In this affair, of the 119 Confederates engaged, we lost 2 officers, of

whom one was the gallant Major Manigault, severely wounded, and 37 men.

The Federals lost 88. Our loss, as is shown, was about 33 per cent, of

our force engaged, and this large mortality shows the heavy fire to

which we were subjected. General Schimmelpfennig was in general command

of the affair, but the assault was led by Colonel Bennett, who, mounted

upon a sorrel horse, was a mark for several shots from our wretched

rifles, but escaped unhurt.

The point where I was, just about the center of our line, at the

causeway, was assaulted by a regiment of negro troops; and as they got

near to us I distinctly heard their officers cursing them. I heard one

officer say, "Keep in line there, you damned scoundrels!" and another,

"Go on, you damned rascals, or I'll chop you down!" I saw the line waver

badly when it got to within fifty yards of us, and on this occasion at

least it did not look to me as if the negroes had the spirit to "fight

nobly." I know it is a catch phrase elsewhere that the colored troops

fought nobly, but I testify to what I saw and heard.

As to these negro troops, there was a sequel, nearly a year later. When

I was peaceably in my office in Charleston one of my family's former

slaves, "Taffy" by name, came in to see me. In former times he had been

a waiter "in the house," and was about my own age; but in 1860, in the

settlement of an estate, he with his parents, aunt, and brother were

sold to Mr. John Ashe, and put on his plantation near Port Royal. Of

course, when the Federals overran that section they took in all these

"contrabands," as they were called, and Taffy became a soldier, and was

in one of the regiments that assaulted us. In reply to a question from

me, he foolishly said he "liked it." I only replied, "Well, I'm sorry I

didn't kill you as you deserved, that's all I have to say." He only

grinned.

On February 17, James Island was evacuated by the Confederates. Captain

Matthews's company, formerly artillery but now infantry, was added to

our two, and the battalion known as Manigault's, or the Eighteenth South

Carolina Battalion. Major Manigault being wounded, and a prisoner, Capt.

B. C. Webb, of Company A, was in command. Our line of march was through

St. Andrew's Parish, across the bridge at Bee's Ferry, and along the old

State road past Otranto across Goose Creek bridge, which was burned as

soon as the last troops had crossed. Our men had started on this march

with as much baggage as they thought they could carry, but they soon

threw aside their impedimenta, and each settled down to his one blanket

and such clothes as he actually wore. This march across the Carolinas

was a very hard one. Our feet soon became blistered and sore, and many

of us had no shoes, but trudged along in the cold and mud bare-footed as

best we could. As I have already said, this was a cold winter, and it

seemed to us that it rained and froze constantly. Not a particle of

shelter did we have day or night. We would march all day, often in more

or less rain, and at nightfall halt, and bivouac in the bushes, with

every particle of food or clothing saturated. Within a few minutes after

a halt, even under a steady rain, fires would be burning and quickly

extend through the bivouac. If a civilian should attempt to kindle a

fire with soaked wood under a steady rain, he would find his patience

sorely tried, but the soldiers seemed to have no trouble.

After the fires were kindled we had to wait for the arrival of the

commissary wagons; and it was not uncommon for a detail of men to be

sent back in the night to help push the wagons through the mud; weary,

footsore, hungry, in the dark, up to the knees in mud, heaving on the

wheels of a stalled wagon! It was often late at night before the wagons

were got up and rations could be obtained.

The men, of course, had to take turns in the use of the two or three

frying-pans carried for each company, and when worn down by marching

from early dawn until dark it was disheartening to have to wait one's

turn, which often did not come until eleven o'clock at night. Frequently

the men, rather than wait for the frying-pan, would fry their scraps of

bacon on the coals, and make the cornmeal into dough, which they would

wrap around the ends of their ramrods and toast in the fire. When the

rations were drawn they consisted of only seven ounces of bacon and one

pint of cornmeal to the man per day; and on several occasions even these

could not be had, and the men went to sleep supperless, and with nothing

to eat during the next day. The commissary department of the corps

seemed to be unequal to the occasion, but this fact is not surprising

when the rapidity of the march and desolation of the country are

considered. Nevertheless, on several occasions the writer's command

passed forty hours without receiving any rations, and once fifty hours,

so that we were glad of an opportunity to beg at any farm-house for an

ear of corn with which to alleviate our hunger.

All along the line of march large numbers of men were constantly

deserting. Nightly, under cover of darkness, many would sneak from their

bivouacs and go off, not to the enemy, but to their homes. But those of

our men who remained were in good spirits.

The most influential cause of desertions was the news that reached the

men of the great suffering of their wives and children at home, caused

by the devastations of Sherman's army. Wherever this army passed from

Atlanta to Savannah, and from Savannah through Columbia, Camden, and

Cheraw, into North Carolina, a tract of country 30 miles wide was

devastated. Farm-houses, barns, mills, etc., were all burned. Farm

animals, poultry, etc., were all ruthlessly killed, and the women and

children left to starve. This was most especially the case in South

Carolina, where Sherman burned every town in his path--Walterboro,

Barnwell, Midway, Bamberg, Blackville, Williston, Orangeburg, Columbia,

Camden, and Cheraw. His cavalry leader, General Kilpatrick, attempted to

burn Aiken, but was quickly beaten off by General Wheeler. When the men

learned of the suffering of their women at home, many of them not

unnaturally deserted, and went to their aid.

This terrible strain on the integrity of the men was the cause of a

pitiable execution that took place on the line of march one day. A

sergeant in the First Regiment Regulars, upon being reproved by his

lieutenant for justifying and advising the desertion of the men, in a

fit of temper attempted to shoot this officer. The line was immediately

halted, the man was carried before a drum-head court martial, tried, and

condemned to be shot on the spot. He was led out, tied with his back

against a tree, and shot to death. It was an awful sight. I recollect

that while awaiting death, the chaplain spoke to him, and offered to

pray with him. His only reply was, "Preacher, I never listened to you in

Fort Sumter, and I won't listen to you now."

All of the Confederate troops in South Carolina were under the command

of Lieut.-Gen. T. J. Hardee, one of the ablest corps commanders in the

Confederate service. He was nicknamed by the men, "Old Reliable." Our

battalion, known also as the Eighteenth, with Major Bonneau's Georgia

battalion, the battalion of Citadel Cadets, and the Second Regiment

South Carolina Heavy Artillery constituted Brig.-Gen. Stephen Elliott's

brigade, which, with Col. Alfred Rhett's brigade, constituted Maj.-Gen.

Taliaferro's division. About March 1 we reached Cheraw, which we left

two days after. As we left the town Sherman's army pressed us closely,

and my recollection is that there was a sharp cavalry skirmish at the

bridge, which we burned as soon as our troops had got across. I think

Gen. M. C. Butler was the last man to cross, and galloped across it

while it was actually in flames. At the State line the Citadel Cadets

left us, and returned to South Carolina.

The route of the army lay through Fayetteville, N. C., where we crossed

the Cape Fear River about a week later. After our men had crossed the

bridge I was detailed from my company as one of a number to guard it,

until all the wagons, etc., and the last of the cavalry had got across

and it was burned, and when the bridge had been burned, one of the

cavalrymen let me ride a led horse until I caught up with my command

some distance in front. I remember his telling me of a very remarkable

scrimmage that had just occurred on the other side in Fayetteville. It

seems that before all of our wagons had got across the bridge, and our

own cavalry had come up, a troop of about 70 Federal cavalry rode into

the town to cut our wagons, etc., off from the bridge. General Hampton,

with two of his staff officers and four couriers, in all only seven men,

instantly dashed themselves against the Federals, and in a hand-to-hand

fight killed eleven of them, captured as many more, and ran the rest out

of town, and all without the loss of a single man. A very remarkable

affair. I also heard that Hampton had caught a spy, who would be hanged

when the army halted. I never heard anything more about it, as I had

other things much more personal to engage my attention, and presumed he

was strung up according to military usage.

But it seems that the man was not hanged. Wells, in "Hampton and His

Cavalry in '64," gives the particulars of this wonderful affair, and

states that the spy's name was David Day, and that he was turned over to

some junior reserves for safe keeping and escaped. And there was an

interesting sequel.

Thirty-one years after this fight, Hampton then being United States

Railway Commissioner, and in Denver, Colorado, a stranger called upon

him and explained that he was the David Day, the spy captured in the

affair, dressed in Confederate uniform. Hampton congratulated him and

said he was "glad the hanging did not come off." "So am I," replied the

other, laughing.

At Fayetteville a few of the men of our company, I among them, procured

Enfield rifles in place of the old Belgians we had, and also got

ammunition to suit. The Enfield was a muzzle loader, but really one of

the best guns of the day of its kind, and fairly accurate at 600 yards.

About half of the company, however, had only the worthless Belgians to

the end.

We were now so closely pursued by Sherman that on March 16 General

Hardee, having about 6,000 men, determined to make a stand near

Averysboro, between the Cape Fear and Black Rivers, where at daylight

Taliaferro's division was attacked full in front by the Fourteenth and

Twentieth Corps of the Federal Army, and Kilpatrick's cavalry,

altogether about 20,000 men, General Sherman being personally on the

field. The fighting was stubborn, at very close quarters, along the

entire line. Twenty men, of whom I was one, were detailed from Elliott's

brigade and attached to the left of Colonel Butler's First Regular

Infantry, of Rhett's brigade, and there I served through the fight. We

held our position in the open woods without protection for about three

hours, and repulsed repeated assaults, until the left of the line,

resting on a swamp along the Black River, which had been thought to be

impassable, was turned by a heavy force of Federals, which had made

their way through the swamp. This force, I afterwards learned, was

Colonel Jones's regiment of Indiana cavalry, fighting as infantry, and

armed with Spencer magazine carbines. Our whole force then fell back

about 400 yards to a line of breastworks manned by McLaws's skeleton

division, and which the Federals later in the day unsuccessfully

assaulted. The Confederate loss in this battle was 500, and the next day

some of Kilpatrick's cavalrymen, who had just been captured, told me

that the Federal loss had been about 2,500. The Confederate forces

engaged in this fight were Rhett's and Elliott's brigades, two artillery

companies, and McLaws's division; and it was not the intention of

General Hardee that Taliaferro's division should make such a stubborn

stand-up fight. It was the intention that they should engage only as

skirmishers, bring on the fight, and then fall back gradually into the

breastworks, where the real fighting was to have been done. But

Elliott's and Rhett's men had previously done only garrison and

artillery duty on the coast, and this was their first experience in

infantry fighting in the open, and they knew no better than to stand up

and fight it out. Sherman in his report to the U. S. War Department of

this affair expressed his surprise at the tenacity with which our men

held their ground.

It was on this occasion that Col. Alfred Rhett was captured. It seems

that a Captain Theo. F. Northrop, of a regiment of New York cavalry, was

scouting with a few men at early dawn on the morning of the battle, and

just in front of our lines came unexpectedly upon Generals Hampton and

Taliaferro, with a group of aids. He and his men promptly made

themselves invisible, and withdrew, and a few moments after Colonel

Rhett rode up on them. He put his pistol in Colonel Rhett's face and

said, "You must come with me." Colonel Rhett replied, "Who the hell are

you?" and drew his pistol to fight. Instantly the men with Captain

Northrop put their carbines to Colonel Rhett's head, and he, seeing how

the case stood, gave up, and was carried to General Slocum, who sent him

to General Sherman's headquarters. Captain Northrop has stated to me

that Colonel Rhett told him that when first accosted he thought he was

dealing with one of General Wheeler's men, and he would have shot him

for his insolence. And he was always satisfied that if Colonel Rhett had

realized at the very first that they were the enemy he met, he would

have fought and tried to get away, although he would have probably been

killed in the attempt.

Captain Northrop took Colonel Rhett's sword and pistol. The sword was

lost some years ago in a railway train, but he has the pistol still,

with Colonel Rhett's name engraved on it.

The fight took place in a piece of pine forest, and there were many

trees that afforded protection to the men on both sides. The lines were

very close together, so close that I could at times clearly observe the

faces of the Federal soldiers opposite. At one time I was protected by a

good pine tree and felt quite comfortable as the bullets thwacked

against the other side of it; but within a few feet, to my left, was an

old stump-hole full of dry leaves, and the bullets striking in those

leaves made a terrible racket. I stood the racket as long as I could,

but finally could stand it no longer, and contrary to common sense

abandoned my friendly tree and stepped a few paces to the right, away

from that noisy stump-hole. There I stood unprotected in the open, but

not many minutes before I was struck full in the middle of my body and

knocked down to a sitting posture. My blanket was rolled in a tight

roll, not over three inches thick, and being of course on my left

shoulder, and across my body downwards to the right, had saved my life.

The ball had passed through the roll, and striking a button on my jacket

had stopped, and as I dropped it fell down, flattened out of all shape.

I lay on the ground for a few moments, paralyzed by the blow, and I

recollect hearing a comrade, who received a bullet through the brain

only a few moments afterwards, call out, "Ford's killed." I gathered

myself back into a sitting posture and replied, "No, I'm not. I think

I'm all right." But the pain was intense, as every boy knows who in a

boxing bout gets a lick in "the short wind." In a few moments I was back

again on my feet, and resumed my place in line, although suffering

considerable pain and nausea. For some time after I carried on my body a

black and blue spot the size of a dollar.

I recollect noticing the conspicuous coolness of Maj. Thos. Huguenin, of

the First Infantry. During the hardest of the fighting he walked slowly

immediately behind the line in which I was, smoking his pipe as calmly

as if he had been at home.

Here an incident occurred that showed how, under the most serious

condition, with death and imminent danger all around, a soldier's mind

is often diverted by the most trivial thing. It is a strange phase of

the mind which I have heard old soldiers, who have seen much hard

fighting, comment upon. During the sharpest of the fighting, a hog

started from the swamp on my left and ran squealing and terrified

directly down the front of our line, presenting quite a ludicrous

spectacle, and I heard a number of men, as he passed along the line,

whoop at him and call out, "Go it, piggy!" "Save your bacon, piggy!"

etc. But piggy had not got more than a hundred feet past me when he

turned a somersault, kicked a moment or two, and lay still. He had

evidently stopped a bullet.

An incident showing the same phase of mind was told me by a member of

the Fourteenth South Carolina Volunteers, as occurring during the great

battle of Gettysburg. As Kershaw's brigade, on the second day, was

advancing to the assault of Little Round Top, a company of the

Fourteenth was among those thrown forward as skirmishers, and as they

advanced across the field toward the Federals, they came to a large

patch of ripe blackberries. The men with one accord immediately turned

their attention to the ripe fruit which was in great abundance on every

side, and, stooping down, kept picking, and eating berries, as they went

slowly forward, actually into action. And so much was their attention

distracted by the blackberries that they were actually within 50 yards

of the enemy's advanced line before they realized their position, when

they rushed forward with a yell, and got possession of a slightly

elevated roadway, which they held until the main line came up.

During the assault on the breastworks, Capt. S. Porcher Smith, who was

standing just behind me, was shot through the face and fell. The

litter-bearers picked him up, and as they were carrying him to the rear,

one of them was shot and fell, and Captain Smith rolled headlong out of

the litter. I well remember this incident.

We held our position until about midnight, when we fell back to a place

called Elevation. This night's march was a very trying one. The road was

terribly cut up by the wagons and artillery, and as the rains had been

frequent it seemed as if the clay mud was knee deep. We floundered

along for about six hours, and at daylight on the 17th halted and were

given some rations. Most of us had not had a morsel of food since the

night of the 15th. It happened in this way. On the night of the 15th we

cooked our cornmeal and bacon and ate our supper, saving half for the

next day. At the early break of day on the 16th, as I was warming my

bacon and corn pone in a frying-pan before eating some of it, the

Federals attacked us, and we had to fall into line instantly. So I had

to leave the frying-pan with all my food as it was on the fire and go

through that day's hardship, and until the next day at Elevation,

without any food whatever. It had been General Hardee's intention to

give us two or three days' rest at Elevation, but it having been

ascertained that the Federal army was pushing toward Goldsboro, Gen.

Jos. E. Johnston, then only recently put in command of the Confederate

troops in North Carolina, ordered General Hardee to hurry forward and

intercept Sherman near Bentonville. So about 3 o'clock on the morning of

the 19th we were aroused and hurried on toward Bentonville, where we

arrived a little before three in the afternoon, having made the 20 miles

in rather less than 12 hours.

It was on the march this day that an amusing incident occurred. I had

not owned a pair of socks since I left James Island a month before, and

my shoes were in such tattered condition that I could keep uppers and

soles together only by tying them with several leather strings, but

most of my toes stuck out very conspicuously. I had read of the

importance that great generals attached to the good condition of

infantry soldiers' feet, and hence the aphorism, "A marching man is no

stronger than his feet," and I determined to keep mine in good condition

if possible. I knew that frequent bathing prevented blistering;

therefore, every night before going to sleep, and often on the march

during the day I would bathe my feet, so that they were never blistered,

and I kept well up with my company in marching. On this day as we

crossed a little stream, according to my custom I stepped aside, and

pulling off my shoes soaked my feet in the running water. General Hardee

and his staff rode by at the moment. He checked his horse and called

sternly to me, "You there, sir! What are you doing straggling from your

command? I suppose you are one of those men who behaved so badly at

Averysboro." (A few men had been guilty of misconduct there.) I sprang

to my feet, and saluting him said, "Excuse me, General, but you are

speaking to the wrong man, sir. I have never misbehaved, and never

straggled. I am only bathing my feet to prevent them from blistering.

There is my company right ahead there, sir, and I always keep up with

it." My injured tone and evident sincerity struck the old man, and he

saluted me with the words, "I beg your pardon, sir," and rode on. He was

a courtly and knightly soldier, and a great favorite with the men.

We reached Bentonville at about 3 o'clock p. m., only a short time after

the battle had begun, and as we marched hurriedly along the road in the

direction of the firing we passed a number of wounded men coming to the

rear; and then several operating tables on both sides of the road, some

with wounded men stretched on them with the surgeons at work, and all of

them with several bloody amputated legs and arms thrown alongside on the

grass. The sight was temporarily depressing, as it foreshadowed what we

had to expect. But we hurried on, and our division halted for a few

moments on the ground from which the Federals had just been repulsed,

and there were quite a number of their dead and wounded lying about. One

of the Federal wounded, a lieutenant, begged us for some water, and I

stepped from the line and gave him a drink from my canteen. Others

begged me likewise, and in a few moments my canteen was empty. I knew

that this might result seriously to me, in case I should need the water

badly for myself, but I could not refuse a wounded man's appeal even if

he was my enemy; and one of our men, a thrifty fellow, who always

managed to have things, produced a little flask of whiskey, and gave a

good drink to a Federal who had his leg badly crushed. The blue-coat

raised his eyes to Heaven with, "Thank God, Johnnie; it may come around

that I may be able to do you a kindness, and I'll never forget this

drink of liquor." We were not allowed to remain long relieving the

suffering, but soon were called to "attention," and received orders to

create it, by an attack upon the enemy from our extreme right. At this

moment Maj. A. Burnett Rhett, of the artillery, rode along the line and

called out that news had been received that France had recognized the

Confederacy and would send warships to open our ports immediately. The

men cheered, few of us realizing that the end was so near. We were

blinded by our patriotism. There was Lee with his 30,000 men that moment

surrounded by Grant with his 150,000. Here was Johnston with his 14,000

trying to keep at bay Sherman with his 70,000, with the knowledge that

Schofield was only two days off with 40,000 more. And this was about all

there was to the Confederacy; and they talked of recognition! Oh, the

pity of it!

Life in the Confederate Army · 第 2 / 7 段