely organized again. I don't think we'd lose the

benefit of what has been done in the past years, but we would come to a

turn in the road.

"I suppose it would bring us all together, if we got into this war, and

I suppose we'd get some good out of it.

"You see, the people who formerly directed our Government haven't had

much power for several years. Now they are valuable people. And they

will come back into power again, but with greatly modified conditions.

"I don't think that a new set of people are going to manage the affairs

of the nation. I think that the affairs of the nation will be managed by

the people who managed them before. But these people will be much more

under control than they were before, and they will be subject to new

laws.

"How much good government by commission is going to do I don't know. We

have not as yet had good enough men to enter into this important work,

and the best of those who have entered have not stayed in this

employment. So the development of experts in government has not come

along as well as people hoped it would."

The genial philosopher smiled quizzically and rose from his chair.

"I'm afraid I'm getting too political," he said, pacing slowly up and

down the room. "Let's get back to snobs and snobbery.

"You asked me a few minutes ago why the snob had become so inconspicuous

a figure in our modern society. Well, I know one reason for this altered

condition of affairs. Woman has abolished the snob. Woman has changed

man."

"And what changed woman?" I asked.

"Many things; the development of machinery, for instance," he replied.

"Woman has not changed so much as the conditions of life have changed.

"The development of machinery has caused changes that impress me deeply.

It has produced immense alterations in the conditions of life and in the

relations between people.

"War has been changed in a striking manner by this development of

machinery. Never in the history of warfare was machinery so prominent

and important as to-day. In fact, I think I am justified in speaking of

this war as a machine-bore!

"Machinery really has had a great deal to do with changing the

condition and activities of woman, and has been a powerful influence in

bringing about the modern movement for women's suffrage. Machinery has

changed the employment of women and forced them into kinds of work which

are not domestic.

"The typewriter and the telephone have revolutionized our methods of

doing business. The typewriter and the telephone have filled our offices

with women. They are doing work which twenty years ago would have been

considered most unfeminine.

"The war is strengthening this tendency of women to take up work that is

not domestic. I have heard it said that women first got into the

undomestic kinds of business in France during the Napoleonic wars.

Napoleon wanted to have all the men out in the line of battle, so he had

girls instructed in bookkeeping and other kinds of office work.

"The business activities of Frenchwomen date from that time. And a

similar result seems to be coming out of this war. In France, in

England, in all the countries engaged in the war the women are filling

the positions left vacant by the men."

"Do you think," I asked, "that this is a good thing for civilization,

this increased activity of women in business?"

"I don't know," said Mr. Martin, musingly. "I don't know. But I do know

this, that the main employment of woman is to rear a family. Office

work, administrative work--these things are of only secondary

importance. The one vital thing for women to do is to rear families.

They must do this if the human race is to continue."

"Mr. Martin," I said, "you told me that Thackeray, if he were alive,

would satirize the reformers. Just what sort of reformer is it that has

taken the place of the snob?"

Mr. Martin did not at once answer. He smiled, as if enjoying some

entertaining memory. Then he started to speak, and mentioned the name of

a prominent reformer. But his New England caution checked him. He said:

"No, I'd better not say anything about that. I'd rather not. I'd rather

say that the things that the snobs admired and particularly embodied

have lost prestige during the last twenty years.

"After 1898, after our great rise to prosperity, the captains of

industry and of finance were the great men of the country. But I think

these great men are less stunning now than they were then. And money is

less stunning, too.

"All the business of money-making has had a great loss of prestige since

1900. People think more of other things. And the people who are thinking

of other things than money-making have more of a 'punch' than they had

before. The wise have more of a punch, and so have the foolish."

Again came that reminiscent smile. "Reformers can be very trying," he

said. "Very trying, indeed. Did you ever read Brand Whitlock's _Forty

Years of It_? Brand Whitlock had his own trials with the reformers.

Whitlock is a sensible, generous man, and his attitude toward reformers

is a good deal humorous and not at all violent. That would be

Thackeray's attitude toward them, I think, if he were living to-day.

He'd satirize the reformers instead of the snobs."

Mr. Martin is not inclined to condemn or to accept absolutely any of the

modern reform movements. "All reform movements," he said, "run until

they get a check. Then they stop. But what they have accomplished is not

lost."

The society women who undertake sociological reform work find in Mr.

Martin no unsympathetic critic.

"These wealthy women," he said, "take up reform work as a recourse.

Society life is not very filling. They have a sense of emptiness. So

they go in for reform, to fill out their lives more adequately.

"But I don't know that I'd call that kind of thing reform. I'd call it a

large form of social activity. These women are attending to a great mass

of people who need this attention. But the bulk of this kind of work is

too small for it to be called reform.

"In New York there are very many young people who need care and

leadership. The neglected and incompetent must be looked after. The

old-fashioned family control has been considerably loosened, and an

attempt must be made to guard those who are therefore less protected

than they would have been a generation ago. Certainly these efforts to

look after young people who don't have enough care taken of them by

their families are directed in the right direction."

I asked Mr. Martin what he thought of the present condition of American

literature, particularly the work presented to the public on the pages

of magazines.

"Just now," he said, "the newspapers seem to have almost everything. The

great interest of the last few years has been in the newspapers. They

have had a tremendous story to tell, they have told it every day, and

other things have seemed, in comparison, flat and lifeless.

"It has been a hard time for every sort of a publication not absolutely

up to the minute all the time. The newspapers have had the field almost

to themselves.

"And I think that the newspapers have greatly improved. They have had an

immense chance, and it has been very stimulating."

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