THE COMMENCEMENT OF POLITICAL ACTIVITY--RECORD AS AN ANTI-SLAVERY WHIG.
The conspicuous figure in Michigan politics, when Zachariah Chandler
landed at Detroit and for twenty-five years afterward, was Lewis Cass.
He was a man of ability and many accomplishments, irreproachable in
private life, and with a claim upon the enduring gratitude of the
people of the Northwest for his large share in the founding of mighty
States about the shores of the great lakes. He came to Michigan with
military distinction, and had added to his laurels civic honors as a
territorial ruler, as a skilful negotiator with the Indians, and as
an intrepid explorer. General Cass was a warm political and personal
friend of Andrew Jackson, and his influence made Michigan a strongly
Democratic territory and State. In 1831 he had been appointed Secretary
of War in President Jackson's cabinet, and in 1836 he was sent to Paris
as the United States Minister at the court of Louis Phillippe. The
courage, vigor and skill of his attack upon the "Quintuple Treaty,"
which embodied Great Britain's theories on the then delicate topic of
the right of search on the high seas, and which was defeated by the
refusal of France to ratify the preliminary negotiations, made his
ambassadorship an event in European diplomacy, and gave him a national
reputation on this continent. His return to Detroit in 1843 was
attended by unusual popular demonstrations at every important point in
his Westward journey. In 1845 Michigan sent him to the Senate, and in
1848 the Democracy nominated him as its candidate for the presidency.
That a man who thus made a new commonwealth influential in national
politics should call about him a strong following and mould public
sentiment at his own home was natural, and the State of Lewis Cass was
long regarded as staunchly Democratic. His party held control for years
of the main avenues of political preferment, and not a few young men
of parts and ambition who came to Michigan as Whigs were led into the
ranks of the Democracy by the fact that it was the only organization
which had honors and offices to bestow.
General Cass was a courtly gentleman, dignified in manners, who, with
a natural boldness of character which never lost wholly its power of
self-assertion, gradually became ultra-conservative in his Democracy.
Originally he had anti-slavery tendencies, but the Southern drift
of his party, which became apparent about the time of his return
from France, carried him with it, and he grew to be one of the most
assiduous originators and supporters of the series of compromises
which so long defeated justice and encouraged the aggressions of the
slave power. The result was that in time the hammer of his personal
influence in Michigan was broken on the anvil of New England ideas,
while his name became the symbol of "hunkerism" in the Northwest;
but in December, 1860, his octogenarian patriotism flamed up in the
presence of armed treason and executive imbecility, and he branded
the administration of James Buchanan as it deserved by indignantly
resigning the portfolio of the department of state. No political
contrast could well be more vivid than that between Lewis Cass and the
man who succeeded him in the Senate, and replaced him in the political
leadership of Michigan, representing a greater State, a nobler
political cause, and instead of the make-shifts of compromise ideas
which are to-day embodied in the fabric of American civilization.
Zachariah Chandler's father was originally a Federalist, and then
a Whig. The son brought with him to Detroit Whig sympathies and
anti-slavery convictions, but no predisposition to political activity.
For many years he refused to divert his energies from his mercantile
pursuits, and took no share in party contests, except such as would be
natural in the case of any enterprising citizen with a lively interest
in public questions. He was known as a staunch Whig, and he thoroughly
identified himself with that party when in both Michigan and the Union
its victories seemed accidental, and its defeats certain. Between
1837 and 1848 his name frequently appears among the officers of Whig
meetings, or as a member of the election day vigilance committees of
his party, and (very rarely) as a ward delegate to Whig conventions. He
was a regular contributor to the campaign fund, and he did his share
of work at the polls. At that time the labors of election day were not
those of persuasion merely. Partisan feeling was bitter, and in the
population of the growing frontier city, there was a strong ruffianly
element, which was as a rule Democratic in its sympathies. In close
contests mobs sometimes gathered about the voting places, and sought
by jostling and occasional assaults to keep away from the ballot-boxes
the more timid or fastidious of the Whigs. On these occasions Mr.
Chandler was among the men of strong frames, sinewy arms, and pugnacity
of spirit, who furnished the Whig muscle to defeat this variety of
"Loco-foco trick." He and Alanson Sheley (now a well-known Detroit
merchant) were, with a few others of like strength and stature, the
Whig body-guard who forced a way for voters through the dense crowd,
and interposed for the rescue of the threatened. There is no lack of
amusing anecdotes of this species of service rendered by Mr. Chandler
to the Whig party; and it was at times attended by serious danger. In
later years he credited Mr. Sheley with having saved his life in one of
these election disturbances, and frequently recalled reminiscences of
the muscular exploits of those days. It was not until Mr. Chandler was
a Whig of nearly twenty years' standing, that he became that party's
candidate for any office, or that he actively interested himself in
its committee work and practical management. He cast a void vote for
Harrison in 1836, before Michigan had been formally admitted; he
attended the monster meetings and sang campaign songs in the log cabins
of 1840, and gave then a valid vote to Harrison; he denounced Tyler's
political treason, and in 1844 cheered for Clay and Frelinghuysen; he
opposed General Cass in 1848, and at that time delivered his maiden
speech, in support of "Zach." Taylor; but it was not until 1851 that
he manifested any especial taste for or skill in politics, or that he
allowed his name to be used as a candidate for position.
The Whigs of Michigan were as a rule of New England extraction, and the
masses of the party were always staunchly anti-slavery in sentiment.
They charged General Cass's denunciation of the "Quintuple Treaty" to
a disposition to seek Southern approval by indirectly shielding the
slave trade: they opposed the annexation of Texas, applauded the Wilmot
Proviso, and were restive under Southern aggression and slaveholding
arrogance at the capital. The few Congressmen whom they were able to
elect voted uniformly for free institutions and against the extension
of human bondage. Michigan's first Whig Senator, Augustus S. Porter,
while still new in his seat, opposed alone Calhoun's resolutions in
"the Enterprise case" (a vessel employed in the coastwise slave trade
had touched at Port Hamilton in the British West Indies, and some
negro chattels who formed part of her cargo had taken advantage of
English law to assert their manhood and freedom), and cast a solitary
vote to lay them upon the table. Of this act Joshua R. Giddings wrote:
"Seeing that eminent Senators around him interposed no objection to
the passage of the resolutions, Mr. Porter, obeying the dictates of
his own judgment and conscience, heroically met the overwhelming
influence arrayed against him, and showed the most cogent reasons for
rejecting the resolutions, by exhibiting the absurdity of the attempt
to induce the British government to acknowledge the laws of slavery
and the slave trade to exist and be enforced within her ports." Both
Mr. Porter and William Woodbridge voted against the resolution for the
annexation of Texas. In the House of the Twenty-seventh Congress Jacob
M. Howard acted with the friends of freedom on questions involving
that issue, and in the Thirtieth Congress William Sprague, the second
Whig Representative, was openly classified as a Free Soiler. In 1849
the Whigs and Free Soilers united to support Flavius J. Littlejohn
for Governor, and the Whigs of Michigan as a whole were a body of
intelligent and conscientious anti-slavery men, and made their
political weight felt on the side of free institutions.
Mr. Chandler was from his boyhood radical in his opposition to human
bondage, and for a time hoped that the Whig party of the North could be
used to effectually resist the conspiracy of the slave power against
the territories. His anti-slavery activity preceded his appearance
in politics. Detroit was an important terminus of the "Underground
Railroad," that mysterious organization which so skilfully and quietly
transported colored fugitives from the Ohio to Canadian soil, and Mr.
Chandler, while still absorbed in business, was a frequent and liberal
contributor to the fund for its operating expenses. He manifested an
especial interest in the Crosswhite case, which, played a conspicuous
part in the fugitive slave law agitation preceding the compromises of
1850. Adam Crosswhite was the mulatto son of a slave mother who was
owned by his father, a white farmer in Bourbon county, Kentucky. While
a boy he was given as a servant to his half-sister, a Miss Crosswhite,
who married a slave-dealer named Stone. Her husband subsequently sold
her brother for $200, and Crosswhite ultimately became the chattel
of a Kentucky planter named Giltner living in Carroll county. When he
had reached the age of forty-four and had become the father of four
children, he learned that his master was planning to sell a portion of
his family. The parental instinct drove this man to a step which he had
not taken through any desire for personal freedom, and he determined
upon flight. He succeeded in getting his entire family across the Ohio
in a skiff, and into the hands of the "Underground Railway" managers
in Indiana. There was a vigorous pursuit, and at Newport the fugitives
were nearly captured, but Quaker shrewdness concealed and protected
them, and after weeks of stirring adventure, during which the father
and mother were compelled to separate, they reached Michigan, and
became the occupants of a little cabin in the eastern part of the
present city of Marshall. They were quiet and industrious citizens,
and by thrift and unremitting labor commenced making payments on
their homestead. In time the history of the fugitives became known
to their neighbors, and finally some one with the genuine spirit
of the slave-driver sent to Kentucky information concerning their
hiding-place. In December, 1846, Francis Troutman came to Marshall,
ostensibly as a young lawyer in search of business, but in fact as
Giltner's representative in identifying his fugitive slaves and
planning their recapture. He did his work well, through artifice and
with the help of aid which he hired at Marshall, but did not succeed
in perfectly concealing his plans. Crosswhite received warning of the
impending danger, and both armed himself and arranged with sympathizing
friends for prompt assistance. The abduction was finally attempted
early on the morning of Jan. 27, 1847. Troutman was assisted by David
Giltner, Franklin Ford, and John S. Lee, all Kentuckians, and the four
men were well armed. Crosswhite saw their approach, and succeeded in
giving the alarm, but before his friends commenced to assemble the
Kentuckians broke in the door of his cabin and informed the negroes
that they must go at once before a magistrate where it was proposed
to prove the fact of their escape from slavery. While the preparation
of the children for the winter's ride to the justice's office was in
progress, a crowd, at first largely composed of colored men but soon
including many whites, gathered about the cabin, and promptly made
the fact apparent that they were in no mood to permit the proposed
restoration of human property to its Kentucky owners. The courage of
the slave-hunters did not prove equal to the occasion, and finally
Troutman resorted to argument. He harangued the jeering crowd on the
sanctity of the fugitive slave law and the legality of Giltner's
claim, even offering as proof of his law-abiding spirit not to take
back to slavery a child born to the Crosswhites since their escape.
The response to this proposition to do exact justice by separating an
infant from its mother may be imagined, and in the end the Kentuckians
abandoned their attempt. Crosswhite had meanwhile complained against
them for trespass, and they were then arrested, convicted and fined
$100. Money was also at once raised in Marshall by which the negroes
were sent to Detroit and thence to Canada. While the excitement was
at its hight some of the prominent citizens of Marshall joined the
crowd, and endeavored to restrain them from violence and to convince
the slave-hunters of the folly of attempting to defy the aroused
indignation of the community; they were careful, however, to avoid any
violation of the law. Troutman met their remonstrances by a demand
for their names. One of them replied, "Charles T. Gorham; write it in
capital letters." The answer of another was, "Oliver Cromwell Comstock,
Jr.; take it in full so that my father may not be held responsible
for what I do." Troutman also obtained the name of Jarvis Hurd, these
three being well-known residents of Marshall and gentlemen of pecuniary
responsibility. Nothing further took place at the time, and in a few
days the Kentuckians returned to their State, which was soon aflame
with wrath at this "Northern outrage." Public meetings were held to
denounce the "abolition rioters," the most exaggerated accounts of
the Marshall release were circulated and believed, the event received
Congressional attention, and finally the State of Kentucky made an
appropriation for the prosecution of all who were concerned in the
escape of the Crosswhite family. Troutman returned to Michigan in the
summer of 1847, and brought an action to recover the value of the
rescued slaves, in the United States Circuit Court, against a large
number of defendants; the case as tried, however, was practically a
prosecution of Messrs. Gorham, Comstock, and Hurd. The Kentuckians
retained a large array of counsel, including John Norvell, the veteran
Democratic leader, while the defense was represented by Theodore
Romeyn, Wells & Cook, and Hovey K. Clarke, with Halmer H. Emmons
(subsequently United States Circuit Judge) and James F. Joy as counsel.
Gerrit Smith also came from New York to argue the constitutional
question involved, but the defendants' attorneys did not deem it
prudent in a jury trial at that time to ally themselves with so radical
an abolitionist. The case was taken up before Justice John MacLean,
in 1848, and attracted national attention. The first trial took place
in the June term and resulted in a disagreement of the jury. A second
trial followed in November and December of the same year and ended
in a verdict for the plaintiffs of $1,926 and costs; the expenses of
defending the suits had also imposed heavy pecuniary burdens upon the
Marshall gentlemen. Mr. Gorham was then a Democrat, and found among his
party friends a strong feeling that it was important at that time and
in so conspicuous a case that Michigan should manifest a disposition to
rigidly enforce the fugitive slave law, as these were the years when
General Cass's presidential aspirations culminated, and when it was
essential that his hold upon Southern confidence should be preserved.
There was no lack of private expressions of Democratic sympathy with
the defendants, and assurances were given that they should not be left
to meet alone the heavy expenses involved, but among the Democratic
leaders there was an unmistakable wish that the prosecution should
be vigorously pushed for the sake of its political effect, and this
secret pressure had a powerful influence. This case interested Mr.
Chandler from the outset, and he watched every development closely.
Early in the proceedings he met Mr. Gorham, with whom his acquaintance
was then but slight, and said to him, "I am satisfied from what I have
seen and learned that this case is being manipulated in the interest
of the Democratic party, and that you are to be sacrificed to appease
the slave power of the South, so that Cass may not be damaged by the
result. Offer no compromise; fight them through to the end; I will
stand by you, and see that you do not suffer." He was as good as his
word, gave and helped to raise money for the defense, and attended
the trial to the close. Mr. Gorham, who received no Democratic aid of
importance, became one of his firmest and most intimate friends, and
when Mr. Chandler was appointed Secretary of the Interior Mr. Gorham
(who had then served five years as United States Minister at The Hague)
became the Assistant Secretary of that department. Of the same period
of Mr. Chandler's life this characteristic anecdote is told: John
Sumner, one of his Jackson customers, passed Sunday as his guest in
Detroit, and at church listened with him to a sermon of pro-slavery
flavor, followed by a prayer by a visiting clergyman in which the
Divine blessing was earnestly invoked upon the down-trodden and the
oppressed. At the conclusion of the services Mr. Chandler stepped to
the foot of the pulpit, sought an introduction to the utterer of the
prayer, and said: "Thank you for that prayer! It was all that I have
heard this morning that was worth hearing." Throughout the days of
Mr. Chandler's earnest attachment to the Whig party, his anti-slavery
feeling was pronounced.
In 1848 Mr. Chandler fleshed his political broadsword with one
or more speeches in behalf of General Taylor. He had been an
occasional participant in the debates of the Young Men's Society,
the training-school for not a few of Detroit's eminent men, but in
that year for the first time he addressed a miscellaneous audience
on public questions. His earlier speeches showed the strength of the
man, and despite some ruggedness were effective. In the State election
of 1849 Mr. Chandler took no active part. In 1850 he was one of the
Wayne county delegates to the Whig State convention, which met at
Jackson on the 18th of September, and nominated a ticket headed by
George Martin, of Kent, for Secretary of State; the following campaign
was a local one, arousing but little interest, and in it Mr. Chandler
did not prominently share. On February 19, 1851, the Whigs of Detroit
held a convention to select a city ticket for the charter election
in March, and after one informal ballot Mr. Chandler was unanimously
nominated by them for Mayor. This event marks the commencement of his
career as a popular, shrewd, and successful political leader. The
Democratic candidate for the Mayoralty was Gen. John R. Williams, a
native and one of the foremost citizens of Detroit, the president of
the Michigan constitutional convention of 1835, and the senior officer
of the State militia. He had been the first Mayor of the city, and had
held that place for six terms, and was a man of practical ability, the
owner of a large estate, and popular with the people. His personal
strength made him a formidable candidate, and his defeat not easy of
accomplishment. Mr. Chandler's answer to the delegation who waited
upon him with the question, "Will you run on the Whig ticket against
John R. Williams?" was, "I will and I will beat him too," and he put
all his energy into the campaign which followed. The Whig convention
by resolution presented his name to the people of Detroit as that of
"a man identified with its improvements, prominent in its welfare, and
interested in its prosperity," and in the Whig journals he was warmly
commended as "known to every man, woman, and child in the city as a
man of strict integrity, active and industrious business habits, of
great liberality of views, both in person and sentiment, and of the
purest moral character; eminently popular and affable in his habits of
intercourse with his fellow-citizens, his extensive business operations
have brought him in daily contact with all, through a long course of
years." His election was also urged on the ground that he was the only
candidate "known to be in favor of extending the various enterprises
of sewerage, pure water, pavements and sidewalks, just as fast as the
needs of a young city shall require," and because his "course in his
own business, and in relation to the public interest, has been an
energetic, discreet and efficient prosecution of everything upon which
he has laid his hands." During this canvass Mr. Chandler gave what is
believed to be the only lecture of his life, and its marked success
undoubtedly helped him at the ballot-box. It was delivered before
the Young Men's Society upon February 25, 1851, its theme being "The
Element of Success in Character." The newspaper report of it was as
follows:
The theme chosen by Mr. Chandler. "The Element of Success in
Character," though much worn, was most successfully treated.
Intending only to discourse from his own observations and
experience, his views were as philosophical as they were practical.
Therein was the charm and _takingness_ of the lecture. Without
rhetorical flourish the composition was excellent, severe in its
simplicity and directness, nevertheless abounding in beauty. For
originality, aptness of quotation and illustration, and felicitous
use of language, it ranks with the choicest productions before the
society. In his own person he furnished the very best illustration
and proof of success. Such a lecture from any one would do good,
but how much greater its influence when enforced by the living
example the lecturer himself affords of the truths of his teaching.
Mr. Chandler organized his first political battle with characteristic
thoroughness and system, visited every ward, called upon the voters,
and made a remarkable personal canvass. The result was that when the
ballots were counted it was found that he had carried every precinct
in Detroit and had defeated his opponent by 349 majority in a total
vote of less than 3,500. He led by nearly 400 the average vote of his
ticket, and the Democrats elected at the same time a large proportion
of their candidates. The victory was celebrated by a Whig serenade,
at which the Mayor-elect made a modest and brief speech of thanks.
This manifestation of personal strength and political skill at once
attracted State attention, and it became the source of new Whig hope.
Mr. Chandler's term as Mayor continued for one year, but was devoid of
especial incident, although even now some interest will be felt in this
official letter to Kossuth, which the Hungarian patriot answered with a
note of regretful declination:
DETROIT, January 10, 1852.
_To his Excellency Louis Kossuth_:
DEAR SIR: By resolution of the Common Council, it becomes my
pleasing duty to invite you to visit the city of Detroit and
partake of its hospitalities. Much as we esteem you personally,
highly as we appreciate your public and private worth, it is not
to these alone that we do homage, but to the great principles
which you advocate. We hail you as the champion of republicanism
in Europe, as God's instrument in arousing throughout the world
a hatred of despotism, as a man who has sacrificed his all, and
offers his life upon the altar of liberty, as a teacher of "even
bayonets to think." We, sir, have not been disinterested spectators
of your glorious struggle for Hungarian independence. We watched
with most intense interest the commencement and progress of that
sanguinary conflict. When we saw the people rising in their might,
the nobleman and citizen vieing with each other in devotion to
their country's cause, emulous in sufferings and sacrifices, under
such a leader, we felt that victory must crown your exertions;
and when we saw the elements of Despotism uniting to crush this
(to them) detested spirit of Freedom, when we saw the temporary
triumphs of your oppressors, we felt that all was not lost--that
the Almighty Ruler of the Universe would neither leave nor forsake
you in your low estate, that the days of despotism were numbered.
Again would I invite you to visit Detroit and partake of its
hospitalities. Again would I assure you of our deep sympathy for
your down-trodden country, and I hazard nothing by the assertion
that that sympathy will manifest itself in a tangible form. Whether
our government will act in your behalf as a government, is not for
me to say; whether it would be proper for it to do so, is not for
me to discuss at this time. But that you have the deep sympathy of
our entire population is manifest to all.
With great respect, I have the honor to be your obedient servant,
ZACHARIAH CHANDLER,
_Mayor of the City of Detroit_.
At the conclusion of Mr. Chandler's term as Mayor the Common Council of
Detroit, by unanimous vote, spread upon its records this resolution:
_Resolved by the Common Council of the City of Detroit_, That in
retiring from the office of chief magistrate of this city the
Hon. Zachariah Chandler, by his urbanity, fidelity and zeal in
the discharge of his official duties for the past year, merits
the admiration and respect of the Council, and that in retiring
to private life he carries with him our cordial wishes for his
happiness and prosperity.
In November, 1852, occurred Michigan's first general election under
the constitution of 1850. The Democratic candidate for Governor
was Robert McClelland, who had already held that office during the
preceding short term. General Cass alone surpassed this gentleman in
personal strength with his party in the State. Mr. McClelland was an
upright and able man, who had served with distinction in Congress, and
had held many important offices in Michigan; he subsequently became
Secretary of the Interior in the cabinet of President Pierce. While
a member of the House of Representatives he had assisted in drafting
the original Wilmot Proviso, but he had grown conservative with his
party, and in 1852 came before the people as a warm champion of the
compromises of 1850. Personally he was a man of some reserve, but
affable with acquaintances and respected everywhere. He was renominated
enthusiastically and with every prospect of an easy re-election.
With the single exception of William Woodbridge, who was borne into
office on the Whig tidal-wave of 1839 and 1840, Michigan had chosen
an unbroken line of Democratic Governors. At the first election after
its admission to the Union, Stevens T. Mason had a majority of 237 in
a total poll of 22,299. The term for which Governor Woodbridge was
chosen (he resigned to take a seat in the Senate) was followed by six
successive Democratic victories. John S. Barry was elected in 1841
with 5,326 majority over his Whig competitor, Philo C. Fuller, and two
years later he defeated Dr. Zina Pitcher by 6,493 votes. Alpheus Felch
in 1845 had 3,807 majority over Stephen Vickery, Whig, and in 1847
Epaphroditus Ransom was chosen over James M. Edmunds by 5,649 votes. In
1849 John S. Barry was again elected, defeating Flavius J. Littlejohn,
Whig and Free Soiler, by 4,297 votes in a total poll of 51,377. In
1851, which was the last election under the old constitution, Robert
McClelland led Townsend E. Gidley 6,926 votes. The Liberty party, as a
distinct organization, also existed six years in Michigan, beginning
in 1841 with 1,214 votes and ending in 1847 with 2,585. Thus from 1841
to 1852 not only did the Democrats control Michigan but at every State
election had a clear majority over all shades of opposition.
In 1852 the chronic difficulties of the Whig situation in Michigan
were aggravated by the fact that the Baltimore convention which
nominated Scott and Graham had condemned that anti-slavery sentiment
of the party, which gave it all its virility in the West. The greater
portion of the Northern Whigs with Mr. Greeley supported the ticket
and "spat upon the platform," but some of them abandoned old party
affiliations and joined the Free Soil Democrats, who put up Hale and
Julian as their national candidates and in Michigan nominated a full
State ticket headed by Isaac P. Christiancy. The Whig State convention
of 1852 met at Marshall on July 1, and was called to order by Henry T.
Backus as chairman of the State Central Committee, and presided over by
Cyrus Lovell of Ionia. In the preliminary consultations Mr. Chandler's
was the name chiefly urged for the head of the ticket, on account of
his acquaintance throughout the State and the political strength and
capacity he had shown as a candidate in Detroit. This is an extract
from the official record of the convention:
On motion of W. A. Howard of Detroit a ballot was taken for
Governor and was announced by the tellers as follows:
Z. Chandler, 76
H. G. Wells, 7
G. A. Coe, 2
H. R. Williams, 1
J. R. Williams, 1
George R. Pomeroy, 2
On motion of Mr. DeLand of Jackson a formal ballot was had as
follows:
Z. Chandler, 95
H. G. Wells, 2
J. R. Williams, 1
Blank, 1
Mr. Chandler was not present and inquiry was made if it was known
whether he would accept the nomination. Mr. Wm. A. Howard of
Detroit, chairman of the delegation from that city, said on the
part of that delegation that he had seen Mr. Chandler previous to
leaving Detroit, and Mr. Chandler had said to him that he was not
a candidate for any of the offices under consideration, that he
preferred working in the ranks, but that should the convention see
fit to nominate him he was with them.
[Illustration: =Temperance Ticket.=
For Governor,
Zachariah Chandler.
For Lieut. Governor,
Andrew Parsons.
For Secretary of State,
George E. Pomeroy.
For State Treasurer,
Bernard C. Whittemore.
For Auditor General,
Whitney Jones.
For Attorney General,
Nathaniel Bacon.
For Sup't of Pub. Instruction,
U. Tracy Howe.
For Com'r of State Land Office,
Nathan Power.
For State Board of Education,
Isaac E. Crary, for the term of six years.
Grove Spencer, for the term of four years.
Chauncey Joslin, for a term of two years.
For Member of Congress 1st District,
William A. Howard.
For Member of Senate,
For Representative,
For Sheriff,
Henry B. Holbrook.
For Clerk,
Jeremiah Van Rensselaer.
For Prosecuting Attorney,
D. Bethune Duffield.
For Judge of Probate,
Rufus Hosmer.
Circuit Court Commissioner,
John S. Newberry.
For Register,
Robert E. Roberts.
FAC-SIMILE OF ONE OF THE STATE TICKETS OF MICHIGAN IN 1852.]
The result was hailed with hearty cheering, and Mr. Chandler soon
formally accepted this nomination and commenced a most energetic
personal canvass of the State. The Temperance party made up a ticket in
that year from the Democratic and Whig candidates, and Mr. Chandler was
also retained as its nominee for Governor, but this action was without
practical importance in the campaign or at the polls. During the fall
of 1852 the Whig nominee for Governor labored unremittingly. He visited
all the leading towns in the State, and spoke constantly from the
middle of September until the week before election. The list of his
appointments included Jonesville, Coldwater, Constantine, Cassopolis,
Howell, Lansing, Eaton Rapids, Hastings, Allegan, Grand Rapids, Ionia,
DeWitt, Corunna, Flint, Saginaw, Lapeer, Almont, Romeo, Mt. Clemens,
Ann Arbor, Jackson, Marshall, Battle Creek, St. Clair, and Detroit. His
addresses were vigorous, entertaining and telling, and while he neither
then nor afterward sought for the polished sentence or rounded period,
he showed that capacity for plainness and force of reasoning and for
hard-hitting which ultimately made his oratory so characteristic
and effective. In this series of speeches he dealt largely with the
national questions of Protection and Internal Improvements, and also
with the business aspects of the State administration. His friends
laid especial stress upon his strength as "a business man of energy,
integrity and success," and urged his election because he bore "the
reputation, well earned by a long course of business experience, of
being a keen and shrewd business man of the highest moral tone," and
because he was "endowed with remarkable business talent," and had
been "identified with the growth and interests of the State." Mr.
Chandler was also helped in this contest by his mercantile friendships
throughout Michigan, and by the natural pleasure with which his fellow
merchants saw one of their own guild fighting his way to political
distinction along the paths so largely occupied by men of professional
callings. As part of the organization of this canvass he mailed large
quantities of gummed "slips" bearing his name to acquaintances in all
parts of the State, and this is believed to be the first instance
in which this now common weapon of political warfare was used in
the Northwest. The Democrats found themselves compelled by this
unprecedentedly vigorous attack to put forth most strenuous efforts,
and General Cass labored assiduously to prevent the loss of his own
State. So pronounced did the opposition of the veteran Democratic
leader to the head of the Whig ticket become, that Mr. Chandler
laughingly said to friends by way of comment upon it, "I am afraid that
it will take General Cass's Senatorial seat to balance the account
between us."
But the national tide was then overwhelmingly against the Whigs,
and Southern distrust of General Scott and Northern wrath at the
circumstances of his nomination brought that party to the Waterloo
defeat from which it never recovered. Michigan cast 41,842 votes for
Pierce, 33,859 for Scott, and 7,237 for Hale. Mr. Chandler received
34,660 votes for Governor against 42,798 for McClelland, and 5,850 for
Christiancy. He thus received 801 more votes than Scott; he also led
the entire Whig State ticket by from 500 to 4,000 votes, and received
over 11,000 more votes than had ever been given to any Whig candidate
for Governor. He had made a resolute fight, and again strikingly
manifested his personal strength with the people and his political
ability.
In the Michigan Legislature of 1853, which was chosen at the same
State election, the Democrats had a majority on joint ballot of
forty-eight, and the Whig minority included but seven Senators and
twenty-one Representatives. The term of Alpheus Felch as United States
Senator expired on March 3, 1853, and Charles E. Stuart was chosen
as his successor. The Whigs gave expression to their high estimate
of the value of Mr. Chandler's services in the preceding campaign
by complimenting him with their united vote for the Senate, and the
footings of the Legislative ballot for that office were:
SENATE.
C. E. Stuart, 27
Z. Chandler, 7
HOUSE.
C. E. Stuart, 49
Z. Chandler, 21
H. K. Clarke, 1
This was the last important political action of the Whig party of
Michigan. Before another State election its formal dissolution had been
pronounced, and the great body of its members had gathered around the
cradle of infant Republicanism.