CHAPTER XV

THE FALL OF THE REPUBLIC

Ragusa now enters into the vortex of the Napoleonic wars, in which she,

like her great rival Venice and many another still more powerful State,

was to disappear. The story of her end is but an incident in that

wonderful drama, but it affords some curious side-lights on the history

of Europe at that period, and exhibits for the last time the peculiar

character of the Ragusan Government and people.

In 1797 the French armies occupied Venice, put an end to the Republic,

and annexed its possessions, while a French fleet seized the Ionian

Islands. In the meanwhile Austrian troops were advancing into Dalmatia,

which, as part of Venetian territory, in theory belonged to France,

and ships of war of all nations began to appear in the Adriatic.

The aristocratic Government of Venice was for a time succeeded by a

democratic one modelled on French lines, and the new _régime_ was

to have been applied to Dalmatia as well. But by the preliminaries

of Leoben that province and Istria were given over to Austria. The

Dalmatians did not want a democratic constitution, and for some time

Austrian agents had been preparing them for an Austrian occupation.

They succeeded in inducing the people to acclaim the Emperor Francis

II. as their King, and in July 1797 General Rukavina landed at Zara

with an army; in a few weeks he had occupied the whole of Dalmatia

and part of Albania. But trouble arose at Cattaro among the turbulent

Bocchesi; some of them favoured the Austrian _régime_ as the heir to

that of Venice, others, chiefly Orthodox Christians, desired a union

then, as now, with the Vladika of Montenegro, while a third party was

imbued with French ideas and clamoured for a democratic constitution.

The Vladika himself was hostile to Austria, and encouraged a rising in

Albania. But General Rukavina conciliated the Cattarini and entered the

town without opposition. By the Peace of Campoformio, Istria, Dalmatia,

and Cattaro, as well as Venice and her mainland possessions, were ceded

to Austria (October 18, 1797).[535]

The fall of Venice was on the whole satisfactory to the Ragusans, but

the close proximity of the Austrians, who were useful protectors so

long as they remained at a safe distance, was regarded as a danger.

They sent protestations of fealty to Vienna and to the local Austrian

authorities; their fears were not groundless, for Rukavina did actually

intend to violate their neutrality, as appears from a despatch from

the Austrian Minister Count Thugut to Count Thurn, who had been

appointed Governor of Dalmatia. Thugut disapproved of this project, as

he feared that it might cause trouble with the Turks as protectors of

the Republic. But he complained to d’Ajala, the Ragusan Minister, that

Ragusa was a hotbed of revolutionary ideas.[536] The Emperor, however,

expressed his intention of protecting the Republic in every way.

At the end of October a French squadron under Brueys appeared at

Gravosa, and the Admiral offered the Republic the “good offices”

of France, which were politely declined on the ground that Ragusa

was under Turkish suzerainty. In August 1798 the French military

authorities demanded the loan of some ships for the expedition to

Egypt, and the request was granted. This caused General Brady, in

command of the Austrians at Cattaro, to reprimand the Senate severely

for its breach of neutrality, and he had to be appeased by a loan of

12,000 florins for his war chest. A short time afterwards a French

agent named Briche came to Ragusa to raise a loan of 1,000,000 francs

for France, and by means of threats induced the Senate to pay 400,000

down and issue two bills for 100,000 each. Austrian spies discovered

this transaction, and informed their Government that the young men of

Ragusa were imbued with French ideas. But the Senate cleverly protested

against this forced contribution both in Vienna and in Constantinople,

and suggested that the most adequate protection against similar

extortions would be the presence of a few British frigates in the

Adriatic. Caracciolo, their agent at Naples, opened negotiations with

the British Minister for the purpose. At the same time their agent in

Paris tried to obtain the remission of the bills, but without success,

and the 200,000 francs had to be paid to Dubois, the French Commissary

in the Adriatic. Another misfortune befell the Republic, which had a

large sum of money invested in the Bank of Vienna. As the Emperor was

again going to war the Bank made a call on the shareholders of 30 per

cent. of their capital. Ragusa tried to shirk this payment, but in

vain, and somehow the sum was procured. To meet these liabilities new

taxes had to be raised, which fell chiefly on the peasants, hitherto

almost exempt; the price of salt was increased, and every one was

forced to buy a large amount of that commodity. This caused serious

discontent, especially among the peasants of Canali, who had never

been too loyal to the Republic; they now refused to pay the taxes,

and rose in revolt. Eight Senators, who owned land in that district,

went to try to induce them to hear reason, and this mission having

failed, the Pasha of Trebinje was asked to place a corps of observation

along the frontier to prevent the rebels from crossing over into

Turkish territory, while General Brady was asked to send an Austrian

detachment to help to quell the revolt, expressly requesting that

they should be Germans, and not ex-Venetian soldiers. Brady, however,

had too few troops to dispose of, and no authority to enter Ragusan

territory. At the same time a deputation of Canalesi called on him

and explained their grievances and the persecutions inflicted by the

Ragusans, which they attributed to the fact “that they (the Canalesi)

had refused to follow the nobles in their Jacobin ideas.” This was

enough for Brady, to whom the very name of Jacobin was anathema; he at

once took the Canalesi under his protection, and wrote to the Senate

demanding that their grievances should be redressed. The Canalesi

also sent a memorandum to the Emperor of Austria, complaining of the

increase of the taxes since 1750, of the kidnapping of boys to serve

on board Ragusan ships, and of girls to be used by the nobles for

illicit purposes, and imploring him to free them from Ragusa’s yoke

and take them under his protection. At the same time the Republic sent

two envoys to Vienna to explain the situation from the Ragusan point

of view, and to represent Brady as an accomplice of the Turks and the

schismatics and a protector of rebels; and also an envoy to the Divan,

to say that Austria was meditating an invasion of the Herzegovina.[537]

The Emperor ordered Brady to pacify the insurgents, but without using

force. When the Austrian Foreign Office heard of the mission to

Constantinople it was much incensed, but d’Ajala managed to hush the

matter up. The Senate then redressed the grievances of the Canalesi,

and succeeded in restoring order. But the leaders of the movement were

subsequently punished on various pretexts, and this led to further

trouble in future. The deficit was met by the suppression of the rich

monastery of Lacroma, and the seizure of its property.

These immediate troubles and dangers having been warded off, there

follows a period of five years (1800-1805) which is perhaps the most

prosperous in the whole history of the Republic. All the other States

of the Mediterranean, large or small, were involved in war; Ragusa

alone remained neutral, and therefore enjoyed almost a monopoly of the

carrying trade. Her ships were more numerous than they had ever been

before, and her income enormous. English privateers harried French

commerce, and French ones that of England; Venice was no longer of

any mercantile importance; the Turks plundered all Christian ships

except those of Ragusa. The Senate, with its traditional diplomacy,

kept on good terms with everybody, especially with the Turks. A few

frontier incidents with Austria occurred, but they were settled

amicably. In 1804 Timoni was appointed Austrian consul at Ragusa. His

instructions were to protect Austrian commercial interests, and to

assure the Senate that the Emperor intended to protect the Republic

and guarantee the integrity of its territory. When war broke out

between France and Austria in 1805 Ragusa refused to commit herself,

but Timoni informed his Government that the sympathies of the citizens

were with the French, and when the “bad news” (of Austerlitz) arrived

they did not conceal their satisfaction. Even in the Senate more than

half the members were Francophil. “It appears,” wrote Timoni, “that

this Government, of which the apathy, indolence, and venality are at

their height, will undergo the fate for which it is destined.... I

am convinced that if peace be not concluded, the French will try to

get possession of this Republic, and form a body of troops here with

whom to attack Cattaro. The only means by which this could be avoided,

and which I venture to submit to the superior intelligence of your

Excellency, is that in case hostilities should recommence you should

place a garrison in the town until peace is declared, without, however,

interfering in the affairs of the Government.”[538]

Bruère was at this time French consul at Ragusa. He was a cultivated,

brilliant man, and had charming manners. He was also a _littérateur_,

and composed sonnets and epigrams in French, Italian, and even in

Slavonic. He thus soon acquired considerable influence over the young

men of the town, and aroused French sympathies among them, for which,

indeed, the reading of French books had prepared the way. But these

sentiments did not prevent the Senate from politely refusing to make

a further loan of ammunition and provisions to France, which Murat

demanded in 1801, for they remembered what bad paymasters the French

were. On the contrary, they tried once more to get their previous loan

of 600,000 francs refunded. While the negotiations were going on the

Senate wrote most respectfully to the First Consul, and when he was

proclaimed Emperor they congratulated him enthusiastically in the best

Ragusan style, and he replied with a letter in which he called them his

“dear and good friends.”

The Russians had long desired to establish a footing in the

Mediterranean, so as to attack Constantinople from both sides, and

after various fruitless attempts they determined to seize Ragusa.

In 1802 they appointed Charles Fonton their consul in the town.

During the siege of Malta the French had received some provisions

from Ragusan ships, and the Tsar Paul, deeming this a good excuse

for aggressive action, instructed Fonton to assume the most brutal

manner towards the authorities. He neglected no opportunity of making

a quarrel. First, he demanded that a house should be provided for him

at the Republic’s expense, and when this was complied with, he said

it was not good enough. This ridiculous dispute lasted two years,

and in his correspondence with the Government he was as insolent and

arrogant as only a Russian consul knows how to be. He also insisted

on the execution of the clause of the treaty of 1775, that Orthodox

services should be held at Ragusa, and, although a Catholic himself,

he converted an abandoned chapel into an Orthodox church, where a

Montenegrin pope conducted the services. The Senate made remonstrances

to Vienna, Constantinople, and St. Petersburg about Fonton’s outrageous

behaviour, and tried to obtain his removal. But when these manœuvres

were discovered, and the anger of Russia was feared, the Senate very

ungratefully made d’Ajala their scapegoat, disowned him, and forced

him to resign after thirty years of faithful service to the Republic.

[Illustration: TORRE MENZE AND THE WALLS]

The Russians, naturally, were anything but popular at Ragusa, and this

strengthened the French sentiments of the people. César Berthier, the

nephew of the Marshal, flaunted about in the public places and private

houses surrounded by the young men of the best families, discoursing

loudly of the glories of Napoleon, to the extreme disgust of Fonton.

By the Peace of Pressburg France regained Venetia, and consequently

Istria and Dalmatia. To this last possession Napoleon attached

great importance, as it formed an excellent base for operations in

the Balkans and in the East. In February 1806 the French troops

under General Molitor occupied the country as far as Makarska, and

preparations were made for an attack on Cattaro, where resistance was

expected on the part of the Montenegrins and Albanians, supported by

the Russians.

During the war of 1805 Russia had sent a fleet of forty-two ships and

transports, under Admiral Siniavin, into the Adriatic. After the battle

of Austerlitz it concentrated at Corfu, and the Admiral was invited by

the Montenegrins to occupy Cattaro. This he did, obliging the Austrian

garrison to retire. Ghislieri, the Austrian Commissary, who had

arranged the evacuation, was accused of cowardice, for although Austria

had given up Dalmatia to France, he had not yet received orders to quit

his post. The French were furious, and declared Austria responsible

for the Russian occupation of Cattaro, which they would now have to

attack in force. These events disturbed the Ragusans, who feared lest

the passage of French troops through their territory should end in a

permanent occupation. The Senate sent conciliatory letters to Napoleon,

congratulating “the most glorious of Emperors” on his victories, and

to Talleyrand, “the most virtuous of Ministers.” They offered to

transport the French army by sea from Stagno to Ragusavecchia or Porto

Rose, thus avoiding the passage through the town of Ragusa, and voted

30,000 piastres for the purpose. Unfortunately, Sankovski, the Russian

Commissary, heard of the offer, and threatened that if these were the

Republic’s intentions he would order the occupation of Ragusavecchia,

adding that the garrison would be a Montenegrin one, well knowing how

the Ragusans hated and feared those lawless mountaineers. Another

Russian agent came to Ragusa on board a frigate, insisted that all

arrangements with the French should be cancelled, and ordered the

Senate to inform the Russians as to the movements of the French troops.

The Senate instructed Bassegli and Zlatarić, their agents in the French

camp, to do everything to hinder Molitor’s advance, by describing the

strength of the Russians and the risks of the march. This they did, and

Molitor was so impressed by their statements that he gave up the plan

for the moment. His demand for a further loan of 300,000 francs was

refused on the plea that the treasury was empty, although as a matter

of fact it was not. Siniavin now proposed to attack Ragusa and occupy

it, but the Senate’s protestations of loyalty to the Tsar, and possibly

its bribes, induced him to desist from a move which would have secured

him from all fear of a French attack.[539]

But now the French General Lauriston came on the scene, and prepared

to advance; he concentrated a force at Makarska, and then moved on to

Slano in Ragusan territory. The Senators were at their wits’ end; the

old diplomacy had broken down in the clash of the Napoleonic wars; they

could no longer temporise, and were under the necessity of calling

in either the French or the Russians. The latter seemed the more

dangerous, especially on account of their allies, the Montenegrins.

Moreover, the French consul had made many friends, while his Russian

colleague was deservedly hated. Count Caboga’s proposal that the

population should emigrate _en masse_ to Corfu or Turkish territory

was rejected, and the majority decided in favour of the French. On

the evening of May 27 Lauriston, with 800 men, reached Ragusa after

a forced march of twenty hours. He found the gates closed and the

drawbridge up; two Senators met him and requested him not to enter

the town, but this was a mere formality. He repaired to the Palace,

where the Minor Council was assembled, and declared that his orders

were to occupy the fortified points of the State of Ragusa, but to

respect the liberty of the Republic and the persons and property of the

inhabitants. He offered them the protection of Napoleon, and said that

as the Austrian Emperor had closed all his ports to the Anglo-Russian

fleets, it was important that Ragusa should not remain the only harbour

in the Adriatic open to the enemies of France. Meanwhile Colonel Teste

with the troops had entered the town and seized the forts: Ragusa was

thus occupied for the first time in her history by uninvited foreign

troops. Great consternation ensued, and the Russians at once seized

all the Ragusan ships in the harbour of Gravosa. On May 29 Lauriston

issued the following proclamation:—

“Repeated concessions to the enemies of France had placed the Republic

of Ragusa in a state of hostility, all the more dangerous inasmuch as

it was disguised under the appearance of neutrality and friendship. The

entry of the French troops into Dalmatia, far from putting an end to

such conduct, has only given occasion to our enemies to exercise their

influence on the State of Ragusa still further, and whatever may have

been the motives of the condescension shown by the magistrates of this

State, the Emperor could not fail to be aware of them; he desired to

put an end to intrigues so contrary to the laws of neutrality.

“Consequently, in the name and by the authority of His Majesty the

Emperor and King of Italy, I take possession of the town and territory

of Ragusa.

“I declare, however, that it is the intention of His Imperial and Royal

Majesty to recognise the independence and neutrality of this State as

soon as the Russians evacuate Albania, Corfu, and the other former

Venetian possessions, and the Russian fleet ceases to disturb the

coasts of Dalmatia.

“I promise succour and protection to all Ragusans; I shall see that

the existing laws and customs and the rights of property be respected;

in a word, I shall so act that, according to the behaviour of the

inhabitants, they will be satisfied with the residence of the French

troops in the country.

“The existing Government is maintained; it will fulfil the same

functions and have the same attributions as before; its relations with

States friendly to France or neutral will remain on the same footing.

“M. Bruère, commissioner of commercial relations (consul), will act as

Imperial Commissary to the Senate.

“ALEX. LAURISTON.

“RAGUSA, _May 28, 1806_.”

This _coup de main_ was most successful, but Lauriston did not execute

the rest of his programme by attacking Cattaro, for he was himself

besieged in Ragusa instead.

His forces amounted, as I have said, to about 800 men, but he sent to

Molitor at Zara for reinforcements and supplies, which arrived from

Spalato soon after; the garrison was thus raised to 2000. Ragusa was

put in a state of defence, the guns in the arsenal were mounted, a

cargo of powder for the Turks seized, and the Ragusavecchia-Obod line

held by 200 Frenchmen. A few days later the Montenegrins and Orthodox

Bocchesi, instigated by the Russians, advanced into Canali, which

they proceeded to pillage, while 500 more landed from Russian ships

near Ragusavecchia. The French drove them back, but fearing to be cut

off if the Russians landed at Breno, they withdrew to that point,

and then to Bergato, where they were joined by reinforcements under

General Delgorgue. The Russian squadron sailed up and landed a force

at Breno, which encouraged the Montenegrins to attack Delgorgue. He

was hard pressed by the enemy, who availed themselves of every inch of

cover. On June 17 he attempted a bayonet charge, which failed, and he

himself was killed in the _mêlée_; the retreat became a rout, Bergato

was abandoned, and the Russians seized Monte Sergio and Gravosa.

Ragusa was filled with refugees flying before the Montenegrins, and

from that day was closely invested. A Russian attack on Lacroma was

repulsed, but on the 19th the bombardment commenced. The battery

on Monte Sergio discharged 3374 shells in seventeen days, but only

twenty-three people were killed. All the houses round the town were

razed to the ground; the villas of the rich nobles were plundered, the

more valuable contents being seized by the Russian officers, and the

rest left to the Montenegrins, Bocchesi, Canalesi, Bosnians, and even

Turks, who had swarmed down in the hope of loot. The inhabitants who

did not get away in time were murdered and even tortured. On June 22

there was a suspension of hostilities, and the nobles tried to induce

Lauriston to surrender, which he refused to do. On the 28th Admiral

Siniavin summoned him to capitulate without success; the bombardment

recommenced, but without much vigour, and the siege became a blockade.

Suddenly on July 6 a body of French troops appeared before the Porta

Ploce, and soon after Molitor himself arrived, drove off the Russians,

and entered the town. When the news of the defeat at Bergato reached

Zara he had quickly collected 2000 men and advanced on Ragusa. He sent

a message to Lauriston which was designed to fall into the hands of the

Russians, announcing his arrival at the head of 10,000 men; he also

made a small body of troops march several times past a spot near Ombla

whence they could be seen by the enemy. The Russians, thus deceived

as to the strength of the French, abandoned Monte Sergio, and together

with the Montenegrins fled to the coast and embarked on board ship.

The French were received at Ragusa with much show of enthusiasm, for

although a large part of the population had no sympathy with them, they

rejoiced that the siege was at an end, and the fear of a sack of the

town by the Montenegrins removed.

Molitor returned to Zara, Lauriston remaining behind to organise the

French protectorate at Ragusa. He discovered that the Senate had sent

an agent to Constantinople with a report bitterly reviling the French,

another to Vienna and St. Petersburg asking for intervention in favour

of Ragusa, and a third to Paris with a humble letter to Napoleon, and

instructions to ask the Turkish ambassador to protest against the

occupation of a State tributary to the Porte. He also learned that the

Republic had deposited 700,000 florins in Schuller’s bank at Vienna,

of which a part had been withdrawn in March and June. The French

Commissary thereupon declared that henceforth all affairs dealt with by

the Senate and the Minor Council should be first communicated to him,

and that no payments were to be made without his authority.

Although Lauriston in his proclamation of May 29, 1806, had promised

that Ragusa would be evacuated when peace was declared, the French

had no intention of doing so, and on July 21 Napoleon wrote to Eugène

Beauharnais: “You will make General Lauriston observe that if I have

said in the treaty (the peace of Oubril, which the Tsar afterwards

refused to ratify) that I recognise the independence of Ragusa, that

does not mean that I shall evacuate it; on the contrary, when the

Montenegrins have gone home, I intend to organise the country, and

then abandon it if necessary, retaining only Stagno.” The Ragusans did

not know of this, and believed that they would soon be free, but their

hopes were dashed to the ground when, on August 24, war broke out again.

The French paid the indemnities for the siege very liberally—13,000,000

francs—as the money was to be provided for by Austria, whom they

held responsible for all the consequences of the Russian occupation

of Cattaro. On the strength of this generosity the Senate tried once

more through Count Sorgo, a Ragusan resident in Paris, to get the

other loan of 600,000 francs refunded, but without success. At last,

on July 8, 1807, the Peace of Tilsit was signed, by which Russia gave

up Cattaro to the French. Berthier, in a letter to General Marmont,

who was now in command in Dalmatia, wrote: “Ragusa must certainly be

united to Dalmatia; you must therefore continue to fortify it.” On

August 13 Marmont stopped at Ragusa on his way to Cattaro, and received

the Senators very affably; but in the course of conversation he said

to one of them: “Vous allez être des nôtres.” On being asked for an

explanation of these ominous words, he added “that in the present

circumstances they could not remain free: the delegates having said

that without merchant shipping the State could not exist, Marmont

replied that by belonging to the great Emperor His Majesty would find

means of compensating them. The next day the General told the delegates

who had called on him that he was instructed to inform them of their

future destiny, and that pending the arrival of those to whom the

organisation of the new Government was entrusted, that of Ragusa might

continue in its functions.”[540]

The declaration seemed the death-knell of Ragusan independence, and

Timoni describes the condition of the State in consequence of the

French occupation: “Agriculture ruined, the merchant navy reduced to

inaction, public finances dilapidated, private citizens crushed down by

requisitions, the monasteries converted into barracks, the invasion of

the Jews as army contractors, the establishment of a masonic lodge and

a club, and on the top of all this the blindness of the people and the

bourgeoisie who receive the French with open arms.” As Timoni observes,

the French party was still strong among the middle and lower classes,

who were tired of the oligarchic rule of the nobles.

As soon as Marmont had departed a secret meeting of the Senate was

held, and it was decided to send a disguised messenger to Vienna with

a petition to the Emperor of Austria. As usual insufficient secrecy

was observed, and Marmont heard of their action, but did nothing for

the moment. On November 4 a demand was made for 300 sailors for the

Franco-Venetian fleet, to which the Senate replied that in Ragusa

there was always an insufficiency of seamen, that a third of the crews

were foreigners, and that many of their ships had been captured by the

Russians or were abroad. Instructions were sent to Kiriko, the Ragusan

consul at Constantinople, to try to obtain Turkish intervention. But

the French ambassador, General Sebastiani, had so much influence with

the Porte that Kiriko had been obliged to remove the Ragusan arms from

his house, and to request the Ragusan ship-captains to substitute

the tricolor for the banner of St. Blaize. For this the Republic

dismissed him from his office, and sent Antonio Natali to inform the

Sultan of the dangers which menaced “the oldest and most faithful

tributary of the Porte.” On December 21 Lauriston informed the Minor

Council that Ragusan ships must take out Italian patents within three

days on pain of being seized on leaving the port. The Senate replied

that it could not take such a step without consulting the Ottoman

Government. Two days later Lauriston left Ragusa, and on the 26th

Colonel Godart put up a notice declaring that any captain who did not

hoist the Italian colours at once would be imprisoned. On January

2, 1808, General Clauzel took command of Ragusa, and on the 6th the

tricolor was hoisted on the flagstaff in the Piazza. The Senate tried

to send Count Caboga to the Emperor of Austria, but Clauzel prevented

his departure. Urgent messages were despatched to Constantinople, and

overtures were even made to Timoni. “Consul,” they said significantly,

“Ragusans or Austrians.” The Pasha of Bosnia was also approached, but

he was friendly to the French, and informed them of all the Ragusans’

communications. On the 30th Marmont returned to Ragusa, and summoned

the Senate, saying that he had a declaration to make. “The Council,”

writes Timoni, “gathered together in less than an hour, and Colonel

Delort repaired to the Palace, followed by the Consul Bruère, the war

commissary, the commander of the garrison, the interpreter Vernazza,

and two other officers. The Colonel sat down beside the Rector, and

read out to the Senate a document in which the Government of Ragusa

was accused of disloyalty, of having set the Pasha of Bosnia against

the French, of having tried to raise an agitation among the people;

the intimation made by Marmont the preceding August not having had any

effect, it was now necessary to take further measures. He then drew

another paper from his pocket, and read as follows:—

“‘The General Commander-in-Chief in Dalmatia orders: The Republic of

Ragusa has ceased to exist; the Government and the Senate, as well

as the law-courts, are dissolved. M. Bruère is appointed provisional

administrator of the State of Ragusa.’

“The Senators were silent for a while; then Count Biagio Bernardo

Caboga arose, and informed the Colonel that neither the moment nor the

circumstances permitted him to enter into a long justification; that,

as far as concerned himself, his conscience was pure and clear, and

that he could answer for the loyalty of his colleagues. The Senate was

ready to submit to the Divine Will as manifested through the organ of

His Majesty Napoleon the Great.”

Meanwhile troops seized the Palace, the Segreteria, and the custom

house, on which seals were affixed. That night the burghers of

Ragusa gave a ball to celebrate the end of the oligarchy! But though

resistance might now seem indeed hopeless, the Senate continued to

intrigue for a little while longer. Napoleon then ordered Marmont to

arrest ten of the chief agitators and send them to Venice as hostages,

and to threaten to shoot all who were found to be in correspondence

with foreign Governments. The nobles ceased to agitate openly, but they

did not yet renounce all hope of regaining their independence.

In March, 1808, Marmont was created Duke of Ragusa, a title of which,

according to Pisani, he was not very proud, for in his memoirs he

mentions it as having been conferred on him in 1807, perhaps because he

did not like to be reminded of the fact that it was a reward for his

services in the suppression of a free Republic.

Napoleon had appointed the Venetian Dandolo Provveditore of Dalmatia,

while General Marmont retained the supreme military command. But Ragusa

and Cattaro were given a separate administration under G. D. Garagnin,

who was independent of Dandolo, and responsible only to Marmont. The

territory of the Republic was divided into three districts: Ragusa,

Stagno, and the Islands. Ragusa was given a council of eighteen members

(six nobles, six burghers, and six plebeians), with Count Sorgo as

mayor, and four _adjoints_. The State’s finances proved to be still in

good condition in spite of all the troubles and the requisitions, and

large sums were invested in foreign banks.

After the departure of the Russian fleet the British squadron appeared

in the Adriatic and began to prey upon French and Dalmatian shipping.

During the next three years fighting continued in Croatia between the

Austrians and the French, and trouble was threatened in the Bocche

by the native Orthodox Christians supported by the Montenegrins. The

French General Pacthod visited Cattaro, made some arrests, shot three

of the agitators, and calmed the rest of the population. But the

British fleet ceaselessly cruised up and down, and prevented the French

from maintaining secure communications between Italy and Dalmatia.

The British crews had one great advantage over the French—they were

all Englishmen, and veterans; whereas the French ships were manned

by scratch crews, consisting of Italians and Slaves, as well as of

Frenchmen. In 1810 Lissa was made the port of call for British ships,

but not fortified. In October a Franco-Italian squadron under Captain

Dubordieu, in the absence of British men-of-war, seized the island and

captured a few merchantmen; but he abandoned it again on the return

of the fleet, and the British now decided to occupy it permanently.

Dubordieu received orders to try to recapture it, and on March 11,

1811, he set sail from Ancona with nine warships, 271 guns, and 2655

men. On the 13th he encountered a British squadron under Captain

Hoste, consisting of four ships with 188 guns and 985 men. In spite of

this great disparity of forces Hoste gave battle, and was completely

victorious; most of the enemies’ ships were sunk or captured. The

British were equally successful in subsequent engagements, and Lissa

was strongly fortified and formally taken possession of in 1812. The

island prospered enormously under British rule, and the population

rose from 4000 to 11,000. In January Sir Duncan Robertson, commanding

at Lissa, occupied Curzola, which was given a government like that of

Lissa under Lowen, and became equally prosperous. The Ragusan island of

Lagosta was occupied at the same time.

In the following May the British determined to occupy the other

Ragusan islands. On February 18 an attack was made on Mezzo, but

repulsed. The island was then blockaded; part of the garrison deserted,

and the rest under Lieutenant Tock retired to the Forte della Montagna.

A British force landed, seized the Forte Santa Maria, and placed a

battery on a hill commanding Tock’s position. Unable to hold out any

longer, he surrendered to Blake with the honours of war. Giuppana was

also captured, and then Calamotta, and the Ragusan Count Natali was

appointed Governor of the Archipelago under British protection. An

attack on Ragusavecchia was repulsed by a Croatian battalion on October

11; but two days later that same battalion deserted from the French

to the English side, and Count Biagio Bernardo Caboga was appointed

Governor of the town. The same day another Croatian detachment

abandoned the island of Daksa at the entrance of the harbour of

Gravosa, and a British force occupied Stagno. Thus Ragusa was blockaded

from the sea on all sides. On November 11, 1813, Hoste attacked the

island of Lesina, and captured it without difficulty.

In this same year an Austrian army invaded Dalmatia and co-operated

with the British fleet; the population being tired of French exaction

rose in arms in favour of the Austrians. The French, attacked on all

sides, were forced to abandon many towns and fortresses. For a time

the British under Cadogan, the Austrians under General Tomasić, and

the Dalmatian insurgents under Danese all worked together for the

expulsion of the invaders. But in the operations round Ragusa and

Cattaro a certain amount of friction arose between the British and the

Austrians. The French forces too, however, were not homogeneous, and

the number of desertions from the Italian and Croatian regiments, whose

hearts were not in the fight, was very large. The Allies were assisted

by an anti-French movement in Ragusa itself; but while the nobles and

the peasantry desired the restoration of the Republic, the bourgeoisie

still evinced French tendencies. The other Dalmatians wished to be

under Austrian dominion.

The British fleet, as I have said, had occupied the Ragusan islands,

where a provisional Government was set up under Ragusan nobles, and

the old Ragusan laws were revived. With the capture of Stagno the

whole country west of the Ombla rose in favour of the Anglo-Austrians,

and Captain Lowen issued a proclamation to the Ragusans from Mezzo,

declaring that “the English and Austrian forces were advancing towards

this country to give it back its liberty.... Remember that you bear a

glorious name, and fight as the Spaniards and the Russians have fought

to restore your independence.” The Austrian proclamation issued by

General Hiller contained no mention of the word independence.

[Illustration: TERRACE OF THE VILLA BRAVAČIĆ, NEAR RAGUSA]

In the meanwhile the Ragusans Count Caboga and Marchese Bona raised

a force of 3000 Canalesi; as this was not sufficient to recapture

Ragusa, it became necessary to apply for British assistance. But no

one wished to be the first to ask for it, as it was feared that if

the British did seize Ragusa they might end by retaining it; while if

they failed, the French would show no mercy on the rebels. At last it

was agreed to send a popular deputation of twenty-five peasants to

Captain Hoste, who was in command of the squadron at Cattaro, asking

for help from the Allies to re-establish the Republic. According to

Bona, Hoste and Lowen gave them a safe-conduct, declaring that the

Canalesi, under the protection of the Allies, were to act for the

common cause, and promised to send an English force to Canali. The

Canalesi rose in revolt, and drove the French gendarmes and patrols

out of the country. As no English force arrived, a second deputation

went to Hoste, who sent Lowen to Ragusavecchia, but no men to Canali.

Caboga then proclaimed the general revolution, but was forced to fly

from the French police. On October 28 a small British detachment under

Lieutenant Macdonald landed at Ragusavecchia, raised the British flag,

and declared that the ancient laws of Ragusa were revived in the place

of the French ones, and Count Caboga was made commandant of the town

_pro tempore_. The raising of the British flag and the appointment

of Caboga displeased the Ragusan nobles, who regarded these acts as

infringements of their own rights. They met in council, and proposed

to send an agent to Constantinople to notify the restoration of the

Republic to the Sultan and place it once more under his suzerainty.

Caboga spoke against the proposal as constituting a slight to the

English, whereupon he was at once accused of having sold himself

to them. Lowen was then asked for permission to raise the Ragusan

standard, but he said that he had no authority, and that application

must be made to Admiral Fremantle, who held the chief command in the

Adriatic. But when Hoste arrived at Ragusavecchia on November 15,

he at once had the standard of St. Blaize hoisted, saluted it with

twenty-one guns from his frigate, and proclaimed the independence of

the Republic.

Caboga then determined to begin the attack on Ragusa with his

insurgents. The town was at that time a first-class fortress. The Porta

Ploce was defended by the Revellino, and the Porta Pile by the Forte

San Lorenzo; while on Monte Sergio the Forte Imperiale had been erected

the previous year. An assault on the latter having failed, the blockade

was commenced. At first the operations were not very successful, for

although Bona raised some of the people of the Primorije, the chiefs

of the villages beyond Slano told him that they had been ordered by

General Tomasić to swear fealty to Austria alone—a proof of that

Power’s intentions with regard to Ragusa. Captain Hoste also refused to

provide a landing party or a siege train. Lowen was next applied to,

and he landed fifty men, appointing Caboga “Commander-in-Chief of the

Insurgent Forces besieging Ragusa.” But the besiegers had no artillery,

and at their headquarters at Gravosa there were only 300 or 400 men,

while a party of the French-Ragusan National Guard, under Colonel

Giorgi, had succeeded in arresting some of the nobles at Gravosa

on November 25. Montrichard, who commanded the Ragusan garrison,

determined on a sortie on the night of December 8. Native spies

informed the besiegers of the plan, and an ambuscade was prepared to

meet the attacking party as they issued from Porta Pile. But midnight,

the hour fixed for the sortie, having passed, and no one appearing,

the insurgents thought that the idea must have been given up, and

returned to Gravosa. Then a Croatian detachment under Grgurić, and an

Italian one under Paccioni, issued forth from Ragusa and attacked the

insurgents’ headquarters at 2 A.M. But the advance was revealed by two

deserters who fired off their rifles, and Paccioni failed to co-operate

with Grgurić. The sortie was therefore repulsed, but with small losses

on either side.

On January 3, 1814, the Austrian General Milutinović arrived before

Ragusa at the head of two battalions, bringing letters from Baron

Tomasić, who thanked Caboga and Bona for their services. His first

act, however, was to attempt to disband the local volunteers, to which

Caboga refused to agree, demanding the recognition of the insurgents

as independent belligerents. This Milutinović granted, as he was not

strong enough to refuse, and he left Caboga in command of the besiegers

during his own absence at Cattaro. Having failed to take that town he

returned to Gravosa on the 13th. The nobles were dissatisfied with

Caboga, whom they regarded as being in the pay of foreigners, and

on the night from the 17th to the 18th of January they met at Count

Giorgi’s house at Gravosa, and proclaimed the re-establishment of the

Republic. D’Ajala and Bosgiović notified the event to the Emperor

of Austria and the Sultan respectively, and a deputation waited on

Milutinović for the same purpose. The General pretended to acquiesce,

as he was not in a position to do otherwise. Hoste, although he had

little sympathy for the rebels, was not sorry to see Milutinović in

difficulties. When the latter, however, asked him for artillery, after

refusing, he agreed to supply two guns and four mortars, which were

landed on the 20th. On the 21st the bombardment was commenced, but did

little damage at first. An attack on Forte Imperiale failed, but a few

days later another battery was raised at San Giacomo, and armed with

ten British guns, brought into position by a difficult and circuitous

route; it opened fire at once on Forte Imperiale and Lacroma.

On the 25th Montrichard, who was certainly no hero, communicated with

the besiegers with a view to capitulation, and on the 26th explained

their proposals to his council of defence. Grgurić, Paccioni, and Major

Sèbe, who were the most energetic of his officers, replied that as the

walls were intact, the population quiet, provisions ample, and there

were 152 guns, the garrison was not in any of the cases justifying a

capitulation according to the regulations. Montrichard pretended to

give way, but the next day he arranged for a popular demonstration of

some 200 people, who hooted the Italian troops, while a member of the

crowd raised the Ragusan standard on one of the towers. This gave him

the required excuse, and some hours later a capitulation was agreed

upon, by which the Anglo-Austrians were to enter the town at midday on

the 28th, but the insurgents were not to be admitted until disarmed.

The French and Italian troops were to be shipped to Ancona without the

honours of war. When Caboga heard the terms of the capitulation he was

most indignant, because a few days previously Milutinović had promised

that on the surrender of the town 200 armed insurgents should enter

it together with the troops, that the Ragusan flag should be raised

on the forts with that of Austria and Great Britain, and that the

civil government should be carried on by Caboga and the commission of

nobles. Finding himself thus betrayed, he ordered Count Natali to be

ready with an armed body of insurgents at the Porta Ploce, to enter as

soon as it was opened and proclaim the restoration of the Republic. The

citizens got wind of this plan, and fearing that the insurgents might

think more of plunder than of the Republic they informed Milutinović.

The General worked all night to get the Porta Pile, which had been

blocked up during the siege, open by dawn. In this he succeeded, and

at an early hour his Croatians entered the town with two guns. In the

meanwhile the insurgents were waiting outside the other gate, and when,

at twelve o’clock, it was opened and they rushed towards the bridge,

they found themselves faced by the Austrian troops with fixed bayonets

and the two guns. They saw that the game was up, and dispersed to their

homes. They returned later unarmed, carrying instead of rifles fruit

and vegetables to sell in the market.

Milutinović dissolved the National Guard organised by the French, and

the Austrian troops seized all the posts. On the 29th the Austrian

standard was raised on the Orlando column, and Austrian and English

detachments occupied the forts. The French garrison left, and a few

days later the British fleet set sail. Its share of the booty consisted

of a few guns, some powder, and tobacco.

The party of the nobles, although it was obvious that the Republic

was no more, especially after the departure of the English, did not

yet abandon all hope. On February 15 the civil officials swore fealty

to the Emperor of Austria as King of Dalmatia, Ragusa, and Cattaro,

and on March 2 the clergy did the same. The latter had sworn fealty a

short time before to Napoleon, but Milutinović had won them over by

his respect for Catholic ceremonies, although he himself was a member

of the Orthodox Church. The Austrians now wished to round off their

Dalmatian possessions by occupying the Ragusan islands; but Count

Natali declared that the government of them had been entrusted to

him by the British before Austria had joined the coalition, and that

he would not surrender them until he received an authorisation from

Admiral Fremantle. Count Caboga was appointed by Austria provisional

Intendant of Ragusa, with instructions to follow the ordinances

established by the French. The bourgeoisie accepted Austrian rule as

a _pis aller_ rather than return under the oligarchy. The peasants

were overawed by the troops, and gave no further trouble. The nobles,

however, were profoundly dissatisfied, and still continued to agitate

in secret for a return to the _status quo_. General Tomasić instructed

Milutinović to spare their feelings as much as possible. “In dealing

with them,” he wrote, “you must not use the words _müssen_ and

_sollen_, but instead _bitten_, _ersuchen_.”[541]

In January Marchese Bona had gone to Vienna to plead the cause of

Ragusan independence. He was at first received at the Imperial Chancery

with great courtesy, but obtained no promises. When, however, the

Ragusan intrigues at Constantinople and the double game played by the

nobles were disclosed, he received orders from the police to quit the

town within a fortnight. He then departed, leaving a dignified protest

against the insults offered to him, and against the denial of justice

to the claims of his fellow-citizens.

At Ragusa the nobles continued in their opposition, and assailed all

the magistrates who did not belong to their own order. General Tomasić,

to please them, dismissed three officials who were of the bourgeoisie

and put nobles in their places. Emboldened by this concession, they

went about declaring that the Congress of Vienna was going to proclaim

the independence of Ragusa, like that of the Republic of Cracow. “The

Ragusans,” as Pisani writes, “had but too much reason to compare

their own fate to that of Poland, and in seeking the causes of their

misfortunes one may find more than one feature of resemblance between

them and the Poles.”[542]

At last General Milutinović lost patience, and when a deputation of

nobles came to propose a series of administrative reforms which would

have prepared the way for the restoration of the Constitution, he

threatened to imprison all who took part in secret conclaves, and in

his report of April 4 he denounced the nobles for their correspondence

with the Turks. But when he departed to attack Cattaro for the second

time, he left a Hungarian officer named Wittman, a weak and incapable

person, in charge, and under his feeble rule the plots began again.

The nobles succeeded in winning back Caboga to their side, by showing

him (according to Pisani) some forged documents, in which it was

stated that the Congress really intended to re-establish Ragusan

independence; fearing, therefore, that if the nobles came into

power once more they would exile him and confiscate his property,

he communicated some valuable documents to them, such as Lowen’s

proclamation at Ragusavecchia of Ragusan independence, which they sent

to England to be submitted to the Congress by the British Ministers.

But when Caboga saw that he had been hoodwinked, he returned to

Austrian allegiance. A deputation of nobles went to Zara to wait on

General Tomasić, but without result. On July 13 Milutinović returned

in triumph from Cattaro, which he had reduced to order, and made the

following proclamation:—

“The Imperial and Royal Chancery has been pleased to inform me by a

Note of January 3 that, in consequence of an agreement between the

allied Powers, the territory included under the name of Illyria during

the rule of Napoleon, and consequently the State of Ragusa, the islands

depending from it, and the Bocche di Cattaro are definitely made over

to the Imperial and Royal Court of Austria.

“I notify this decision so that the inhabitants of the said provinces

may learn their fate, and try to deserve, by a prompt and loyal

submission, the effects of the benevolence of Our august Sovereign the

Emperor and King Francis I.

“By the Civil and Military Government of Dalmatia, Ragusa, and Cattaro.

“Baron TOMASIĆ, _Feldmarschall-Lieutenant_.

“By authentic copy.

“MILUTINOVIĆ, _General-Major_.

“ZARA, _July 7_.”

This proclamation was received respectfully and in silence. Only one

noble, Marchese Francesco Bona, tried to raise a rebellion among the

peasants, and was at once arrested and imprisoned in the Forte San

Lorenzo. On August 29 the Municipal Council was summoned to elect a

deputation to the Emperor-King. Milutinović had returned to Cattaro,

and although Wittmann, who was in charge, was present at the sitting,

it proved a stormy one. Count Pozza-Sorgo declared that if a deputation

were sent to the Emperor of Austria, another should also be sent to the

King of England, whose forces had contributed at least as effectively

as those of Austria in driving out the French. But as Marchese Michele

Bona was already on a mission to the Allies it was useless to send

another; the choice of the delegates was therefore adjourned, and the

motion accepted by ten votes to eight. Caboga summoned the Council

again on September 1, when the delegation was chosen; the Council was

about to break up when the Mayor, Bosdari, received a sealed packet.

On opening it he found that it contained the solemn protest of forty

of the nobles who had signed the act of January 18. “It is we,” they

declared, “who have been constituted from that day the sovereign

Council, and have the sole authority to speak in the name of our

country.” Wittmann took the protest and forwarded it to Zara, and he

also informed Milutinović of the occurrence. The next day all the

signatories of the document were arrested save eighteen, who fled to

the islands under British protection. At 11 A.M. Milutinović arrived,

and issued a proclamation describing the protest as an “act of frenzy,”

and inviting the people to sign a counter-protest. This was done,

and Bosdari requested the General to liberate all the nobles who were

willing to sign a declaration of submission to the Emperor. Milutinović

agreed, and included the fugitives in the amnesty, on condition that

they returned within eight days. The nobles signed the oath, and on

September 15 an assembly of the people elected a deputation to go to

Zara and swear fealty in the name of all. Milutinović then addressed

a very severe admonition to the nobles, and all of that order who

occupied judicial positions were dismissed.[543]

The Ragusan archipelago remained under British protection until July

16, 1815. On August 3, 1816, Dalmatia and Ragusa received a definite

organisation by Imperial rescript, and Baron Tomasić was appointed

Statthalter or Military and Civil Governor, and Milutinović departed

from Ragusa. The Emperor assumed the title of Duke of Ragusa, which his

successors still bear.

Thus ends, after more than twelve hundred years, the history of the

Republic of Ragusa. Its Government and citizens may have had their

defects, but they were full of a real, if somewhat narrow, patriotism.

The State conferred a prosperity and happiness on its inhabitants which

have fallen to the lot of few peoples during that long and troubled

period, while the peculiar, and almost unique, position occupied in

European history and polity by the tiny Commonwealth may perhaps

justify the appearance of this volume.

[Illustration: DALMATIA, BOSNIA & HERZEGOVINA]

LIST OF BOOKS ON THE HISTORY AND TOPOGRAPHY OF RAGUSA

BIBLIOGRAPHY

G. Valentinelli, _Bibliografia della Dalmazia e del

Montenegro_, Zagabria (Agram), 1855-56.

COLLECTIONS OF DOCUMENTS

_Monumenta Ragusina_, edit. Rački and Gelcich, in the

“Monumenta Spectantia Historiam Slavorum Meridionalium,”

published by the South-Slavonic Academy of Agram, vol. x.

&c., 1879 &c.

_Diplomatarium relationum Reipublicæ Ragusinæ cum Regno

Hungariæ_, edit. Gelcich and Thálloczy, published by the

Magyar Tudományos Akadémia, Budapest, 1887.

F. Miklosich, _Monumenta Serbica_, Wien, 1858.

Orsat Medo-Počič (Count Pozza), _Spomenici Srpski_, u

Beogradu (Belgrad), 1858.

Tafel und Thomas, _Griechische Urkunden_, in the

Sitzungsberichte der kaiserliche Wiener Akademie der

Wissenschaften, philosophisch-historischer Klasse, Wien,

1851.

G. Valentinelli, _Esposizione dei Rapporti fra la

Repubblica Veneta e gli Slavi Meridionali. Brani tratti

dai Diarj di Marin Sanudo_, 1863.

A. Theiner, _Vetera Monumenta Slavorum Meridionalium

Historiam spectantia_, Romæ, 1863.

Rački, _Dubrovački Spomenici_, published by the

South-Slavonic Academy in the “Starine” for 1879.

CHRONICLES AND GENERAL HISTORIES OF RAGUSA

Niccolò Ragnina, _Annali di Ragusa_, and _Annali Anonimi

di Ragusa_, published by the South-Slavonic Academy among

the Scriptores.

Giunio Resti, _Chronica Ragusina_, continued by G.

Gondola, published by the South-Slavonic Academy.

Serafino Razzi, _La Storia di Raugia_, Lucca, 1588.

G. Luccari, _Copioso Ristretto degli Annali di Ragusa_,

1790.

J. C. von Engel, _Geschichte des Freystaates Ragusa_,

Wien, 1807.

F. M. Appendini, _Notizie Istorico-Critiche ... de’

Ragusei_, Ragusa, 1803.

Giuseppe Gelcich, _Dello Sviluppo Civile di Ragusa_,

Ragusa, 1884.

HISTORIES OF OTHER COUNTRIES

_Cronache Veneziane Antichissime_, edit. Monticolo, Roma,

1890.

Andrea Dandolo, _Chronicon Venetum_, in Muratori’s _Rer.

Ital. Script._, tom. xii.

Constantine Porphyrogenitus, _De Administrando Imperio_.

E. Gibbon, _History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman

Empire_, edit. J. B. Bury, London, 1901.

J. B. Bury, _History of the Later Roman Empire_, London,

1887.

Romanin, _Storia Documentata di Venezia_, Venezia, 1853.

Horatio Brown, _Venice_, London, 1893.

F. C. Hodgson, _The Early History of Venice_, London,

1901.

Mauro Orbini, _Regno degli Slavi_, Pesaro, 1601.

G. Lucio, _De Regno Dalmatiæ et Croatiæ_, Amstelodami,

1666.

Presbyter Diocleas, _Regnum Slavorum_, published in

Lucio’s _De Regno Dalmatiæ et Croatiæ_, 1666.

_Alter und Neuer Staat des Konigreichs Dalmatien_, 1718.

P. J. Schafarik (Šafařik), _Slawische Alterthümer_,

Leipzig, 1843-44.

A. Gil’ferding (Hilferding), _Geschichte der Serben und

Bulgaren_, 1856, 1864.

B. Kállay, _Geschichte der Serben_, Leipzig, 1878.

V. Klaić, _Geschichte Bosniens_, Leipzig, 1885.

William Miller, _The Balkan States_, London, 1896.

Sagredo, _Memorie Istoriche dei Monarchi Ottomanni_, 1697.

Hammer-Purgstall, _Histoire de l’Empire Ottoman_, traduit

par J. F. Hellert, Paris, 1835-42.

Stanley Lane-Poole, _The Barbary Corsairs_, London, 1890.

[Illustration: DALMATIA]

COMMERCIAL HISTORIES

Heyd, _Histoire du Commerce du Lévant au Moyen Âge_,

Leipzig, 1885.

Carlo Antonio Marin, _Storia Civile e Politica del

Commercio dei Veneziani_, Venezia, 1798.

C. J. Jireček, _Die Handelsstrassen und Bergwerke von

Serbien und Bosnien während des Mittelalters_, Prag, 1879.

SPECIAL HISTORIES

_Liber Statutorum Civitatis Rhacusii_ (MS. in the

Franciscan Library at Ragusa).

D. Farlati and J. Coleti, _Illyricum Sacrum_, Venetiis,

1751-1819.

G. Lucio, _Memorie Istoriche di Tragurio_, published in

his _De Regno Dalmatiæ_, 1666.

P. Pisani, _Num Ragusini ob omni jure Veneto a sæc. x

usque ad sæc. xiv immunes fuerint_, Paris, 1893.

Gelcich, _La Zedda e la Dinastia dei Balšidi_, Spalato,

1899.

Gelcich, _I Conti di Tuhelj_, 1889.

“G. G.,” _Turchi e Cristiani_, in the “Annuario

Dalmatico” for 1884.

“G. G.,” _In Tenebris Lux_, in the “Annuario Dalmatico”

for 1885.

_Relatione dell’ Orribile Terremoto seguito nella Città

di Ragusa_, Venetia, 1667.

Ludovicus Cervarius Tubero, _Commentariolus de Temporibus

Suis_, 1603.

V. Bogišič, article on the Stanico in the “Archiv für

Slawische Philologie,” Berlin, vol. ii., 1877.

J. Pisko, _Skanderbeg_, Wien, 1894.

T. Chersa, _Degli Illustri Toscani in Ragusa_.

Antonio degl’ Ivellio, _Saggio sulla Colonia e il

Contadinaggio di Ragusa_.

Paolo, Cavaliere de Rešetar, _La Zecca della Repubblica

di Ragusa_, Spalato, 1891.

P. Pisani, _La Dalmatie de 1797 à 1815_, Paris, 1893.

Tullio Erber, _Storia della Dalmazia dal 1797 al 1814_,

Zara, 1886, &c.

Sir William Hoste, _Memoirs and Letters_, London, 1833.

_Ein Gedenkbuch der Erhebung Ragusas in den Jahren

1813-14_, edit. G. Gelcich, in the “Archiv für

österreichische Geschichte,” Wien, vol. lxiv., 1882.

Comte Duc de Sorgo, _Fragments sur l’Histoire ... de

Raguse_, Paris, 1839.

ART AND LITERATURE

Philippus de Diversis de Quartigianis, _Situs Aedficiorum

Ragusii_, edit. Brunelli, Zara, 1882.

T. Graham Jackson, _Dalmatia, the Quarnero, and Istria_,

Oxford, 1887.

R. von Eitelberger von Edelberg, _Kunstdenkmale

Dalmatiens_, vol. iv. of his _Gesammelte kunsthistorische

Schriften_, Wien, 1884.

E. Freeman, _Sketches from the Subject and Neighbour

Lands of Venice_, London, 1881.

Gliubich (Ljubić), _Dizionario Biografico della Dalmazia_.

_Galleria di Ragusei Illustri_, Ragusa, 1841.

A. N. Puipin und W. Spasowicz, _Geschichte der Slavischen

Literatur_, Leipzig, 1880.

Appendini, _Versione Libera dell’ Osmanide_.

TOPOGRAPHY AND TRAVEL

B. Ramberti, _Libri Tre delle Cose dei Turchi_, 1539.

Caterino Zen’s journey to Constantinople, published in

_Starine_ x. of the South-Slavonic Academy, 1878.

Nicholas de Nicolay, _Les Navigations et Pérégrinations

et Voyages faiets en la Turquie_, Anvers, 1576.

Des Hayes de Courmenin, _Voyage de Lévant_, Paris, 1649.

Thomas Watkins, _Travels through Swisserland, Italy ...

to Constantinnople_, London, 1794.

F. C. H. L. Pouqueville, _Voyage dans la Grèce_, Paris,

1826.

J. D. F. Neigebauer, _Die Süd-Slaven und deren Länder_,

Leipzig, 1851.

F. Petter, _Dalmatien_.

A. A. Paton, _Highlands and Islands of the Adriatic_,

London, 1849.

Sir John Gardner Wilkinson, _Dalmatia and Montenegro_,

London, 1848.

W. F. Wingfield, _A Tour in Dalmatia, Albania, and

Montenegro, with a Historical Sketch of the Republic of

Ragusa_, London, 1859.

Arthur J. Evans, _Through Bosnia and the Herzegovina on

Foot, ... with an Historical Review of Bosnia_, London,

1876.

This list does not claim to be a complete bibliography by any means,

nor does it even include all the books, pamphlets, and articles which I

have consulted in compiling this volume; but it should be sufficient as

a guide for those who wish to go deeper into the subject.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] _Historical Essays, Third Series_, pp. 22, 23.

[2] For traces of the Celtic strain see T. Graham Jackson’s _Dalmatia,

the Quarnero, and Istria_, vol. i. p. 2.

[3] The term Illyria or Illyricum comprises far more than the modern or

even Roman Dalmatia, and corresponds roughly to the whole eastern shore

of the Adriatic as far as Dyrrhachium, with a hinterland extending to

Hungary.

[4] Their name is connected with the town of Dalmium or Deminium, said

by some to have been in the interior, by others on the site of the

modern Almissa (formerly called Dalmisia).

[5] Called the “Dalmatian Pompeii.”

[6] Quoted in _Handelsstrassen und Bergwerke von Serbien und Bosnien

während des Mittelalters_, by Dr. C. J. Jireček, Prag, 1879, p. 3.

[7] Cap. xxix. to xxxvi.

[8] Jireček, _op. cit._, p. 4, note.

[9] Jireček, _Wlachen und Maurowlachen_. They are now called Morlacchi

in Northern Dalmatia.

[10] Jireček, _Handelsstrassen_, pp. 22-25.

[11] _Ibid._, pp. 25-27.

[12] Jireček, _Handelsstrassen_, pp. 27-35.

[13] Their municipal statutes, some of which have been published,

present many analogies with those of Italy.

[14] This form is preferred by Professor Jireček to Epidaurus.

[15] Ἀφ’ οὗ δὲ ἀπὸ Σαλῶνα μετῴκησαν εἰς Ῥαούσιον, εἰσὶν ἔτη φʹ (500)

μέχρι τῆςσήμερον, ἥτις ἰνδικτιῶνος ἑβδόμης ἔτους ͵ϛυνζʹ. (6457 A.M. =

949 A.D.). _De Adm. Imp._, cap. xxix.

[16] Šafařik, _Slawische Alterthümer_, ii. 238; J. B. Bury, “History of

the Later Roman Empire,” vol. ii. Book IV. Part II. chap. iv.

[17] Constantine Porphyrogenitus says that the Slaves (whom he mixed up

with the Avars) had destroyed τὸ κάστρον Πίταυρα, the inhabitants being

mostly killed or captured. The survivors fled, and on an inaccessible

rock founded the new city of Ῥαούσιον. In a Slavonic document quoted by

Jireček (_op. cit._, p. 9, note 20) there is a native account of the

foundation of Ragusa. The ancient Ragusa, it says, stood _na Captate_

(at Cavtat), and possessed the whole _župa_ of Canali; when the city

fell and was destroyed, “the lords of Chum and Rascia” occupied this

_župa_, and the inhabitants of the city took refuge on a strong place,

where they founded the modern Ragusa. These are other more or less

legendary accounts.

[18] _Op. cit._, p. 10.

[19] A deep inlet surrounded by high mountains at the extreme south of

modern Dalmatia.

[20] Gelcich, _Dello Sviluppo Civile di Ragusa_, p. 6.

[21] The castle and bridge are both indicated in the drawing.

[22] Published by the South-Slavonic Academy of Agram in the same

volume as Ragnina’s chronicle. A small part of it is quoted by Gelcich,

_op. cit._

[23] There is an Albanian tribe of the name of Dukadjin, south of

Scutari.

[24] They have not been identified.

[25] In several early accounts it is said that the Saracens helped the

Avars to destroy the city by attacking from the sea, but there is no

satisfactory evidence on the subject.

[26] Head of a farm; _katun_ in modern Croatian signifies dairy; it is

a neo-Latin word.

[27] Venice, whose connection with the Eastern Empire was somewhat

similar to that of the Dalmatian cities, now recognised Charlemagne’s

supremacy. There was a Byzantine and a Frankish faction. See T.

Hodgkin’s “Italy and her Invaders,” viii. p. 231; also H. Brown’s

“Venice.”

[28] The passage reads “de ogni Vulasi,” from every Vulasi, but the

emendation “de _donji_ Vulasi,” from Lower Vulasi or Wallachia (_donji_

is Slavonic for lower), is suggested.

[29] In Southern Dalmatia the word _Morlacco_ is still a term of

contempt.

[30] This etymology is obviously impossible.

[31] The first of these was Otho Ursus or Ottone Orseolo.

[32] Quoted by Gelcich, _op. cit._, p. 9.

[33] In the Italian city-republics, besides the head of the State, the

Council of nobles, and the assembly of the people, there was also a

minor or privy council of special advisers. It is very probable that

there was something of the kind at Ragusa even at this time, as there

was later.

[34] Afterwards the archbishop.

[35] “A wall of rubble and beams.”

[36] Const. Porgh., cap. xxx. According to tradition, Ragusa had been

delivered from the Saracens in 783 by Orlando, or Roland the Paladin.

The legend probably has its origin in a confusion between Charlemagne’s

suzerainty over Dalmatia and the Saracen siege of Ragusa in 847. The

so-called statue of Orlando at Ragusa is of the fifteenth century.

[37] Const. Porgh., cap. xxx.

[38] The Naro of the ancients.

[39] Primorije in Slavonic, Παραθαλάσσια.

[40] Gelcich, _op. cit._, p. 2.

[41] Serafino Razzi, in his _Storia di Raugia_, gives a long account of

this miracle (cap. x.). The Venetian fleet designed to capture Ragusa

by treachery, but the plot was revealed to a priest, who thus relates

his vision: “I was in the church of St. Stephen about midnight, at

prayer, when methinks I saw the whole fane filled with armed men. And

in the midst I saw an old man with a long white beard holding a staff

in his hand. Having called me aside, he told me that he was San Biagio,

and had been sent by Heaven to defend this city. He told me further

that the Venetians had come up to the walls to scale them, using the

masts of their ships as ladders, but he, with a company of heavenly

soldiers, had driven back the enemy; but he desired that in future the

Ragusans should defend themselves, and never trust armed neighbours.”

Ragnina dates the event 971.

[42] San Bacco had been patron of the Latin settlement on the rocky

ridge, while the Slavonic colony had been under the protection of the

Eastern Saint Serge. When the two settlements amalgamated, as neither

would accept the saint of the other, they compromised by adopting San

Biagio.

[43] Cedrenus, vol. i., § 1019, in Migne, vol. 121.

[44] The name Rascia is generally used by old historians as synonymous

for Servia, and is derived from the river Raška in Old Servia.

[45] _Num Ragusini ab omni jure Veneto a saec. X usque ad saec. XIV

immunes fuerunt_, thesis by the Abbé Paul Pisani, Paris, 1893, cap. ii.

[46] According to Johannes Diaconus, the expedition started in the

seventh year of Orseolo’s reign, which would be the year 998; but

Monticolo, who edits that writer in his _Cronache Antichissime_ (p.

156, note 1), observes that Diaconus says that he only heard the news

of the victory when the Emperor Otho III. came to Pavia in his third

descent into Italy, _i.e._ July 1000.

[47] The name Beograd or Belgrad, _i.e._ white city, is a very common

one in Slavonic lands.

[48] “Seque suosque Orseolo Venetoque nomini dedunt.” Sabellico,

_Historia rerum Venetarum_, Dec. I. lib. iv. cap. 3.

[49] This pseudonym is an anagram for Sebastianus Slade de Ragusa;

_Slade_ is Slavonic for sweets = _dolci_.

[50] MS. in the Museo Correr at Venice, quoted by Pisani, _op. cit._,

introd. There is a copy at Zara and one at Ragusa.

[51] _Regno degli Slavi._

[52] _Chronica Ragusina_, edit. South-Slav. Acad., p. 272.

[53] _Prospetto Cronologico della Dalmazia_, p. 112.

[54] This title is now borne by the Emperor of Austria.

[55] Gelcich, _op. cit._, p. 3.

[56] J. C. von Engel, _Geschichte des Freystaates Ragusa_, § 6.

[57] Between 1096 and 1105 they had put three hundred ships on the sea

(Horatio Brown, _Venice_, p. 87).

[58] Serafino Razzi, _Storia di Raugia_.

[59] Romanin, _Storia Documentata di Venezia_, tom. viii. p. 455,

_seq._; Farlati-Coleti, _Illyricum Sacrum_, vi. 60-80.

[60] H. Brown, _op. cit._, p. 101.

[61] Spalato, however, remained subject to the empire until Manuel’s

death in 1180.

[62] In the _Archivio Storico Italiano_, viii. 154, lib. v.

[63] This stipulation appears in nearly all the subsequent treaties of

dedition by which Ragusa surrendered to Venice. By this act the Ragusan

Church came under the authority of a Venetian prelate.

[64] By Romania, mediæval historians mean the Eastern Empire.

[65] _Liber Pactorum_, ii. p. 117, v.

[66] _Op. cit._, cap. 30.

[67] Jireček, _op. cit._, p. 12.

[68] According to Miklosich, the word is of Arabic origin.

[69] Jireček, _op. cit._

[70] Probably this is too early.

[71] A _braccio_ is about an ell.

[72] Jireček, _ibid._

[73] The name is sometimes spelt Radosav.

[74] _Prijeki_ means “beyond” in Serb, and the church was so called

because it was beyond the channel.

[75] The figures given by Engel (§ 19)—20,000 horse and 30,000 foot—are

probably exaggerated.

[76] The Three Martyrs of Cattaro were saints murdered by the heathen,

or, as some assert, by heretics.

[77] The treaty is published in the _Monum. spect. Historiam Slav.

Merid._, Agram, vol. i. Document xvii.

[78] See _ante_.

[79] _Ibid._, xxvi.

[80] _Ibid._, xxvii.

[81] _Ibid._, xxviii.

[82] _Ibid._, xxix.

[83] Quoted by Romanin, _op. cit._, _loc. cit._

[84] A further corroboration, if any were needed, of the surrender

is found in the treaty of friendship between Stephen, Grand Župan,

and Giovanni Dandolo, Count of Ragusa (_Mon. Sl. Mer._, vol. i. doc.

xxxix.). No date is given, but it must be previous to 1222, as in that

year Stephen received the title of King from Pope Honorius III., whence

his designation of _Prvovencani_, or First Crowned.

[85] On the sea coast of Montenegro, near the Lake of Scutari.

[86] Dated “Ides of January, Indict. I.” (1078).

[87] It will be noticed that Ragusa is alluded to first as a bishopric

and then as an archbishopric in the same document.

[88] Gelcich, _op. cit._, p. 10.

[89] A heresy described in a later chapter.

[90] Engel, § 20.

[91] Gelcich, _Delle Istituzioni Marittime e Secritarie delle Republica

di Ragusa_, Trieste, 1892, p. 3.

[92] Marcius noster Constantinopolitanus, Vicecomes, _Mon. Sl. Mer._

I., doc. xiv.

[93] _Ibid._, xxi.

[94] _Ibid._, xxii.

[95] Gelcich, _op. cit._, pp. 13, 14.

[96] _Peline_ is Slavonic for sage.

[97] Now included in the Turkish vilayets of Kossovo and Scutari.

[98] William of Tyre speaks of the “Rex Sclavorum” residing at Scutari

at the time when the Crusaders were in Dalmatia. This is the Župan

Vlkan (1089-1105).

[99] In the plain of Kossovo, near Mitrovica (Mitrovitza).

[100] This etymology is somewhat doubtful. Duša also means the soul.

[101] B. Kállay, _Geschichte der Serben_; William Miller, _The

Balkans_; F. Kanitz, _Serbien_.

[102] See _ante_.

[103] Klaić, _Geschichte Bosniens_.

[104] Klaić, _op. cit._, cap. vi.

[105] A treaty between Ragusa and Taddeo, Count of Montefeltro and

Podestà of Ravenna and Cervia, 1216-1238 (_Mon. spect. Hist. Slav.

Mer._, vol. i. doc. 49, pp. 35, 36; also in other documents of that

collection between 1204 and 1226).

[106] Resti, who erroneously records the date as 1202.

[107] _Mon. Slav. Mer._, vol. i. p. 40.

[108] Pisani, _op. cit._, vii.

[109] _Op. cit._, p. 29.

[110] Venice had received the same prohibition from the Pope.

[111] That it was not absolutely free is proved by the Doge Jacopo

Ziepolo’s _Promissiom_, dated March 6, 1229, which says: “And we are to

receive the tributes of Cherso and Ossero, as well as of the country

of Arbe and Ragusa” (Cod. Marc. DLI., class viii. Ital., quoted by

Romanin).

[112] Binzola Bodazza is always alluded to in this connection as one

person, but in other documents, especially in the _Reformationes_,

we find the names Binzola and Bodazza as those of two separate noble

families.

[113] This stipulation is repeated in various subsequent documents, but

it was not always observed.

[114] Sometimes written _miari_.

[115] _Mon. Slav. Mer._, i. 75.

[116] We have often quoted this chronicle of “Esadastes,” not because

of the value of its arguments, but as characteristic of Ragusan

individuality, and of the way in which the Ragusans made every effort

to prove and to secure their own independence. They regarded themselves

not only as independent of Venice, but as distinct from the rest of

Dalmatia, and they were always afraid that the great Republic might

one day claim their alligiance. Hence their efforts to prove that that

allegiance had never really existed, or at least that it had had no

practical effect.

[117] _Liber Reform_, ii. 322; _Liber Statutorum_, i. 1, 2; Gelcich,

_op. cit._, pp. 30, 31.

[118] _Mon. Slav. Mer._, i. 78. This Koloman was evidently the son of

Andrew, King of Hungary, by whom he had been appointed Duke (or Count)

of Croatia and Dalmatia (1226-1241), Klaić, p. 92.

[119] _Mon. Slav. Mer._, i. 79.

[120] _Ibid._, i. 80.

[121] Klaić, p. 101.

[122] Doubtless he had been appointed during the last secession of 1235.

[123] Engel, § 25.

[124] Mentioned by Caroldus and in the _Liber Pactorum_. The name

sounds Ragusan.

[125] Resti, _ad ann._ 1252. Ragusan writers frequently complain that

the Venetians did not protect the city effectually against the Slaves,

but it is difficult to see what they could have done against an almost

inland state.

[126] This institution is described on pp. 76-78.

[127] In the various histories of Servia (_e.g._ B. Kállay’s

_Geschichte der Serben_, p. 51) no mention is made of this coalition,

and in fact the reign of Stephen Uroš, save for the Mongolian inroads,

is described as peaceful. On the other hand, the treaty between

Radoslav and Ragusa expressly mentions the alliance with Bulgaria

against Servia. Probably the Mongol invasion of 1255 induced him to

make peace with his neighbours.

[128] Miklosich, _Monumenta Serbica_, pp. 60 and 69; translated in

Klaić, _op. cit._, pp. 137, 138.

[129] Uroš was deposed by his son in 1272.

[130] For the position and importance of these envoys see Chap. III.

[131] The chapters relating to the _stanicum_ (_stanak_ in Slavonic)

are 19, 20, 49-57. The matter is ably dealt with in an article by

Professor V. Bogišić in the _Archiv für Slawische Philologie_, Berlin,

vol ii., 1877, pp. 570-593.

[132] In the _Liber Reformationum_ it is mentioned at rare intervals.

[133] The commonest are: Bassegli, Bobali, Bodazza, Bona, Bonda,

Bubagna, Caboga, Ghetaldi, Gondola, Gozze, Luccari, Raguina, Resti,

Saraca, Sorgo, &c. Only a few, such as Zlatarich, are purely Slavonic.

The whole question of the relative proportions of Italians and Slaves

in Dalmatia is very obscure. Even to this day, owing to the bitterness

of party feeling, it is impossible to obtain reliable statistics.

[134] Save the treaties with the Slavonic states, which are mostly

published in the original Servian in Miklosich’s _Monumenta Serbica_.

[135] The number of members varied at different times.

[136] Gelcich, p. 32.

[137] Luccari.

[138] _Lib. Ref._, v. p. 307.

[139] The age was afterwards lowered to eighteen years.

[140] This account is based on that given in Luccari, save for

such changes as occurred between the Venetian period and the early

seventeenth century, when Luccari’s book was published.

[141] Stephen Uroš II. Milutin (1275-1321).

[142] Lebret, _Staatsgeschichte der Republik Venedig_, i. 598. Engel,

who gives a similar account, attributes the raid to Stephen Kotromanić,

Banus of Bosnia, which is clearly a mistake, as Ragusa was at that time

on excellent terms with him.

[143] _Mon. Slav. Mer._, i. 204 (1293-1331) and 261 (1294).

[144] _Ibid._, 237.

[145] _Reform._, 57.

[146] Salt was a commodity lacking in the interior.

[147] _Liber Pactorum_, 79.

[148] _Mon. Slav. Mer._, i. 294, 295, 296, 297.

[149] _Ibid._, 303, 304, 306.

[150] We find a _Reformatio_ of May 1303 which alludes to the Servian

war as still continuing, but it was probably only a case of isolated

raids and acts of brigandage.

[151] _Mon. Slav. Mer._, i. 327.

[152] _Ibid._, 254, Misti, 1313-1316.

[153] Ragnina, _ad ann._ 1316, also _Ref._

[154] _Mon. Slav. Mer._, i. 469.

[155] Reigned until 1330.

[156] Gelcich, _op. cit._, p. 34.

[157] Gelcich, _ibid._

[158] _Mon. Slav. Mer._, i. 204, Misti, _ad ann._ 1320-21.

[159] It may have been the acts of piracy alluded to.

[160] _Ex Libr. Consilior_, 1325, Aug. 15, and 1326, March 15, _Cons.

Roy._ xl., Gelcich, pp. 34, 35.

[161] Gelcich, _Reform._

[162] Engel, § 28.

[163] Vol. i. 589.

[164] Part of Montenegro.

[165] A small island at the Narenta’s mouth.

[166] _Ad ann._ 1322.

[167] A name usually given to Greek priests in the Middle Ages.

[168] This story is somewhat confused. Ragusan writers declare that

the princess in question was deposed, together with her son, by a

rebellious noble, Alexander, who made himself Tsar and offered to place

Bulgaria under Servian suzerainty if Stephen secured the fugitives

for him. But after Velbužd Michael’s widow fled, and his first wife,

Anna, Milutin’s daughter, was placed on the throne jointly with her

son Šišman II. by the victorious Serbs. Stephen Uroš died immediately

after, strangled by his son Stephen Dušan, who held Bulgaria as a

vassal state. Then came the rebellion of Alexander, who forced Šišman

and his mother to fly from Bulgaria, and induced Dušan to marry his

sister. Anna fled to Ragusa, and perhaps this may be the princess to

whom the local historians allude. On the other hand, it does not seem

likely that Dušan would wish to capture her, his own kinswoman. See

Jireček’s _Geschichte der Bulgaren_, 290-298.

[169] _Lib. Ref._, iii. 365.

[170] Quoted in Gelcich, _Istituzioni Marittime e Sanitarie della

Republica di Ragusa_, Trieste, p. 37.

[171] _Ibid._, p. 38.

[172] Annali, _ad ann._ 1348.

[173] _Mon. Slav. Mer._, iii. 16.

[174] _Ibid._, 182, 256, 272.

[175] _Ibid._, 274.

[176] See also _Lib. Reform._, 155-157, 162, 163, 169, 248, 249; and

Resti, _ad ann._ 1349-1350.

[177] Horatio Brown, _Venice_, p. 196.

[178] _Ibid._, pp. 198-205.

[179] Horatio Brown, _Venice_, p. 211.

[180] Gelcich, _Ragusa_, p. 44.

[181] Engel, Appendix viii.

[182] _Lib. Ref._; Gelcich, _Ragusa_, p. 44.

[183] From _Astaria_, a mediæval Latin word meaning a flat tract of

seacoast. In Du Cange “maritima, campus planus mari adjacens.”

[184] Mentioned in 1254.

[185] Gelcich, _I Conti di Tuhelj_, p. 22.

[186] In 1331 a request was made to the King of Servia “de implorando

ab eo castrum de Prisren in custodia, pro securitate mercatorum

nostrorum conversantium in Prisren,” but it was refused (Gelcich, _I

Conti di Tuhelj_, p. 23).

[187] Near Petrovoselo.

[188] Jireček, _op. cit._, pp. 13, 14.

[189] For the Paulicians, see Conybeare’s _Key of Truth_, and Bury’s

edition of Gibbon’s _Decline and Fall_, vol. vi., Appendix 6, p. 540.

[190] Jireček, _Geschichte der Bulgaren_, pp. 176 _sqq._

[191] Theiner, _Mon. Slav. Mer._, i. p. 20.

[192] Klaić, _op. cit._, iii, iv, v, vii, and viii.

[193] _Lib. Ref._, v., April 14, 1319, p. 139.

[194] Gelcich, _Ragusa_, p. 21.

[195] _Ibid._, 17, 18, 23, 25.

[196] Whence the title of the English Duke of Clarence is derived.

[197] The documents on this subject are lost, but the privileges are

frequently mentioned by later writers.

[198] Tafel und Thomas, _Griechische Urkunde_ in the Sitzungsberichte

der Kais. Wiener Akad. der Wissenschaften, Philos.-histor. Classe, vi.

508-529; Miklosich u. Müller, _Acta Græca_, iii., 58 _sqq._, 66-67;

Heyd, _Histoire du Commerce du Lévant_, i. 308 _sqq._

[199] Heyd, _op. cit._, i. 475.

[200] _Mon. Slav. Mer._, i. 40, Heyd, _op. cit._, i. 308.

[201] Theiner, _Mon. Hist. Slav. Mer. illustr._, i. 121; Heyd, _op.

cit._, ii. 50.

[202] Caloian or Kalioannes.

[203] _Mon. Slav. Mer._, i. 79.

[204] _Ibid._, 83.

[205] _Ibid._, 111, 248, 251.

[206] _Ibid._, 236.

[207] It still exists in the upper part of the town, but is now used as

a depot for military stores.

[208] Gelcich, _Istituzioni Marittime e Sanitarie_, p. 14.

[209] The word is said to be derived from “a Ragusa,” but it is

doubtful.

[210] _Lib. Stat._, vi. cap. 21 and 22.

[211] _Mon. Slav. Mer._, i. 78.

[212] _Lib. Ref._, i. 1325, July 18, p. 176.

[213] A complaint was made to King Robert of Naples because of the acts

of piracy committed by the people of Manfredonia, _Lib. Ref._, i.,

1325, Oct. 17, p. 184.

[214] _Mon. Slav. Mer._, i. 204, Misti, 1326-27.

[215] _Istituzioni Marittime e Sanitarie_, p. 16.

[216] The custom was an Italian one, and the word _ceppo_ is still used

for Christmas box, or even for Christmas itself.

[217] Gelcich, _op. cit._, p. 17.

[218] _Mon. Slav. Mer._, i. 204, _Misti_, 1329.

[219] Mjatović, _Studies in the History of Servian Trade in the

Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries_, Glasnik, vol. 33, 37, 38;

Jireček, _op. cit._

[220] Jireček, _op. cit._

[221] There are hardly any distinctive traces now of the Vlachs in

Dalmatia, save in the name Morlacchi, given to the Slaves generally

by the Italians of the coast towns. In Macedonia, however, the

Kutzo-Vlachs are numerous, and preserve both their language, which

belongs to the Neo-Latin group, and their nomadic habits. There they

still ply the trade of cattle-drovers or that of wandering merchants.

See Jireček, _op. cit._, p. 60; also his _Wlachen und Maurowlachen_,

_passim_; and _Turkey in Europe_, by “Odysseus.”

[222] Afterwards called Carina = custom house.

[223] Geçcha or Geçecha in the Ragusan documents, mentioned as early as

1275.

[224] Now called Plevlje (Turkish, _Tašlydža_) in the Sandžak of

Novibazar. This stream, which flows through the town, is still called

the Breznica, and a neighbouring monastery Vrhobreznica = high Breznica.

[225] In the sixteenth century castle and monastery were still in good

repair, and the latter was inhabited by fifty monks, and contained the

body of St. Saba, the patron saint of the Southern Slaves (see Zen’s

Diary in _Starine_ x. of South-Slav. Acad.). The body was removed and

burnt by the Turks in 1595, and the building fell into ruins by the

end of the eighteenth century. Priepolje is now the southernmost point

garrisoned by Austria in the Sandžak of Novibazar.

[226] Mentioned by the _Lib. Ref._ in 1322.

[227] For this route see Benedetto Ramberti, _Libri. Tre delle cosi dei

Turchi_, lib. i.

[228] There is still a village of that name.

[229] Mostar did not exist in the Middle Ages. The ruins of Blagaj

still form an imposing mass.

[230] The seat of feudal family of the Pavlovići in the fourteenth and

fifteenth centuries.

[231] _Srebro_ = silver in Servian.

[232] Slav. S. Dimitri, Dimitrovica, or Mitrovica.

[233] Jireček, _op. cit._, pp. 75-82.

[234] Zenta or Zedda was the name of a district comprising Montenegro

and that part of Albania between the lake of Scutari and the Adriatic

coast as for as Durazzo. The anonymous writer in Matković (_Starine_

x., 1878, of the South-Slavonic Academy) describes the _Via de Zenta_.

[235] _Op. cit._, p. 63.

[236] Ulcinium, Dulcinium; in Slavonic, Olgun; in Albanian, Ulkin.

[237] On the site of San Sergio is the village of Obotti, which has of

late acquired some prominence since an Italian steamship company has

established a service up the Bojana for developing Italian trade. An

Austrian company has imitated its example, and it seems as if there

was a chance of reviving the old trade routes once more although of

course they can never regain their old importance so long as the Turks

continue to misgovern the land.

[238] 1290. Jireček, _op. cit._, p. 65.

[239] Lissos, Alexium, in Slavonic and Albanian Lješ.

[240] Jireček, pp. 66-7; this is now the Mirdit country.

[241] The name Πριξδριάνα is first mentioned as a Bulgarian bishopric

in 1026.

[242] Jireček, p. 68. The Beglerbeg of Rumelia was the

commander-in-chief of the Turkish armies in Europe.

[243] The Servian king imitated the Venetian ducats, but with a

considerable amount of base metal, whence Dante’s allusion to the

punishment awaiting “quel di Rascia, che mal aggiustò il conio di

Vinegia,” _Paradiso_, xix. 140-141.

[244] Ragusan consul at Brskovo mentioned in 1280. Its importance

ceased with the Turkish conquest.

[245] Jireček, p. 71, Bolizza.

[246] Critobulus, ii. 7, 8, in _Fragm. Hist. Græca_, v. 109.

[247] First mentioned in 1349.

[248] First mentioned in 1376.

[249] Mentioned in 1412.

[250] Mentioned in 1346.

[251] Mentioned in 1350.

[252] Jireček, _op. cit._, 41-58. A very elaborate and interesting

account of the Bosnian and Servian mines is given in this work.

[253] This division is reflected in the prefixes Gornji and Donji

(upper and lower), which are frequently found attached to the names of

Bosnian and Servian towns.

[254] According to Farlati, it is owing to the Ragusans that some

traces of Latin Christianity survived in these lands of schism and

heresy.

[255] _Purgari_ is evidently derived from the German word _Bürger_, but

the etymology of _Vaoturchi_ is unknown (Jireček).

[256] _Lib. Ref._, March 8, 1332, p. 341.

[257] Miklosich, _Monumenta Serbica_, Codice Geno (Ragusa); Jireček,

_op. cit._, p. 60.

[258] Jireček, _op. cit._, 60; Nicolas de Nicolay, _Navigations et

peregrinations orientales_, Lyon, 1568.

[259] In Servia, Byzantine influence was stronger and Italian-Dalmatian

influence weaker than in Bosnia, as is attested by the few surviving

churches of the pre-Turkish period. But in both countries contact with

the Adriatic towns was closer than with the Eastern Empire.

[260] Gelcich, _Ragusa_, p. 32.

[261] So called because its bell was tolled to announce an execution of

a criminal, a proclamation of exile, or the approach of a hostile fleet

(Gelcich, _op. cit._, p. 278).

[262] In 1346 forty additional sentries were added and distributed

among the posts, and an extra body of archers was enrolled (_Lib.

Ref._, i., March 24, p. 229). Of course when military expeditions were

organised a much larger levy was made both in the city and in the

territory.

[263] T. G. Jackson, _Dalmatia, the Quarnero, and Istria_, ii. p. 372.

[264] Jackson, _ibid._

[265] R. Eitelberger von Edelberg, _Die Mittelalterlichen Kunstdenkmale

Dalmatiens_, in his _Gesammelte Kunsthistorische Werke_, iv. pp. 343,

344.

[266] Gelcich, _Ragusa_, 17, 23.

[267] Eitelberger, _op. cit._, p. 334.

[268] Jackson, _ibid._

[269] The word _sponza_ was also applied to open loggie, built on the

borders of the Republic as resting-places for the caravans. One of

these existed at S. Michele della Cresta (1356), and another by the

Canale di Narenta (Gelcich, p. 73).

[270] De Diversis says it was enlarged in 1312.

[271] _Op. cit._, ii. 360.

[272] Gelcich, p. 19.

[273] _Ibid._, p. 20.

[274] Horatio Brown’s _Venice_, p. 212.

[275] Gelcich, _La Zedda_, Preface.

[276] Note to Gibbon’s _Decline and Fall_, vol. vi. p. 500.

[277] The “Machova” of the Ragusan documents.

[278] Klaić, p. 197.

[279] Knez means lord or count.

[280] The decadence of Servia can be traced in the titles of its

rulers. Uroš IV. was the last Tsar, Vukašin was only Kral or king, and

his son was Marko Kraljević, “the King’s son.”

[281] Du Cange, Farlati, Lenormant, and Rovinski take the first view,

Gelcich (_La Zedda_, p. 28) and Šafažik the second.

[282] It is sometimes called Zenta or Zeta.

[283] This form of succession was a very usual one in the Serb lands.

[284] Gelcich, _La Zedda_, p. 13; Jireček, _Handelsstrassen_, p. 36

_sqq._

[285] These were allowed to lapse in favour of Vojslav Voinović.

[286] Miklosich, _Monumenta Serbica_, p. 176.

[287] Gelcich, _La Zedda_, p. 14; also his _Memoire storiche sulle

Bocche di Cattaro_.

[288] Gibbon’s _Decline and Fall_, Bury’s edition, vol. vii. pp. 29-31.

[289] The ancient Tainaros, now called Cirmen.

[290] Klaić, p. 199; Gelcich, _La Zedda_, p. 80.

[291] After the year 1358 the _Reformationes_ allude to the _Rector_,

and no longer to the _Rectores_.

[292] _I.e._ when his own acts or the election of one of his relatives

was under discussion.

[293] _Ref._, ii., January 1359.

[294] _Diplom. Ragus._, 1359, 4, 5, 8; 1360, 12; 1361, 20.

[295] _Ref._, 1360, Feb.

[296] _Ref Cons. Maj._, 1361, July 1.

[297] _Ref._, 1361, July.

[298] The Slaves used Ragusa as their banking centre.

[299] Jireček, p. 36.

[300] Gelcich, _Balša_, genealog. table.

[301] _Monumenta Histor.-Jurid. Slav. Mer._, i., Agram, 1882.

[302] _Mon. Rag._, iii.

[303] _Ref._, ii. pp. 276-280; _Lett. e Comm. di Lev._ 1350-80, Aug.

31, 1359; Gelcich, _Balša_, pp. 33-37; _Ref._, iii. 91, 98, 99; iv. 24,

117, 133-4, 139, 140.

[304] Now Mičsić, in Montenegro. See Miklosich, _Mon. Serb._, p. 169.

[305] Gelcich, _Balša_, p. 38.

[306] Gelcich, _Balša_, p. 53.

[307] _Diplom. Rag._, 42.

[308] Klaić, p. 200; Jireček, pp. 36-37.

[309] Klaić, p. 200.

[310] Gelcich, _Ragusa_, p. 44.

[311] _Ref._, iv., Oct 14, 1378.

[312] _Diplom. Rag._, March 13, 1379, No. 62.

[313] _Ref._, 1379, June 20 and June 26.

[314] Engel, § 32.

[315] Razzi, lib. i. cap. xxi.

[316] Miklosich, _Mon. Serb._, 184-5.

[317] Miklosich, _Mon. Serb._, 188.

[318] Klaić, p. 206.

[319] Charter dated December 2, 1382, in Miklosich, 201-202.

[320] Kukuljevic-Sakcinski, _Jura Regni Croatin_, i. 150-151; Klaić,

209.

[321] _Mon. Slav._, iv. 187-8, 194-5, 200-203.

[322] July 20, 1385, Klaić, 211.

[323] Klaić, 226.

[324] Kossovo or Kosovo Polje.

[325] Gelcich, _Balša_, 140.

[326] The mountainous region behind Cattaro.

[327] _Lettere di Levante_, 1403-1410, fol. 78; Gelcich, _Balša_, 162.

[328] _Ref._, in _Dipl. Rag._, Sept. 17, 1390, and Jan. 26, 1391.

[329] Gelcich, _Balša_, 161-3.

[330] _Mon. Slav._, iv. 295, Oct 7, 1392.

[331] _Ref._, 1395-7, fol. 75, 78; Gelcich, _Balša_, 174.

[332] Gelcich, _Balša_, p. 175.

[333] Gelcich, _Balša_, 183.

[334] _I.e._ “the Duchy,” from Herzeg or Herzog.

[335] _Ref._, in _Dipl. Rag._, March 20, 1392.

[336] Hitherto it had only struck copper coins, using foreign silver

and gold. Gold coins were never struck at Ragusa.

[337] Gelcich, _Balša_, 200-201.

[338] Gelcich, _Balša_, 205-306.

[339] Klaić, 274.

[340] Klaić, 278-9; he deduces this from the letter of the Ragusans to

Hrvoje, April 8, 1400, in which they state that Ostoja had protested

against their detention of the Turkish envoy. See also Pučić,

_Spomenici_, i. 28, and Lucio, _De Regno Dalm. et Croat._, p. 258.

[341] A few years before, in 1391, they had received part of Canali,

with Dolnja Gora and Soko, from the Paulovići, so that now the

territory of the Republic extended from the Narenta to the Bocche di

Cattaro.

[342] _Diplom. Ragus._, 91-102.

[343] _Diplom. Rag._, 95, Nov. 16, 1403.

[344] Fejér, _Cod. Dipl._, x. 4, p. 388.

[345] Pučić, _Spom._, i. xv; Klaić, 280-290.

[346] The Djed or chief priest of the Bogomil community was also

present at this Parliament.

[347] Pučić, i. 56 and 61.

[348] Rački, _Pokret_, Rad. iv., Jugosl. Akad., 85; Klaić, 297.

[349] _Ref._ 1407-1411, fol. 245.

[350] Gelcich, _Balša_, 271.

[351] Gelcich, _Balša_, 294.

[352] _Dipl. Ragus._, July 21, 1409.

[353] Hrvoje’s shiftiness had at last made him fall into disgrace.

[354] Resti, _ad ann._, 1413.

[355] Gelcich, _Balša_, 302; _Dipl. Rag._, v. 21, 1414.

[356] Gelcich, _Istituzioni Sanitarie et Marittime_, p. 36.

[357] See the Bull of 1373, in Theiner _Mon. Slav. Mer._, i. 398.

[358] Gelcich, _Ragusa_, p. 52.

[359] De Diversis.

[360] See _ante_, pp. 195-7.

[361] Gelcich, 46-47.

[362] Matteo Saverio Zamagna, quoted in Gelcich, p. 51.

[363] The Ragusan small _braccio_ or _lakat mali_ = 51 centimetres,

Gelcich, 49-50.

[364] Klaić 337-40.

[365] _Dipl. Rag._, 202, June 8, 1426.

[366] _Ibid._, 206, July 31, 1427.

[367] Dec 31, 1427, in Miklosich, 336-50.

[368] Resti; _Dipl. Rag._, 215.

[369] _Dipl. Rag._, 212, April 30, 1430.

[370] _Ibid._, 216, June 18, 1430.

[371] _Dipl. Rag._, 220.

[372] An account of them occupies the whole of the tenth book of Resti.

[373] Matković, _Rad._, 235-36; Klaić, 351-52.

[374] _Dipl. Rag._, 228, 230, 236-38, 240.

[375] Jireček, _Handelstrassen_, 39 and 40.

[376] Klaić, 352-53.

[377] “Omnes de progenie ipsius domini Sandali appellata Cosaze,”

Glasnik, xiii. 159.

[378] Herzeg or Herzog, because he received Imperial investiture, hence

the name Herzegovina.

[379] Resti, 1435.

[380] Jireček, 85.

[381] Miklosich, _Mon. Serb._, 409-11; Klaić, 335-36.

[382] It is reported by the author of the Anonymous Chronicle that when

the Sultan tried to induce the Ragusans by threats and bribes to give

up George, they replied: “We should rather give up our city, our wives,

and our children than George or his family, for we have nothing but our

good faith; and we should do the same with you if you came here under

our safe-conduct.”

[383] Resti, 1440 and 1441.

[384] Resti, _ad ann._, 1441-1443.

[385] _Dipl. Rag._, 244, 245.

[386] Philippi Callimachi, _De Rebus Vladislai_, lib, i., in

Schwandtner’s _Scriptores Rer. Hung._, i. 457; Klaić, 357.

[387] _Dipl. Rag._, 266.

[388] _Ibid._, 268, 270.

[389] Hammer-Purgstall, 453.

[390] _Dipl. Rag._, 284, Aug. 13, 1450.

[391] Klaić, 380-81.

[392] _Ibid._, 382.

[393] Miklosich, _Mon. Serb._, 441; according to Resti he had had a

quarrel with the city in 1449 concerning the castle of Soko, which he

had tried to capture by treachery.

[394] Miklosich, 444-47; Klaić, 385.

[395] Klaić, 386.

[396] _Dipl. Rag._, 274.

[397] _Ibid._, 292.

[398] Miklosich, 457-60; Klaić, 390.

[399] In 1456 Mohammed II. addressed a letter to “the Sandjak Beg of

the Duchy and to the Kadi of Novi and Hotač” (Miklosich, 465-69).

[400] Appudini, i. 204; Engel, § 639; Luccari, 170.

[401] Prof. Bury in the _Cambridge Modern History_, i. p. 68.

[402] “Caput illius patriæ et ob mineras belli nervus.”

[403] _Dipl. Rag._, 347.

[404] _Dipl. Rag._, 353.

[405] John Sabota’s letter, quoted by Klaić, 398.

[406] Theiner, _Mon. Hung._, ii. 291-92, 297.

[407] Klaić, 401.

[408] Klaić, 419.

[409] Miklosich, 485-91.

[410] May 6, 1463, Rački in _Starine_ vi. of the South Slav. Acad., 1

_sqq._

[411] _Ibid._

[412] Rački, _ibid._

[413] Klaić, 433 _sqq._

[414] Rački, _ibid._; _Dipl. Rag._, April 30, 1463.

[415] Engel, § 40. According to the legend, while Mohammed was riding

towards Ragusa with hostile intentions he was stopped by the appearance

of a venerable old man, and his horse refused to go forward; the Sultan

was frightened by the omen and abandoned the enterprise. The city’s

saviour was, of course, San Biagio.

[416] The name is a Turkish form of Alexander, with the designation

_beg_ added.

[417] Razzi, lib. ii. cap. v.

[418] _Dipl. Rag._, _Ref._, Dec 2, 7, and 28, 1465; Jan. 3, 1466.

[419] _Dipl. Rag._, Ref., Feb. 5, 1466, to Sept. 16, 1470.

[420] Počić, _Spomenici Srpski_, ii. 130, Dec. 9, 1466.

[421] Resti, 1470-1471.

[422] Engel, § 40.

[423] Hammer-Purgstall, iii. 191.

[424] Hammer-Purgstall, iv. 4.

[425] Engel, § 40.

[426] Engel, _ibid._

[427] _Dipl. Rag._, 412.

[428] An exiled prince of the Imperial family, and a pretender to the

throne. He was a notable figure at the court of Pope Alexander VI.

[429] Valentinelli, extracts from Marin Sanudo, p. 31, April 10, 1499.

[430] Engel, § 41.

[431] Razzi.

[432] Engel, § 42.

[433] Razzi, _ad ann._, 1526.

[434] _Dipl. Rag._, 441.

[435] Engel, § 43.

[436] Valentinelli’s extracts from Sanudo, i. 297.

[437] Theiner, _Mon. Slav. Mer._, i. 805.

[438] Ragnina.

[439] Tafel und Thomas, Kais. Wiener Akad. der Wissensch.; Heyd,

_Histoire du Commerce du Lévant_, ii. 292 _sqq._; Makushev, _Mon. Hist.

Slav. Mer._, p. 111.

[440] I have spelt the names as they are in that book, inserting the

modern spelling in brackets.

[441] Jireček, _op. cit._, p. 61.

[442] This is the celebrated Sutjeska gorge.

[443] At present they are nearly all Muhamedans, having abjured

Christianity, together with most of the inhabitants of Albania and many

of those of Bosnia and other Balkan lands, during the seventeenth and

eighteenth centuries.

[444] In the Balkans there are many shrines worshipped by Christians

and Turks alike, especially in Albania.

[445] The present capital of Bulgaria.

[446] Makushev, _op. cit._, 345.

[447] _Ibid._, 440.

[448] G. Müller, _Documenti sulle Relazioni delle Città Toscane coll’

Oriente_, p. 227.

[449] Makushev, p. 477.

[450] I. von Düringsfeld, _Aus Dalmatien_.

[451] Gelcich, _I Conti di Tuhelj_, 68-70.

[452] _Ref., Cons. Rog._, Oct. 23, Nov. 22, and Dec. 2, 1468.

[453] Gelcich, _Ragusa_, 70.

[454] This is the case at Ragusa to this day. In other Dalmatian towns,

where the men are bilingual, the women often speak only Italian.

[455] This characteristic is alluded to by Pouqueville (_Voyage de la

Grèce_), who wrote 250 years later (see _infra_, chap. xii.).

[456] This last statement is probably an instance of the wish being

father to the thought, for there is no doubt that in the sixteenth

century Ragusa was a first-class fortress, almost impregnable for those

times. But Rambuti, being a Venetian, hoped to see the city one day

fall under the power of the Lion of St. Mark.

[457] I., 1884, pp. 131 _sqq._

[458] The Archbishopric of Ragusa was usually conferred on an Italian

by the Pope, while the canons of the Cathedral were Ragusan nobles.

[459] France was at this time (1538) allied to the Turks.

[460] Razzi, Engel.

[461] Razzi, lib. ii. cap. xiv.

[462] Razzi, lib. ii. cap. xv.

[463] _The Barbary Corsairs_, p. 105.

[464] According to Engel (§ 45), out of 13 Ragusan vessels 7 were lost,

and at Isola di Mezzo alone there were 300 widows.

[465] Razzi, ii. xvii.

[466] Horatio Brown, _Venice_, p. 364.

[467] Lorenzo Miniati was then Tuscan consul at Ragusa, and was

entrusted with the duty of informing his Government of all the rumours

as to the movements of the Turks which he might hear; Makushev, _op.

cit._, p. 495.

[468] _Ibid._, 501, 1566.

[469] Engel, § 45.

[470] Razzi, iii. xx.

[471] Min. Cons., June 5, 1570; Polizze Off. 5 Ragioni, Feb. 30, 1570.

[472] Gelcich, pp. 84 and 87.

[473] The Benedictine monastery, which still exists, is built on an

island in a salt lake, or rather inlet, communicating with the open sea

by a narrow channel.

[474] Romanin, _Storia Documentata di Venezia_, vol. viii., Appendix.

[475] _Relatione dell’ Orribile Terremoto seguito nella Città di

Ragusa, & altre della Dalmatia & Albania_, Venice, 1667.

[476] Gelcich, 97.

[477] _Rog._, 1667, June 23, and _Div._ 1711, f. 58, dd. Feb. 3.

[478] Quoted by Gelcich, 98.

[479] The population of the island before the earthquake is said to

have been 14,000, but this is probably an exaggerated estimate. It now

barely supports 500.

[480] Gelcich, 98.

[481] Among the killed was George Crook, the Dutch ambassador to the

Porte, and his family and four servants, who had arrived at Ragusa four

days before the earthquake on their way to Constantinople; the rest of

his suite, including Jakob Vandam, Dutch consul at Smyrna, were saved.

Vandam wrote an account of this calamity in his _Old and New State of

Dalmatia_.

[482] T. G. Jackson, _Dalmatia_, vol. ii. pp. 387-88.

[483] It consisted of five galleons and seven carracks, with a total

burden of 7200 _carra_.

[484] Fra Benedetto Orsini (Miniati), quoted in Gelcich’s _I Conti de

Tuhelj_, p. 87.

[485] Small barques.

[486] Gelcich, _ibid._

[487] Ragusan Archives, 1600—lxix. 2119, in Gelcich, _Tuhelj_, 104.

[488] Gelcich, _Tuhelj_, 128.

[489] Farlati-Coleti, _Illyricum Sacrum_, iv.; Engel, § 49.

[490] Engel, § 59.

[491] A. A. Paton, _Highlands and Islands of the Adriatic_, vol. ii. p.

130 _sqq._

[492] Article ix. and xi. of the Turco-Venetian Treaty; see Rycaut’s

continuation of Knolles’s _Turkish History_.

[493] Paul Pisani, _La Dalmatie de 1797 à 1815_, Paris, 1893.

[494] Oct. 20, 1724, in Farlati, p. 272.

[495] Engel, § 53.

[496] Why they should have called themselves by the names of those two

famous universities is not clear.

[497] Engel, § 55.

[498] Pouqueville, _Voyage de la Grèce_, vol. i.; Engel, § 56.

[499] Pouqueville, _ibid._

[500] Quoted by Pouqueville.

[501] Also the fact that France had destroyed the liberties of the

Republic would tend to make Frenchmen of the time dwell on its defects,

just as they did in the case of the Venetian Republic.

[502] T. Watkins, _Travels through Swisserland ... to Constantinople_,

vol. ii. Letter xlii. p. 331 _sqq._

[503] T. Watkins, _Travels through Swisserland ... to Constantinople_

Letter xliii. p. 344.

[504] Gelcich, p. 42.

[505] _Ibid._

[506] _Reform._, ii., Oct. 3, 1349.

[507] De Diversis, ed. Brunelli, p. 39.

[508] Curzola has always been famous for its building stone, which is

almost a marble, and acquires a rich yellow patina with age.

[509] Ragusavecchia.

[510] De Diversis, as quoted by Graham Jackson, who had seen the MS. in

the Franciscan library at Ragusa, containing passages not in Brunelli.

[511] Jackson, ii. 332, note.

[512] Jackson, ii. 336.

[513] Anonymous account of Ragusa, quoted by Gelcich, p. 76.

[514] T. G. Jackson, ii. p. 380.

[515] _Ibid._

[516] De Diversis, ed. Brunelli, p. 42.

[517] Gelcich, p. 80.

[518] T. G. Jackson, ii. 394.

[519] _Ibid._, ii. 295.

[520] Those of Stagno Grande have for the most part been pulled down.

[521] Eitelberger von Edelberg, _op. cit._, iv. 357.

[522] In the Herzegovina.

[523] _Op. cit._, iv. 317.

[524] For a more detailed description, see Graham Jackson, vol ii. p.

354.

[525] _Ibid._, ii. p. 356.

[526] Puipin und Spasowicz, _Geschichte der Slawischen Literatur_, vol.

ii. p. 224.

[527] Puipin und Spasowicz, _ibid._

[528] This, as well as the Slavonic works of other Ragusans, is

published at Agram in the collection called _Stari Pisci Hrvatski_ (Old

Croatian writers).

[529] In this, as in other works by Ragusans, no animus against the

Turk is displayed. He was regarded by the Ragusans as a law of nature

rather than as an enemy, and a wholesome fear made them careful to

avoid doing or even saying anything to offend him.

[530] Published at Venice in 1599.

[531] Venice, 1547, 1550.

[532] _Ibid._, 1550.

[533] Several editions of the _Osman_ have been published, and

Appendini translated it into Italian.

[534] Also spelt Boscovich.

[535] Pisani, _La Dalmatie de 1797 à 1815_, pp. 33 _sqq._

[536] _Ibid._, pp. 125-126.

[537] R. P. Pregadi, July; Pisani, _ibid._

[538] Pisani, _ibid._, pp. 135-136.

[539] Pisani, _passim_.

[540] Timoni’s despatches to the Austrian Chancery, quoted by Pisani,

_ibid._, pp. 299-300.

[541] _I.e_. “beg” and “request,” rather than “must” and “shall.”

[542] Pisani, pp. 457-58.

[543] Pisani, _passim_.

INDEX

Adrianople, 170, 271

Adriatic, navigation in, 54;

pirates in, 190

Advocatus Comunis, 85

Æsculapius capital, 341-4

Albania, 59-60, 166;

under Servian rule, 137;

Venetians in, 163;

Turks in, 259

Alexius Comnenus, Emperor of the East, 35-6

Altomanović, Nicholas, 165, 167, 175-6

Antium, Cape, battle of, 180

Antivari, 136-8, 140;

church of, 73;

trade with, 73

Apulia, 118, 246-7;

pirates of, 123

Archbishops of Ragusa, Venetian, 39

Aristocracy, 298, 317, 333-7, 411-16

Arrengerius, Archbishop of Ragusa, 73

Art at Ragusa, 149 _sq._, 339 _sq._

Austria, Ragusan tribute to, 327

Austrian wars with Turkey, 321-4;

schemes on Ragusa, 383

Austrians in Dalmatia, 382 _sq._, 403 _sq._;

occupy Ragusa, 411

Avars destroy Salona and Epidaurum, 16

Balša, George, 177, 179;

Balša III., 202-4, 210;

Constantine Balša, 190

Barbarossa, Haireddin, 8, 281-4

Barbary corsairs, 281, 283;

States, 324

Basil II., Emperor of the East, 61

Bayazet I., 187, 191;

II., 255, 258

Bela II., King of Hungary, 37;

IV., 110

Belgrad, 136, 225, 237, 261, 266, 324

Benedict XII., Pope, 113

Benessa, Piro, 63-4

Bergato, 107, 130;

battle of, 394-5

Bobali, Michele, 47, 63;

Vito, 63

Bobovac, 102, 200, 201, 241

Bodazza, Lorenzo and Simone, 195

Bodino, legend of, 46-7, 61

Bogomilism, 53, 108, 111, 168, 223, 230

Bojana, river, 116, 118, 137

Bona, Giovanni, 373;

Marquis, 404, 407;

Niccolò, 319, 320;

Serafino, 245

Bosdari, Mayor of Ragusa, 415;

Michele, 301

Boskovic, Ruggiero, 329, 381

Bosnia, 59, 60, 102-3, 167-8, 193, 219-223, 227-8, 238-43, 248, 251-2,

261-2

Bosnia, bishopric of, 110;

envoys to, 320;

Pashas of, 281, 296

Bosnian colony near Ragusa, 18, 19

Branivoj, 95-8

Bratutti, Niccolò, 373

Brazza, 199, 205-9

British fleet, operations of, 401 _sq._

Brskovo, 141, 143

Bruère, French Consul, 387-8, 399

Bucchia brothers, 97;

Giorgio, 319-21

Budua, 176-7

Caboga, Biagio, 301;

Count Biagio Bernard, 392, 399, 400, 404;

Marino, 319-21

Calvino, Crisostomo, Archbishop of Ragusa, 292-3

Canalesi, 404, 407

Canali, 12, 15, 206;

revolt in, 385-6

Candia, war of, 296, 318

Candiano, Pietro I., Doge of Venice, 27;

III., Doge of Venice, 27

Castelnuovo, 184, 281-3, 322

Castello of Ragusa, 151, 160, 340-41

Cathedral of Ragusa, 151-3;

Treasury, 301-2, 367-8

Cattaro, 59, 91-2, 99, 124, 140, 168, 175, 177, 180, 181, 204, 211;

Bocche di, 59, 322;

Three Martyrs of, 114

Cernomen, battle of, 170-1

Charles V., 286-8, 307-8

Chioggia war, 180-82

Christian fleet, 228;

Leagues, 280, 286;

prisoners, 285, 292

Church, Eastern and Western, 222

Citizens, classes of, 335-6

Clissa, 185, 281, 293

Coinage of Ragusa, 145, 192

Constantine Palæologus, Emperor, 264

Constantinople captured by Crusaders, 50;

captured by Turks, 235;

Ragusans at, 116, 118, 151;

routes to, 266 _sq._

Constitution of Ragusa, 79, 87-8, 330

Counts of Ragusa, Venetian, 24, 70, 71

Crnoević, Radić, 191

Croatia, 262, 401

Cubranović, Andrija, 375

Čulin, Banus of Bosnia, 53, 61, 110, 111

Curzola, 7, 199, 205-9, 402;

battle of, 91

Dabiša, King of Bosnia, 193

D’Ajala, 333, 383, 386, 389-90, 409

Dalmatia, geographical position, 1;

conquered by the Romans, 8;

by Odovakar, 9;

theme of, 9, 10;

conquered by Venice, 32-4;

Imperial authority revives in, 34;

conquered by Hungary, 163 _sq._;

reconquered by Venice, 211-12;

invaded by the Turks, 281-2;

the French in, 390 _sq._

Dance, church of, 351;

paintings in, 361

Dandolo, Enrico, Doge of Venice, 50;

Giovanni, Count of Ragusa, 62;

Provveditore of Dalmatia, 401

Delgorgue, General, 394-5

Delort, Colonel, 399, 400

Demetrius Palæologus, Despot of the Morea, 265

Dessa, Prince of the Serbs, 37

Diplomacy, Ragusan, 88-9, 288, 291

Dobroslav, Prince of the Serbs, 34

Doclea, 62, 166;

archbishopric of, 51

Dominican monastery at Ragusa, 156-7, 304;

paintings in, 363-4;

at Mezzo, 358

Dominicans at Ragusa, 113;

in Bosnia, 112

Držić, Gjore, 373;

Marino, 375

Dubrovnik, 18;

_See also_ Ragusa

Dulcigno, 136, 138

Durazzo, 7, 10, 118, 163, 166, 248

Dušan, Stephen, Tsar of the Serbs, 60, 96-8

Dutch in the Mediterranean, 314-15

Earthquakes at Ragusa, 260, 298-305

Elizabeth, widow of Louis of Hungary, 167, 183

England, trade with, 264;

incident with, 329

English colony at Ragusa, 275

Epidaurum, 7, 15

Eugene IV., Pope, 228;

of Savoy, 324

Fano, treaty with, 55

Ferdinand, Emperor of Germany, 293

Ferrara war, 257-8

Florence, connection with, 118, 272-3

Foča, 133, 267

Fonton, Russian consul, 388-93

Forte Molo, 357;

San Giovanni, 291;

Imperiale, 408, 410

Fortifications of Ragusa, 291

Forty Martyrs, feast of, 215-16

Franciscan monastery at Ragusa, 153-6, 304;

at Mezzo, 359;

at Stagno, 360

Franciscans at Ragusa, 113

French occupy Ragusa, 392;

their rule in Ragusa, 396, 401

French party at Ragusa, 387-8, 398

French Revolutionary wars, 333 _sq._

Galliani, Archbishop of Ragusa, 327

Garagnin, G. D., 401

George Branković, Despot of Servia, 226-7

Gervase, Count of Ragusa, 47-8

Ghetaldi, Marino, 380;

Rector of Ragusa, 298

Giordani, Onofrio, 341-8, 352-3

Giorgi, Colonel, 408;

Damiano, 229;

Marsilio, Count of Ragusa, 73;

Matteo, 181

Giuda, Damiano, 63-4

Giuppana, 107, 120

Giustiniani, Marco, Count of Ragusa, 70

Gondola, Francesco, 286-8;

Francesco Giuseppe, 331;

Giacomo, 198;

Giovanni, _see_ Gundulić

Gozze, Giovanni, 372-3;

Marino, 221, 319-21;

Niccolò, 195-6;

Raphael, 322

Grado, Patriarchate of, 39, 67

Grand Council, 82, 85

Gravosa, 107, 120, 273, 303, 357-8, 408

Gregory VII., Pope, on Dalmatian Church, 51

Grgurić, 409, 410

Grimani, Patriarch of Venice, 282

Gropa, Lord of Ochrida, 166

Gundulić, Ivan, 376-80

Heraclius, Emperor, 21

Herzegovina, 191, 234-5, 242, 255-6;

Sandjakbegs of, 281, 284

Hlum, 12, 61-2, 94-5, 135, 166-7, 174-5

Hoste, Sir William, 402-4, 407-8

Hrvoje, Duke of Spalato, 193, 197-201

Hungary, connection of Dalmatia and Ragusa with, 35, 105, 163, 173,

251-2, 256, 261-2;

civil wars in, 183;

conquered by Austria, 321-4

Hunyadi, John, 227, 229, 230

Isak Beg, 219, 223-4, 226, 238

Jajce, 240, 242, 261-2

John, Archbishop of Ragusa, 73

John Zapolya, King of Hungary, 262

Kara Mustafa, 318-21

Kiriko, 398, 399

Kljuć, 130, 242

Kosača, Stephen, Duke of St. Sava, 224-5

Kossovo, 139;

first battle of, 186;

second battle of, 229

Kotromanic, Stephen, Banus of Bosnia, 61

Kreševo, 143;

Diet of, 228

Kroia, 230, 246, 248, 254

Lacroma, 54, 286

Ladislas, King of Hungary, 35, 227-9;

Posthumus, King of Hungary, 229;

Ladislas II., King of Hungary, 258;

of Naples, 198

Lagosta, island of, 30, 31, 87, 107, 294

Latin Empire of the East, 50;

colonials at Ragusa, 80;

poets at Ragusa, 372-3

Laudo Populi, 24-5, 79

Lazar, Knez, 165, 186

Leopold I., Emperor of Austria, 321-3

Lesina, island of, 7, 199, 205-9, 403

Levant, Spanish expedition to, 308-11

Louis, King of Hungary, 103-4, 163, 168

Lowen, Captain, 402, 404, 407

Luccari, Giacomo, 380;

Giovanni, 235

Lučić, Hannibal, 373-4

Macedonia, 164, 166, 170

Manuel Comnenus, Emperor, 38-9, 44

Marko Kraljević, 171, 186

Marmont, General, 397 _sq._

Mary, daughter of Louis of Hungary, 183

Mary Helena, wife of Step. Tomašević, 243

Matthew Corvinus, King of Hungary, 229, 238, 251, 258

Matthew Ninoslav, Banus of Bosnia, 61

Meleda, island of, 37, 107, 178, 292

Menčetić, Šiško, 373

Mezzo, Isola di, 107, 282, 303, 307, 358-9

Michael Balbus, Emperor, 21;

Palæologus, 117;

Tsar of the Bulgarians, 73-4, 96, 107;

I., Despot of Epirus, 116;

II., Despot of Epirus, 116

Michelozzi, Michelozzo, 342-4

Michiel, Tribuno, Arch. of Ragusa, 40, 48

Michiel, Vitale, Doge of Venice, 39, 40

Milutinović, General, 409-16

Mohammed I., Sultan, 209;

II., 235-7, 240-43, 248, 255, 289;

IV., 320

Molitor, General, 390, 395-6

Montrichard, 408, 410, 411

Morea, 264-5, 322-4

Morlachs, 301, 322

Morosini, Marino, Count of Ragusa, 91;

Tommaso, Patriarch of Venice, 50

Murad I., Sultan, 170, 186;

II., Sultan, 221, 225-7

Nalješković, Nikola, 375

Naples, relations with, 327, 332

Napoleon Bonaparte, 390 _sq._

Narenta, river, 116, 135, 251-2;

pirates of, 26-32, 55;

Mare di, 94

Nemanja, Stephen, King of the Serbs, 46-7, 59;

dynasty, 58

Nikolići, Counts of Hlum, 103

Normans in Dalmatia, 35, 489

Novibazar, 59, 133, 134, 266

Novobrdo, 140, 143, 220, 237

Ochrida, battle of, 247

Ohmučević, Count Ivelja, 308

Ohmučević-Grgurić, Don Pedro d’Ivelja, 307-10;

Don Antonio Damiano, 315-316;

Don Andrea, 311, 312

Olisti-Diničić-Tasovčić, Don Juan, 310

Olisti-Tasovčić, Don Estevan, 309-10;

Don George, 310

Orchan, Emir of the Turks, 170

Orloff, Admiral, 330-31

Orseolo, Pietro, Doge of Venice, 29

Orthodox Christians, 110, 244, 317, 327-8

Ottone, Orseolo, Count of Ragusa, 32, 34

Paccioni, 409-10

Pactbod, General, 401-2

Particiaco I., Giovanni, Doge of Venice, 27

Paul III., Pope, 280-1

Paul Radinović, Lord of Trebinje, 193

Paulimir Belo, King of Rascia, 29

Paulovići, 193;

Paul, 210;

Radosav, 210

Piracy, 94, 123, 259, 261

Podvisoko, 135

Porta Pile, 57, 354, 408, 411

Porta Ploce, 357, 411

Portugal, expedition to, 308

Pouqueville, 335-6

Pozza-Sorgo, Count, 415

Prazzatto, Michele, 307-8

Prévot, French Consul, 333-5

Priepolje, 133, 134 _note_, 268

Primorije, 194, 197

Prizren, 108 _note_, 139, 145

Radoslav, Count of Hlum, 61;

Radoslav II., 62, 74

Radinović, Paul, 210

Ragnina, Clemente, 280-1;

Francesco, 332;

Niccolò, 380

Ragusa, situation, 4, 5;

foundation, 16, 17;

name, 17-18;

early constitution, 22-3;

first submission to Venice, 32-4;

second submission, 40-44;

third submission, 50, 66, 67;

church of, 51-3, 108;

independent of Venice, 106;

territory of, 107;

harbour of, 119, 273-4;

submission to Hungary, 171 _sq._;

international position, 172-3;

relations with the Turks, 169-70;

with Hungary, 212;

wealth of, 215, 219, 263, _sq._;

decline of, 297-8;

end of Republic, 414

Ragusan shipping, 2, 53, 68, 306, _sq._;

colonies, 142-6

Ragusavecchia, 15, 107, 120, 407-8

Rambuti, Benedetto, 266 _sq._, 276-7

Rector of Ragusa, 82, 170-2

Rector’s Palace, 298, 304, 339-48

Romanesque art, 151 _sq._

Rosario, church of, 351-2

Rudnik, 131, 167

Rukavina, General, 383

Russia, 327-8, 330-3, 388-93

Sabbioncello, 93-6, 135

St. Sava, 59, 134-5;

Duchy of, 224

Salamanchesi, faction of, 329-30

San Biagio, bas-relief of, 161;

church of, 153, 304;

feast of, 215;

legend of, 28 and _note_;

statuette of, 368-9

S. Giacomo in Peline, church of, 57, 113

S. Luca, church of, 350

S. Niccolò in Prijeki, church of, 57

S. Salvatore, church of, 260, 349

Sant’ Andrea, 107

Sandalj Hranić, Lord of Hlum, 190-93, 203, 209, 210, 219-24

Santa Maria del Biscione, church of, 358

Santa Maria in Casielto, church of, 57

Santissima Annunziata, church of, 350

Sapienza, battle of, 103

Saxons in Bosnia, 142, 144

Scutari, 100, 139, 188, 203, 253-4

Selim the Drunkard, Sultan, 285

Senate, 81-2, 88

Serbs, origin of, 11;

civilisation among 147

Sergio, Monte, 18, 19, 57, &c.

Servia, 58, 90-93, 164, 171, 236-8

Servian spoken at Ragusa, 10, 80

Sette Bandiere, 288-9

Shipping, Ragusan, 78, 119-20, 126

Sigismund, King of Hungary, 191-2, 194

Siniavin, Admiral, 390-1, 395

Skanderbeg, 220, 245-8

Slavery at Ragusa abolished, 313-14

Slaves, invasions of, 9;

conversion of, 53;

renegade, 193

Slavonic States, relations with, 44, 46, 56

Sofia, 140, 266, 270

Sorbonnesi, faction of, 320-30

Sorgo, Count, 397;

Stefano, 181

Spain, relations with, 285, 288, 296

Spalato, Archbishopric of, 51, 52

_Specchio_ of nobility, 80, 212

Speranćić, Paul, Banus of Croatia, 239

Srebrnica, 136, 143, 205

Stagno, 93-6, 98-9, 120, 135, 303, 359-60

_Stanico_, 74, 76-78

Stephen, Despot of Servia, 195, 210;

son of Kosača, 352;

III., King of Servia, 60;

IV., King of Servia, 60;

Dušan, _see_ Dušan;

Lazarević, Despot of Servia, 223-4;

Uroš, _see_ Uroš;

Ostoja, King of Bosnia, 193-4, 197-9, 202, 210;

Ostogić, 210;

Thomas, King of Bosnia, 228, 230, 238-9;

Tomašević, King of Bosnia, 239-40;

Tvrtko, Banus of Bosnia, 167-8;

crowned king, 179, 183-5, 187-8, 209, 219-20

Stoicus, Johannes, 223-3

Suleiman Beg, 254;

Suleiman the Magnificent, Sultan, 261-2

Sutorina, 323

Svetimir, King of Bosnia, 45

Thomas Palæologus, Despot of Achaia, 265

Tiepolo, Pietro, Count of Ragusa, 90

Timoni, Austrian Consul, 387, 398

Tomasić, General, 403

Tonisto, Niccolò, Count of Ragusa, 72-3

Topia, Charles, Lord of Albania, 166

Trade of Ragusa, 100, 115 _sq._, 118, 126, 170, 214, 253, 263, 265-6,

284-5, 207, 328, 338, 386-7;

routes, 130 _sq._

Trebinjćica, 130

Trebinje, 130, 267, 295

Trgovište, 134

Tribulzio, Archbishop of Ragusa, 279

Tribunia, 36-7, 44

Tribute to the Turks, 219, 236, 253-4, 260, 323-4

Turks, advance of, 169, 170, 191, 205-6, 219, 220, 223, 244-5;

Ragusa’s dealings with, 89, 179, 214, 235, 238, 258-9, 265-6, 278-9,

282-3, 398-9, 409, 412

Uljiša, King of Servia, 165, 170

Uroš, Stephen, 59;

the Great, 73;

II., 92;

IV., 93, 96, 164

Uskoks, 293-6

Usküb, 59, 266

Varna, battle of, 228, 229

Venetians, supreme in the Adriatic, 49;

reconquer Dalmatia, 211, 212;

in Albania, 253-4;

relations with Ragusa, 62 _sq._, 90, 91, 93, 105, 173, 257, 279-280,

282, 286-8, 318, 322-3, 328, 339 _sq._;

war with Austria, 295-6;

fall of the Republic, 382

Vetranić-Cavčić, Nikola, 374-5

Viridis, Liber, 79

Višegrad, Treaty of, 106

Vladislav, son of Kosača, 234, 252

Vlascnica, 136 and _note_

Vlatko, son of Kosača, 252, 255;

Hranić, 186

Vojnović, Vojslav, 165-7, 174-5

Vrhbosna, 225, 266

Vuk Branković, 165, 187

Vukčić, Stephen. _See_ Kosača

William of Sicily, 44, 47

Zamagna, Giacomo, 195;

Marino, 261;

Niccolò, 195

Zara, 10, 30, 31, 205, 383

Zedda, 136, 165-6, 202, 211

Zellovello, Count of Ragusa, 64-5

Zen, Caterino, 271-2

Zlatarić, Dinko, 376

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