TRADE AND INTERNAL CONDITIONS DURING THE HUNGARIAN PERIOD
In spite of Ottoman raids, piracy, plagues, and earthquakes, the
Republic prospered exceedingly in every direction. According to
Palladius Fuscus, there were three hundred Ragusan merchantmen on the
sea, visiting every port. Ragusa was the starting-point for journeys
into Turkey, and the ambassadors of foreign Powers passed through the
city on their way to Constantinople. Its traders were to be found in
every part of the Mediterranean. At the end of the period of Venetian
domination, in 1358, we have seen that “marineritia Rhacusii erat
amissa.” But after the proclamation of independence it revived and
increased to a far greater degree than ever before, and to this the
permission granted by the Popes to trade with the Infidel contributed
not a little. In 1434 the Bull _Cœna Domini_, based on the decrees of
the Council of Bâle, was issued as follows:—
“To the city of Ragusa, situated on a hard rock, on the coast of
the sea and therefore exposed to its ire, and in a most sterile
land, wholly devoted to the Church of Rome and ever obedient to her,
constantly faithful to the King of Hungary ... is granted permission
to navigate with its ships even unto the Holy Land and to the ports
of the Infidel, for the purpose of conveying pilgrims thither, and
of trading; to maintain consuls, erect churches, and establish
cemeteries in those countries.” That Ragusan trade extended as far as
England is proved by the letter of Barbarigo, the Venetian ambassador
to the Porte, who in 1513 passed through the city on his way to
Constantinople. He wrote that in the harbour was a ship which “had
come from England laden with 9000 pieces of cloth worth 85,000 ducats,
besides tin and various kinds of stuff valued at 13,000 ducats, all
belonging to Ragusans; and to-day, the third day, another ship of 5000
_botti_ has departed laden with silks and _Zambeloti_ worth 100,000
ducats, besides 12,000 ducats’ worth of _gropi_, all belonging to
Ragusans and Florentines.” He adds that the wealth of Ragusa was very
great and incredible.[436] In 1526 Clement VII. addressed a Brief to
the Chancellor and Councillors of the Duchy of Brittany, who had seized
a Ragusan ship coming from England laden with English goods, believing
it to be English property.[437] Part of the cargo was recovered,
but the loss amounted to 70,000 ducats, which caused a number of
bankruptcies at Ragusa.[438]
Ragusan trade with the Greeks continued down to the fall of the last
Greek despotates in the Morea. In June 1451, only two months before
the capture of Constantinople by the Turks, the Republic received a
Golden Bull from the Emperor Constantine Palæologus, decreeing that the
Ragusans in the capital might build themselves a church and an official
residence for the consul whom they elected; if a Greek claimed a debt
of a Ragusan he was to appeal to the latter’s consul, while in the
inverse case the Ragusan would appeal to the local authorities; Ragusan
merchants might import and export goods free of duty save for a 2½
per cent. tax on the sale of imports; there was to be no limit to the
number of Ragusans residing at Constantinople; if a Ragusan left the
city owing money to natives, none of his compatriots might be arrested
in his place. The same year two Silver Bulls of a similar character
were issued to the Ragusans by Thomas Palæologus, Despot of Achaia, at
Misithia, and by his brother Demetrius, Despot of the Peloponnesus,
at Chiarenza. The treaties were negotiated by Volzo Bobali, who in
1451 made a journey through the remnants of the Greek Empire to
improve commercial relations with his own city; but they were merely
the renewal of old-established connections, for since the fourteenth
century Ragusan traders had brought the famed silks of Chiarenza to
Ancona[439] and Italy. In the treaty with Ancona of 1372 allusion is
made to the Ragusan trade in spices, sugar, and silks from Tartary and
“Gazaria,” which shows the wide extent of the city’s sea-borne trade.
At the same time, as we have seen, the Republic’s relations with
the Turks and the Egyptians were by no means unfriendly, and every
opportunity was seized to ensure a good understanding with the Court
of Brusa and afterwards of Adrianople. The Turkish trade was chiefly
carried overland, especially after the establishment of the Ottomans
in Europe, and Ragusa’s friendly relations with the Slave princes gave
her easy access to the Balkan trade-routes, and therefore an advantage
over her Italian rivals. After the conquest of the Slave States by
the Turks the Ragusans were granted the fullest privileges, although
they were liable as before to attacks from brigands and arbitrary
impositions on the part of the Pashas and Sandjakbegs. Some of their
old settlements in the Balkans were destroyed, but others arose in
their place. Of the older towns, only Belgrad maintained its former
importance under the new rulers. But now Vrnbosna (Sarajevo, _Bosna
Serai_ in Turkish) arose, founded, it is said, before the invasion by
Ragusan merchants. Instead of Novobrdo we find Novibazar and Prokopje
(Prokuplje), Skoplje (Üsküb), Sofia, Travnik, and Mostar. In all these
towns there were wealthy Ragusan colonies, each with its church and
its consul. Some were found even at the mouths of the Danube.[440] The
inland trade in Turkish times was carried on by caravan as before,
and along the same routes. Turkish guard-houses were only two miles
from the town, but the traffic became more active in the sixteenth
century than it had ever been previously. Benedetto Ramberti, Venetian
ambassador to the Porte, gives an interesting account of the journey
from Venice to Constantinople _via_ Ragusa in his _Libri Tre delle
Cose dei Turchi_.[441] He took exactly one month to go from Venice to
Ragusa, owing to the _bora_ and the _scirocco_, which drove the ship
back continually and forced her to remain in various ports for several
days at a time. From Ragusa it took him thirty-four days to reach the
Turkish capital, by the following stages:—
_February 8th._—From Ragusa to Trebinje, 16 miles, by “a very bad and
dangerous road, over steep and precipitous mountains, which we had to
ascend more on foot than on horseback.... All this country formerly
belonged to the Duke Stephen Herzeg, father of the young Herzeg who is
now in Venice; it has become quite Turkish, and is under the Sandjak of
the Duchy.”
_February 10th._—Reached Rudine, 20 miles, passing by the castle of
Cluaz (or Klobuk), then partly in ruins. On the 11th Curita (Korito)
was reached, 28 miles, and on the 12th he passed Cervice (Cernica) and
then on to Verba, 25 miles.
_February 13th._—Priedio, 24 miles. “We passed through a mountainous
gorge, on each side of which is a small castle, one of them in ruins,
the other still in good repair, called Vratar.[442] Here Duke Stephen
kept a guard-house, where all travellers had to pay a toll. The castles
are built into the living rock; they are reached by a road by which
only one person at a time can pass, and could easily be defended by
twenty men against a whole army.”
_February 14th._—Orach, 28 miles, passing through Cozza (Foča), “a
large settlement with good houses in the Turkish style, many shops and
merchants. Here resides the Sandjak of the Duchy, who has all Servia
under his authority. By this spot all goods going from Ragusa to
Constantinople must pass, as also those from Constantinople to Ragusa.
No horse worth over 1000 _aspers_ (20 ducats) is allowed to cross the
river, but if any traveller brings one he must either spend more in
bribes than the horse itself is worth, or sell it for what it will
fetch.”
_February 15th._—The first guard-house on the Kovaz Mountain, 25 miles.
_February 16th._—Plevlje, 34 miles, “which is not an unattractive place
for this country. Here five years ago a caravan of Venetian merchants
of about one hundred horses was attacked by evil persons, who killed
and wounded many, two Venetian nobles, Nani and Cappello, being among
the dead. Watch against the brigands is kept in the following manner:
one man from the village goes through the woods beating a drum and
looking out to see if any person is lurking about, and this sound
informs travellers that the passage is secure. The villages which
provide these watchmen are free of taxes.”
_February 17th._—Priepolje, 24 miles. “Here and at Plevlje, which are
both very large and pleasant towns for this country, the people are
all Christians;[443] but in the house where we lodged we found a woman
with seven children, the eldest of whom had turned Turk (Muhamedan),
and this because the Sultan Selim, wishing to increase the number
of Turks, imposed a heavy poll-tax, called the Talotz, on all the
Christians, but he exempted those families who made one of their sons
a Turk. This induced many to free themselves thus from the tax; but the
Sultan did not carry out the whole of his promise, and maintained the
Talotz on all save those who actually turned Turks themselves.”
_February 18th._—“Reached Vuatz, 32 miles, passing by St. Sava, where
there is a very large monastery of Servian caloyers, who dress and live
in the Greek fashion, but speak Slavonic. They show to travellers the
body of St. Sava, which is still in a perfect state of preservation.
They receive more alms from the Turks and the Jews than from the
Christians.[444] At the mount of the Morlak (Molatschidi) ends the
Sandjak of Servia and that of Bosnia begins, in which is Senice.”
_February 19th._—Novibazar, 40 miles, “a very large and celebrated
market-place, full of merchants and shops, both Turkish and Christian,
some of them Ragusans. Close by flows a beautiful clear stream, which
enters the Morava shortly after.”
_February 20th._—Ibar, 16 miles, near the “Mountain of Silver, which
should be the Mons Rhodopus.”
_February 21st._—Statoria, 25 miles, which was reached by passing over
the Mountain of Silver, “very high and difficult to climb, especially
in winter, when it is covered with snow. On the summit is a road, a
_braccio_ and a half wide, by which one passes not without danger from
the precipice.”
_February 22nd._—Suatza, 25 miles. “We crossed the broad Toplitza,
which is a plateau covered with little hillocks and surrounded by
high mountains; but the country is agreeable, and produces delicious
wines and much grain. The village of Toplitza is not only pleasant and
beautiful, but fertile and well provided with all the necessaries of
life. Here we begin to breathe again after the long travail and danger
of the past journey.”
_February 23rd._— Buovaga reached after passing through Nissa (Niš),
“which was once a city, but is now reduced to a fair-sized village in
the Turkish style.”
_February 24th._—Clissariza, in Bulgaria, 28 miles, which is here
separated from Servia by Mount Cunovizza.
_February 25th._—Zaribrod, 28 miles (the present Servo-Bulgarian
frontier), passing through Pirot, “formerly a walled castle built in
the ancient style of very large blocks of stone.”
_February 26th._—Bellizza, 25 miles, in the fertile plain of Sofia.
_February 27th._—Sofia,[445] 15 miles. Here there are many Ragusan
merchants and Jews, but the inhabitants are mostly Turks.
_March 1st, 1534._—Vacarevo, 28 miles, reached after riding all day
across a treeless plain.
_March 2nd._—Vieterno, 28 miles.
_March 3rd._—Celopinci, 32 miles, after passing Bazarcich (Tatar
Bazarjik).
_March 4th._—Cognuzza, after passing Philippopolis. “We still see the
remains of the walls, which are in part entire and fine. There is
a very long wooden bridge across the Maritza, which flows close by,
consisting of over thirty arches. Under these many branches of the
river pass.”
_March 6th._—Chiudegegnibustraman (?).
_March 7th._—Adrianople, 22 miles. “We crossed the bridge of Mostaffa
Bassa (Mustafa Pasha) over the Maritza. It is very fine and wide, and
has twenty arches, all of marble, with a gilded slab in the middle, on
which are inscribed in blue Turkish letters the date, the names of the
architect and the builder, and the cost.”
_March 8th._—Sugutli, 20 miles.
_March 10th._—Bergas.
_March 11th._—Chiorlich.
_March 12th._—Chiumbergasti.
_March 13th._—Cocchiucchemeghi, 20 miles.
_March 14th._—Constantinople, 12 miles. “On arriving here we felt as
though we had issued out of Hell, for the whole country from Ragusa
until within a few miles of Constantinople is for the most part
uncultivated and horrible, not by nature, but by the negligence of the
inhabitants, full of terrible forests and dangerous precipices, very
unsafe on account of the brigands, very wretched as to accommodation,
so that it is a fine thing to have been through it, but very strange
and difficult while actually on the journey.” These words are
applicable to this day to a large part of the country traversed, and
will continue to be a true description so long as the Turks hold sway
over it.
Caterino Zen, another Venetian ambassador to Constantinople, travelled
through the Balkans by the Spalato route in 1550, employing fifty-two
days between Spalato and the Turkish capital, of which three were spent
at Novibazar and six at Sofia. He adds that without baggage the journey
may be accomplished in one month, and from Ragusa in twenty-five days,
while the Vlach runners do it in fifteen. An anonymous traveller
describes the route from Ragusa to Constantinople _via_ Dulcigno, San
Sergio on the Boiana, Prizren, the plain of Kossovo, Üsküb, Tatarbaric,
Philippopolis, and Adrianople, which he accomplished in forty-five days.
Trade with Italy continued to develop and expand on the same lines as
before, and late in the fourteenth century direct intercourse with
Florence was established. In 1406 the Florentine Government declared
that the Ragusans had brought so much silver to Florence (from the
Balkan mines) “that we have almost purchased Pisa with it.”[446] In
1429 a five years’ treaty between the two Republics was concluded, the
Ragusans agreeing to bring gold, silver, skins, wax, and other Balkan
produce to Florence in exchange for Italian wares.[447] Relations were
maintained owing to the frequent visits of the Florentine ambassadors
on their way to Constantinople, and many Florentine merchants resided
in the town. Apparently the Pazzi family had property there, and
after the famous conspiracy the Florentine Government desired to
confiscate it. In 1479 an envoy was sent to Constantinople to obtain
the extradition of one of Giuliano dei Medici’s murderers; he was
instructed to stop at Ragusa on the way to get a guide who knew Turkey
“persona pratica in Turchia.”[448] In 1495 mention is made of the
appointment of a Florentine consul and magistrate at Ragusa, while in
1514 the Ragusan Lorenzo Ragni (Ragnina?) held office as magistrate and
Councillor of Justice in Florence.[449] Various other Christian Powers
made use of Ragusa for their relations with the Turks, and even Francis
I. of France is said to have had recourse to a member of the Gozze
family in his negotiations with the Sultan.[450]
[Illustration: ENVIRONS OF RAGUSA.]
Until the fifteenth century the vessels built on the territory of the
Republic were small and chiefly used for the coastwise traffic, all
foreign trade being carried on ships purchased from other Dalmatian
towns or from Italy. Now, however, these sources of supply were found
to be inadequate, and in 1525 the Senate decided to build a new
shipping yard at Gravosa. This was completed the following year, and
was a very admirable and elaborate establishment for the age. At the
same time the docks at Slano, Isola di Mezzo, and elsewhere, which
belonged to private persons, were enlarged and improved. But even these
measures were insufficient for the ever-increasing business, and more
ships were purchased at Curzola and at Messina.[451]
The harbour and wharfing accommodation were enlarged. Work of this kind
had been partially accomplished in 1468 under the direction of the
Florentine architect Niccolò di Pasquale;[452] further improvements
were executed by Mastro Stazio in 1473, and in the following year
dredging operations in the port were commenced. In 1475 the quays were
enlarged, and warehouses for grain erected. The whole port was rebuilt
on a larger scale between 1484 and 1500 by another Florentine, Pasquale
di Michele. This same architect also planned the warehouses for goods
coming from the interior. When the Republic received formal permission
to trade with the Infidel the existing _fondico_ was enlarged in 1432
and 1442. The discovery of the Cape route and the intrigues of the
Venetians caused a temporary stagnation of Ragusan trade, but it soon
revived, and on June 28, 1515, the Senate decreed “de providendo pro
uno fontico spacioso in quo omnia mercimonia possint fonticari.”
Although internal industry never attained to the importance of the
Republic’s foreign commerce, it was at this time fairly active.
Manufacturers and traders together constituted (in 1514) no less
than twenty-one guilds.[453] In 1348 the merchants formed themselves
into the Guild of St. Anthony, which in the sixteenth century became
so large that those of its members who dealt exclusively with the
Eastern trade seceded from it and formed the Guild of St. Lazarus,
or “Scuola dei Mercanti di Levante.” These two guilds comprised all
the richest persons in the city, and came in time to constitute a
separate privileged caste, whose members alone had the right to call
themselves citizens, and were the inferiors of the nobles alone. The
other lay guilds were: the _Pentori_, painters, with 19 members; the
_Callegari_, or makers of leather slippers for the neighbouring
Turkish provinces, with 146 members; the _Pellizzai_, or furriers, with
60 members; the _Tessatori_, or weavers of cloth, founded in 1491,
after one Andrea Pantella of Florence had introduced the industry from
Italy in 1416, and in 1514 it had 137 members. There were in addition
many other guilds in other parts of the Republic’s territory, while a
number of other industries, such as the goldsmiths, the tanners, the
shipbuilders, the dyers, &c., were not represented by guilds at all.
Professor Gelcich quotes the opinions of a number of foreign writers
on Ragusan trade in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. The Abate
Denina wrote: “The Ragusans were ever a nation of merchants and
traffickers, and are well satisfied to do what the Neapolitans have
failed to do, monopolising the export trade of the Kingdom (of Naples),
and visiting with their ships all parts of the Mediterranean.” Luca
de Linda wrote: “The Ragusans have put on the sea a number of large
vessels both for war and for traffic, and on them have travelled as far
as the New World. Among other enterprises they served the Catholic King
with many ships but a short time since in the expedition against the
Gerbi, and with forty vessels in the conquest of Portugal.” Amalthæus
in a letter to a friend advises him to settle at Ragusa, as there
were in that city many opportunities of becoming rich by trade, for
there was much active traffic with the West, and the most industrious
nations of Europe, such as the French, the Spaniards, the English, the
Flemings, and even the Germans had established colonies there.
The above-mentioned writer, Benedetto Ramberti, gives a curious
description of Ragusa as it appeared to him in 1533. Being a Venetian
his account is somewhat contemptuous and not altogether flattering.
“It is well populated,” he writes, “and in a beautiful situation by
the sea, on the Dalmatian mainland. It possesses a small harbour and
a very small mole.... It is exposed to winds and earthquakes, and is
exceedingly cold in winter. The women are not very handsome, and dress
very badly, or rather they wear clothes which suit them ill. They have
on their heads a long linen covering, which in the case of noblewomen
is of white silk and shaped like a pyramid, and thin stockings turned
down to their shins. They rarely leave the house, but are much at the
window. The young girls are never seen. The women nearly all use the
Slavonic language, but the men speak Italian as well.[454] In the city
are many fountains of excellent water brought from the hills. About a
mile from the gates is a spot called Gravosa, which is a row of houses
a mile in length, well built and attractive, with gardens full of
oranges, lemons, citrons, and fruit-trees of various kinds, beautifully
adorned with fountains fed by aqueducts.... The sea here forms a
pleasant harbour large enough to contain a hundred galleys with ease.
The Ragusans are usually rich and avaricious, like most merchant folk.
They all buy wine in retail, and timber according to certain ordinances
of their own. Friends and relations seldom if ever dine together. They
think only of making money, and they are so proud that they think
there is no other nobility than their own,[455] but I do not say that
of all, for I have known some who were very urbane and courteous. And
they deserve, indeed, much praise, for being placed in a most narrow
and rocky situation they have obtained access to every commodity by
means of their own virtue and industry alone, in despite of nature....
They pay tribute to the Sultan, to whom they send orators (ambassadors)
every year with 12,000 ducats. The city is not very strong, especially
on the land side towards the mountains, and as it is not well provided
with walls and fosses it could be defeated.”[456]