5. He undertook a work of still greater extent than any of those which
have been enumerated above, viz. A General History of the period
extending from the decline of the Roman Empire to his own times. He had
finished three decads and the first book of the fourth of this work, when
its prosecution was interrupted by his death.
“In all these works,” says Tiraboschi, “though Biondo occasionally
deviates into various errors, he displays a singular diligence in
collecting from all authors whatever appertains to his subject; and when
it is considered, that they are the first essays in their kind, they
cannot but give the reader a high idea of the prodigious learning and
unwearied application of their author.”
The historical works of Biondo, translated into Italian by Lucio Fauno,
were printed at Venice by Michel Tramezzino. A general collection of his
writings was also printed in folio, at Basil, by Frobenius, A. D. 1531
and 1539. _Apostolo Zeno Dissertazioni Vossiane, tom. i. p. 229, &c.
Tiraboschi Storia della Let. Ital. tom. vi. p. 3, 4, 5, 6, 7._
[116] _Mehi Præfatio, p. xlvi._
[117] _Ton. Tr. vol. i. p. 117._
[118] It is rather an extraordinary circumstance, that Ambrogio
Traversari, the celebrated superior of the monastery of Camaldoli, in
several of his letters to Niccolo Niccoli, requests his correspondent
to present his compliments to this Benvenuta, whom he distinguishes by
the title of _fœmina fidelissima_. Shall we suppose, that the reverend
ecclesiastic was so little acquainted with the private history of the
Florentine gentry, as to be ignorant of the intercourse which subsisted
between Benvenuta and his friend—or shall we conclude that he did not
regard this intercourse as a breach of moral duty?—_Ambrogii Traversarii
Epistolæ, lib. viii. ep. ii. iii. v. &c._
[119] _Leonardi Aretini Epis. lib. v. ep. iv._
[120] Mehus, in his list of the works of Leonardo Aretino, intimates that
a copy of this invective is preserved in the library of New College,
Oxford. A strict and laborious search, made by direction of the Warden
of New College, in the month of November, 1801, has ascertained the
fact, that it does not now exist there. The catalogue of that valuable
repository of learning does indeed make mention of a MS. volume, as
containing the oration in question. On an accurate examination of this
volume, however, no trace was found of Leonardo’s Invective, nor any
appearances to justify the suspicion, that this or any other work has
been withdrawn from it by the rapacity of literary peculation.
[121] “Nam ut alias ad te seripsi, non ignoro, quam grave sit subire onus
Clerici, et quantâ curâ oporteat eos torqueri, si quâ sint conscientiâ,
qui ex beneficio vivunt. Quum enim præmia non dentur, nisi laboranti, qui
non laborat ut ait Apostolus, non manducet. Hæc tamen dicuntur facilius
quam fiant, et ut vulgo aiunt, satius est in manibus Dei incidere quam
hominis. Sed tamen si opus Petri, hoc est promissio perficeretur,
relinquerem ista sacra, ad quæ nonnisi invitus accedo, non quod
Religionem spernam aliquo modo, sed quia non confido me talem futurum,
qualem describunt esse debere.”—_Ambrosii Traversarii Opera, tom. ii. p.
1123._
These were the sentiments of Poggio, in the season of serious meditation.
On another occasion, when irritated by the sarcasms of Cardinal Julian,
he ascribed his abjuration of the priesthood to a somewhat different
motive. “Nolo esse Sacerdos, nolo Beneficia; vidi enim plurimos, quos
bonos viros censebam, maxime autem liberales, post susceptum sacerdotium
avoras esse et nulli deditos virtuti, sed inertiæ, otio, voluptati. Quod
ne mihi quoque accidat veritus, decrevi procul a vestro ordine consummere
hoc, quidquid superest, temporis perigrinationis meæ; ex hâc enim magnâ
capitis Sacerdotum rasurâ, conspicio non solum pilos abradi, sed etiam
conscientiam et virtutem.”—_Poggii Epistolæ lvii. ep. xxvii._
[122] See Tonelli _Epistolarium Poggii, lib. i. ep. 18._
[123] _Ambrogii Traversarii Opera, tom. ii. p. 1122._
[124] _Poggii Opera, p. 69._
[125] _Ibid, p. 36._
[126] _Poggii Opera, p. 474._
[127] _Muratori Annali, tom. ix. p. 93._
[128] _Poggii Historia Flor. lib. iv. v._ Martin was particularly
offended by a ballad, the burthen of which was _Papa Martino non vale un
quattrino_. _Ibid, p. 203. apud notas._—_Muratori Annali, tom. ix. p.
103._
[129] _Muratori Annali, tom. ix. p. 97._
[130] Bologna surrendered to Braccio after a short siege, July 15th,
1420. _Muratori Annali, tom. ix. p. 98._
[131] _Platina, p. 398._
[132] _Muratori Annali, tom. ix. p. 93._ Baldassare Cossa is generally
distinguished by the pontifical appellation of John XXIII. He was however
in fact only the twenty-second of that name who filled the papal chair.
The mistake in his designation arises from the extraordinary circumstance
of the annalists of the holy see having admitted into the series of
pontiffs the famous pope Joan, who it is asserted, on succeeding Leo IV.
in the pontificate, assumed the name of John VII. This ecclesiastical
Amazon is said to have been an Englishwoman, who went in man’s attire
with her lover to Athens, where she made such a proficiency in her
studies, that she rose through the subordinate degrees of clerical
preferment to the supreme honours of the pontificate. It is further
alleged, that having become pregnant by one of her domestics, she was
seized with the pains of labour, as she was conducting a procession
to the church of St. John Lateran, and expired in the street. This
improbable story is related by Platina, who observes, however, that
though it is commonly believed, it rests upon doubtful authority. He
informs us, that those who maintain the truth of this narration, allege
in proof of its authenticity, two circumstances, namely, that the
pontiffs always avoid passing through the street where this untoward
accident is said to have happened: and that on the installation of a
newly elected pope, he is obliged to undergo a ceremony, which would
infallibly detect any attempt at a repetition of the above-mentioned
imposture. With regard to the first of these allegations, Platina
acknowledges the fact of the pontiff’s avoiding the supposed scene of
Joan’s disgrace; but says, that the reason of this is, that the street
in question is too narrow to admit the passage of a crowded retinue.
With regard to the second, he makes the following truly curious remark.
“De secundâ ita sentio, sedem illam (perforatam sedem scilicet ubi
pontificis genitalia ab ultimo diacono attrectantur) ad id paratam esse,
ut qui in tanto magistratu constuitur sciat se non deum sed hominem esse,
et necessitatibus naturæ, utpote egerendi subjectum esse, unde merito
stercoraria sedes vocatur.”
In the annotations subjoined by Panvinio to the Italian translation
of Platina’s history, published at Venice, A. D. 1744, it is most
satisfactorily proved, that this story of John VII., alias pope Joan, is
a gross falsehood, invented by one Martin, a monk.
[133] _Ton. Tr. vol. i. p. 137._
[134] _Leon. Aret. Epist. lib. iv. ep. xxi._
[135] _Ibid, lib. iv. ep. xxii._
[136] _Ambrogii Traversarii Opera, tom. ii. p. 297._
[137] This embassy occurred in the year, 1426.—_Agostini Istoria degli
Scrittori Viniziani, tom. ii. p. 58, 59, 60._
[138] _Poggii Opera, p. 306._
[139] _Ibid, p. 347._
[140] _Poggii Opera, p. 347._
[141] _Poggii Epist. lvii. p. 161._
[142] Of this great personage Poggio has recorded an anecdote, which
at once commemorates her reputation for gallantry, and her ready wit.
“The Florentines,” says he, “once sent a certain doctor of laws of the
name of Francesco as their embassador to the court of Naples. Francesco
being apprised of the amorous disposition of the reigning queen Joanna,
requested on his second interview with her majesty, that she would
grant him a private audience, as he was instructed by his republic to
communicate certain matters to her majesty alone. The queen accordingly
withdrew with him into an inner apartment, where after a short
preliminary conversation, he abruptly made to her a declaration of love;
on which Joanna looked upon him with a pleasant smile, and said, _Was
this also in your instructions?_”—_Poggii Opera, p. 448._
[143] Whilst Louis II., on whose claim that of Louis III. was founded,
was on his march from Provence to the Neapolitan frontier, he was visited
in his camp by Rodolfo of Camerino, to whom he made an ostentatious
display of a valuable assortment of jewels, which he destined as
ornaments of the regal state, which he flattered himself he should
shortly attain. Rodolfo, unmoved by the brilliant spectacle, asked him
what was the value and use of this collection. Louis answered, that it
was very valuable, but of no utility. “I can show you at my house,”
replied Rodolfo, “a pair of stones which cost only ten florins, and
annually produce me a revenue of two hundred.” The duke was astonished at
this assertion; but Rodolfo soon solved the riddle, by shewing him a mill
which he had lately erected, intimating at the same time, that a wise man
will always prefer utility to finery.—_Poggii Opera, p. 440._
Rodolfo was indeed a man of very phlegmatic humour, as appears by the
advice which he gave to one of his fellow-citizens, who informed him
of his intention of travelling with a view of seeing the curiosities
of different countries. “Go,” said he, “to the neighbouring town of
Macerata, and there you will see hills, valleys, and plains, wood and
water, lands cultivated and uncultivated. This is the world in miniature;
for travel as far as you please, and you will see nothing else.”—_Poggii
Opera, p. 441._
[144] _Platina, p. 399._—_Tiraboschi storia della Letteratura Ital. tom.
vi. p. 8._
[145] _Muratori Annali, tom. ix. p. 114, 119, 120, 121._
[146] _Ibid, p. 116._
[147] _Poggii Epist. a Tonel. lib. i. ep. 17._
[148] _Poggii Hist. Florent. p. 253._ In his Facetiæ, Poggio relates the
following instance, which occurred during the course of this contest,
of the freedom of speech in which Filippo Maria permitted one of his
domestics to indulge himself.
“The old duke of Milan, a prince in all respects of singular good taste,
had an excellent cook, whom he had sent to France to learn the art of
dressing nice dishes. In the great war which he carried on against the
Florentines, he one day received some bad news, which gave him a good
deal of uneasiness. Soon after the arrival of this intelligence he sat
down to dinner. The dishes not at all pleasing him, he sent for his
cook, and reproved him severely for his unskilfulness. The cook, who
was accustomed to take great liberties with his master, replied, I can
assure your highness that the dishes are excellently dressed—And if the
Florentines have taken away your appetite, how am I to blame?”—_Poggii
Opera, p. 425._
This anecdote proves that Filippo inherited from his father a fondness
of good living, and also intimates, that even at this early period, our
Gallic neighbours were noted for their skill in cookery.
[149] _Mehi Vita Leonardi Aretini, p. xliv._
[150] _Ibid._
[151] _Mehi Vita Leonardi Aretini, p. xliv._
[152] “Volui satisfacere amori in te meo, et tecum congratulari,
quemadmodum solemus ei, qui uxorem duxit, cum onus subeat grave,
difficile et molestum.”—_Poggii Epistolæ lvii. p. 167._
[153] It should seem that Humphrey, duke of Gloucester, who at this
time governed the kingdom of England in quality of Protector, regarded
this commission of the cardinal’s with a jealous eye. With a view of
preventing the mischiefs which might ensue upon the exercise of foreign
authority in the English dominions, he summoned Beaufort into his
presence; and by a formal and express act, which set forth, that the
legates of the pope had never been permitted to enter into England,
except by summons, invitation, or permission of the king, which summons,
invitation, or permission, Beaufort had not received, protested against
his exercising the authority of legate in the king’s dominions in any
form or manner whatever. To this protest Beaufort put in a formal
answer, that it was not his intention in any thing to derogate from, or
contravene the rights, privileges, liberties, or customs of the king or
kingdom. This protest was made November 11th, 1428. It is printed in the
appendix to Brown’s _Fasciculus Rerum expetendarum et Fugiendarum_, _p.
618_, from an ancient register, formerly in the possession of archbishop
Sancroft.
For the purpose of raising money to defray the expense of the crusade,
boxes emblazoned with the sign of the cross were fixed in the churches,
in which the friends of the true faith were exhorted to deposit their
contributions. To give additional stimulus to the zeal of the pious,
the pontiff issued a bull, whereby he granted an indulgence of one
hundred days to those who should attend the preaching of the crusade—a
full pardon of all their sins, and an assurance of eternal happiness,
to those who took the cross and served against the heretics at their
own expense. The same premium was offered to those, who fully intending
to perform this meritorious service, should happen to die before they
joined the army; and to those who should send a soldier or soldiers to
fight, at their expense, for the propagation of the true faith. This
latter provision was particularly addressed to the women, who were
graciously informed by the cardinal, that those females, who, being
prevented by their poverty from maintaining each a warrior at their own
expense, should enter into joint subscriptions for the purpose, should
be entitled to considerable privileges; and so grateful was his holiness
even for the gift of good wishes, that he granted six days’ indulgence
to those who fasted and prayed in order to promote the success of the
expedition.—_Appendix to Brown’s Fasciculus, p. 621, 625, 630._
[154] _Hollinshead’s Chronicle, vol. ii. p. 602._—_Stowe’s Annals, p.
371._—_Platina, p. 400._
[155] _Muratori Annali, tom. ix. p. 136._—_Platina, p. 401._
[156] _Ton. Tr. vol. i. p. 155._
[157] _Poggii Epistolæ lvii. p. 173._
[158] _Tonelli Poggii Epist. tom. i. lib. iii. ep. xxxv._
[159] _Poggii Epist. lvii. p. 178. Ambrogii Traversarii Opera, tom. ii.
p. 978._
[160] This Bernardino had for some time preached with uncommon applause
to crowded audiences in the churches of Florence. The talents of a
popular orator generally procure their possessor as many enemies as
friends. Several ecclesiastics, who were envious of the reputation
of Bernardino, took advantage of a daring flight of rhetoric, into
which he was betrayed by the enthusiasm of his zeal, to endeavour to
accomplish his ruin. In order to enforce his eloquence, in describing
some impressive scene, (probably the sufferings of Christ) he exhibited
to the people a picture, in which the transaction to which he alluded was
delineated. Of this exhibition his detractors complained to the pope,
as a kind of profanation of the rites of the church; and Bernardino was
obliged to repair to Rome to vindicate his cause. Though the pontifical
court was inflamed with prejudice against him by the artifices of his
accusers, so captivating was his eloquence, that when he was permitted to
preach in Rome, the ecclesiastics of the highest eminence, as well as the
populace, being attracted by his fame to hear his discourses, listened
to him with enthusiastic admiration. Martin V. commanded him to abstain
for the future from the exhibition of pictures; he readily complied
with this injunction, and by his prompt obedience obtained the favour
of the pontiff, who during the remainder of his life treated him with
distinguished kindness.—_Ambrosii Traversarii Epist. lib. ii. ep. xl.
xli._
[161] _Poggii Opera, p. 13._
[162] In the original sketch of this dialogue, Poggio had attributed
the first part of the attack on Avarice to Cincio, one of the apostolic
secretaries; but on the admonition of Lusco, that as Cincio had the
reputation of being a covetous man, an invective against that vice
would be out of character, if represented as proceeding from him, he
substituted in his place Bartolomeo di Montepulciano. The defence of
Avarice he assigned to Lusco, because Lusco being generous even to
extravagance, there was no reason to fear, lest the imputed patronage of
so selfish a passion, should be supposed to convey an implied impeachment
of his character.—_Ambrosii Traversarii Opera, tom. ii. lib. xxv. epist.
xliii._
[163] _Tiraboschi Storia della Letteratura Italiana, tom. vi. part 2d.
p. 363._ Poggio has recorded a notable story of one of these indiscreet
orators, who in the fervour of a declamation against the vice of
adultery, declared, that he had such a detestation of that offence, that
he had much rather commit the sin of unchastity with ten virgins than
with one married woman.—_Poggii Opera, p. 433._
[164] _Appendix ad Fasciculum Rer. Expet. et Fug. p. 578._ Poggio has
commemorated in his _Facetiæ_ a mortifying explanation which one of
these noisy orators provoked by his overweening vanity. “A monk,” says
he, “preaching to the populace, made a most enormous and uncouth noise,
by which a good woman, one of his auditors, was so much affected, that
she burst into a flood of tears. The preacher, attributing her grief to
remorse of conscience, excited within her by his eloquence, sent for her,
and asked her why she was so piteously affected by his discourse. Holy
father, answered the mourner, I am a poor widow, and was accustomed to
maintain myself by the labour of an ass, which was left me by my late
husband. But alas! my poor beast is dead, and your preaching brought his
braying so strongly to my recollection, that I could not restrain my
grief.”—_Poggii Opera, p. 497._
[165] Alberto derived the designation of Da Sarteano from a small town
in Tuscany, where he was born, A. D. 1385. At an early age he enrolled
himself in the number of the conventuals, and afterwards joined the
stricter order of the _Fratres Observantiæ_. In the year 1424 he went
to Verona, where he studied the Greek language under the instruction of
Guarino Veronese. In the following year he paid a visit to Francesco
Barbaro, who was then governor of Trivigi. Here he met with the famous
preacher Bernardino, at whose instance he undertook the popular
employment of an itinerant preacher. In this capacity he not only
traversed a great part of Italy, but crossing the sea, he went to preach
the true gospel amongst the schismatics and infidels of Greece, Egypt,
Ethiopia, and Armenia. It was in consequence of his representations that
the patriarch of the last-mentioned province attended the council of
Basil, when in the name of his countrymen he submitted to the decisions
of the Latin church. Alberto closed a life of religious labours in
the year 1450, at Milan, where he was interred in the church of St.
Angelo. A collection of his works, consisting principally of sermons and
theological tracts, was published at Rome, A. D. 1688.—_Tiraboschi Storia
della Letter. Ital. tom. vi. p. 214, 215, 216._
[166] _Ambrosii Traversarii Epist. p. 978, 979, 1019, 1125._ _Poggii
Opera. p. 317, 318, 319._
[167] It is printed in the Appendix to the _Fasciculus Rerum Expetendarum
et Fugiendarum_; a collection of fugitive tracts, intended to display the
errors of the church of Rome.
This collection, which was first published at Cologne, A. D. 1535, by
Orthuinus Gratius, of Deventer, was republished, with considerable
additions, by Edward Brown, at London, A. D. 1689, at which period the
avowed predilection of James II. for the Roman Catholic doctrines had
given alarm to the zealous Protestants of England.
[168] _Muratori Annali, tom. ix. p. 142._—_Platina, p. 402._
[169] _Poggii Epistolæ lvii. ep. xxiii._
[170] _Platina, p. 402, 403._—_Muratori Annali, tom. ix. p. 143._—_Poggii
Historia de varietate Fortunæ, p. 100._
[171] _Poggii Histor. Flor. lib. vi._
[172] Te fama est peragrare Germaniam ad apparatum belli contra Boemos.
Id quidem laudo; sed considera diligenter, non quantum animi sit tibi ad
pugnam, sed quantum virium armorum, ne magis animatus quam armatus in
aciem accedas; et barbatum nostrum cave, ne auribus lupum teneas.—_Poggii
Epistolæ lvii. ep. xxiii._ This letter is dated May 11th, 1431.
[173] _L’Enfant Histoire de la guerre des Hussites, tom. i. p. 315._
[174] Some writers assert, that the number of the pontifical troops
amounted to ninety, others to one hundred and thirty thousand men. But
the numbers of forces are almost always exaggerated.—_L’Enfant Histoire
de la guerre des Hussites, tom. i. p. 317._
[175] _Voltaire Annales de l’Empire._ We may judge of the precipitancy
of the flight of the pontifical army, from the circumstance of the
cardinal’s losing, with the rest of his baggage, the papal bull which
authorised the crusade, his red hat, and the rest of his dress of
ceremony, his cross and crochet.—_L’Enfant ut supra._
[176] Et cum ex fugâ exercitûs omnes populi Alemaniæ supra modum essent
exterriti et consternati, videns nullum aliud superesse remedium,
animabam et confortabam omnes, ut manerent constantes in fide et
nihil trepidarent; quoniam ego propter hoc accedebam ad Concilium,
ubi convenire debebat universalis ecclesia in quo omnino aliquod
sufficiens remedium ad resistendum hæreticis, et ipsos extirpandos
reperiretur.—_Vide Epistolam Juliani Cardinalis ad Pontificem Eugenium
IV. apud Fasciculum Rerum Expetendarum et Fugiendarum, p. 55._
[177] _Poggii Opera, p. 309, 310._
[178] _Poggii Epistolæ lvii. ep. xxvii._
[179] _Muratori Rer. Italic. Script. tom. vi. p. 869._
[180] _Poggii Opera, p. 429._
[181] _Ibid._
[182] _Poggii Opera, p. 481._
[183] _Ibid, p. 475._
[184] Poggio intimates, that the loquacity of this incorrigible
ecclesiastic continually betrayed his folly—that he was given to
detraction; and that his rapacity frequently betrayed him into violent
infringements of the rules of justice. He has also recorded the following
severe, but coarse animadversion, which was made on his character after
his death. “Damnabat quidam multis verbis vitam et mores Angelotti
Cardinalis defuncti. Fuit enim rapax et violentus ut cui nulla esset
conscientia. Tum ex astantibus unus, Opinor, inquit, diabolum jam vorasse
et cacasse cum sæpius ob scelera sua. Alter vir facetissimus, Adeo mala
caro ejus fuit, inquit, ut nullus dæmon quantumvis bono stomacho, illam
præ nauseâ comedere auderet.”—_Poggii Opera, p. 477._
[185] _Fasciculus Rer. Expet. et. Fugiend. p. 55._
[186] _Acta Conciliorum, tom. xxx. p. 25._
[187] This declaration was made in the following florid terms. “Hæc
sancta Synodus necessitates Christianæ religionis sedulâ meditatione
recogitans, maturâ et digestâ deliberatione decernit; ad hæc tria, eo, a
quo cuncta bona procedunt, auctore Deo, toto solicitudinis studio operam
dare, Primo, ut omnium hæresum a Christiani populi finibus tenebris
profugatis, lumen Catholicæ veritatis, Christo verâ luce largiente,
refulgeat. Secundo, ut bellorum rabie, quâ, satore zizaniæ seminante in
diversis partibus mundi affligitur et dissipatur populus Christianus,
congruâ meditatione sedatâ, pacis auctore prostante in statum reducatur
pacificum et tranquillum. Tertio, ut cum multiplicibus vitiorum tribulis
et spinis Christi vinea jam quasi silvescat præ nimiâ densitate, ut
illis debitæ culturæ studio resecatis, evangelico agricolâ cælitus
operante, refloreat, honestatisque fructus et honoris felici ubertate
producat.”—_Concil. tom. p. 39, 40._
[188] _Acta Concil. tom. xxx. p. 24, 49._
[189] _Muratori Annali, tom. ix. p. 148._
[190] See a copy of the cardinal’s letter (the good sense and integrity
of which are much more commendable than its Latinity) in the _Fasciculus
Rer. Expet. et Fug. p. 54 et seq._
[191] _Conciliorum. tom. xxx. p. 54._
[192] _Concilior. tom. xxx. p. 77._
[193] _Concilior. tom. xxx. p. 81._
[194] _Ibid, p. 92._
[195] _Concilior. tom. xxx. p. 103._—This decree was passed July 13th,
1433.
[196] _Poggii Epistolæ lvii. ep. xxvi._—This letter bears date June 30th,
1433.
[197] _Muratori Annali, tom. ix. p. 147._
[198] _Muratori Annali, tom. ix. p. 149._
[199] _Ibid, p. 154._
[200] _Ibid, p. 153._ _Poggii Hist. Flor. p. 301._
[201] During his residence in Rome, Sigismund received from the pontiff
six thousand gold crowns per month, to enable him to maintain the state
becoming his exalted rank. Poggio gives a particular account of the
emperor’s coronation in a letter to Niccolo Niccoli, which has not yet
been printed.
_Poggii Historia de Variet. Fort. p. 92, 93._
[202] _Concil. tom. xxx. p. 114._
[203] _Poggii Epist. lvii. p. 221, 222, 223._ This letter, which by a
typographical error is dated 1433, was written, Jan. 27th, 1434.
[204] _Concilior. tom. xxx. p. 129._
[205] _Concilior. p. 146._
[206] _Muratori Annali, tom. ix. p. 155, 156, 157, 158._—_Platina, p.
405._—_Ambrogii Traversarii Epistolæ, lib. i. ep. vi. apud notas._
[207] _Poggii Histor. de Variet. Fortunæ, p. 92._
[208] _Ambrogii Traversarii Epist. lib. v. ep. x._
[209] _Poggii Hist. de Variet. Fort. p. 92._—_Opera, p. 392._
[210] _Elogi degli Uomini Illustri Toscani, tom. i. p. 367._
[211] Eadem iter facienti ad ortum occurrit amæna vallis, villis et pagis
referta nomine Mugellum quam interfluit flumen Sæva.—_Schotti Itinerarium
Italiæ, p. 189._
[212] _Pignotti Istor. di Toscana, lib. iv. cap. 9_, as referred to by
Tonelli.
[213] _Machiavelli Istorie Fiorentine, p. 209, 210, 211._—_Ricordi di
Cosmo de’ Medici, in the appendix to the 1st vol. of Roscoe’s Life of
Lorenzo de’ Medici, No. ii._
[214] The following extract from Cosmo’s Ricordi proves that he could not
with a safe conscience accept this part of Poggio’s panegyric. “Niccolo
da Tolentino sentito il caso à di 8. venne la mattina con tutta la sua
compagnia alla Lastra, e con animo di fare novità nella Terra, perchè
io fussi lasciato; e così subito che si sentì il caso nell’ Alpi di
Romagna e di più altri luoghi, venne â Lorenzo gran quantità di fanti.
Fu confortato il Capitano, e così Lorenzo à non fare novità, che poteva
esser cagione di farmi fare novità nella persona, e così feciono; e
benchè chi consigliò questo fussino parenti, e amici, e à buon fine, non
fu buono consiglio; perchè se si fussino fatti inanzi, ero libero, e chi
era stato cagione di questo restava disfatto.”—_Ricordi ut supra._
[215] _Poggii Opera, p. 312-317._
[216] In a letter to Ambrogio Traversari, he gives the following
catalogue of the books which he had collected during his residence in
Constantinople.—“Qui mihi nostri in Italiam libri gesti sunt, horum
nomina ad te scribo: alios autem nonnullos per primas ex Byzantio
Venetorum naves opperior. Hi autem sunt Plotinus, Aelianus, Aristides,
Dionysius Halicarnasseus, Strabo Geographus, Hermogenes, Aristotelis
Rhetorice, Dionysius Halicarnasseus de numeris et characteribus,
Thucydides, Plutarchi Moralia, Proelus in Platonem, Philo Judæus,
Herodotus, Dio Chrysostomus, Appollonius Pergæus, Ethica Aristotelis,
Ejus magna Moralia et Eudemia, Oeconomica, et Politica, quædam
Theophrasti Opuscula, Homeri Ilias, Odyssea, Philostrati de vitâ
Appollonii, Orationes Libanii, et aliqui sermones Luciani, Pindarus,
Aratus, Euripidis tragediæ septem, Theocritus, Hesiodus, Suidas;
Phalaridis, Hippocratis, Platonis, et multorum ex veteribus philosophis
Epistolæ, Demosthenes, Æschinis Orationes et Epistolæ, pleraque
Xenophontis Opera, una Lysiæ Oratio, Orphei Argonautica et Hymni,
Callimachus, Aristoteles de historiis animalium, Physica, et Metaphysica,
et de Animâ, de partibus Animalium, et alia quædam, Polybius, nonnulli
sermones Chrysostomi, Dionysiaca, et alii Poetæ plurimi. Habes qui mihi
sint, et his utere æque ac tuis.”—_Ambrosii Traversarii Opera, tom. ii.
p. 1010._
In the collection of this noble store of Grecian literature Filelfo
must have expended a considerable sum of money; and this circumstance
may honourably account for the embarrassed state of his finances on his
arrival in his native country.
[217] _Ambrosii Traversarii Epist. p. 1007._
[218] Filelfo arrived in Florence in the month of May, 1429.—_Philelfi
Epist. p. 9._
[219] _Ambrosii Traversarii Epist. p. 1016._
[220] _Philelfi Epist. p. 9._
[221] _Philelfi Epist. p. 9._
[222] _Ibid, p. 10._
[223] _Philelfi Epist. p. 11._
[224] _Philelfi Epist. p. 17._ In the account which Filelfo gave of this
transaction to Æneas Sylvius, he says, that he had never discovered by
whom Filippo was hired to commit so execrable a deed, but intimates very
strong suspicions of Cosmo de’ Medici. Poggio, however, in his third
invective against Filelfo, asserts, that the assassin was the minister of
the vengeance of one Jeronimo of Imola, whom Filelfo had provoked by the
intemperance of his tongue.—_Poggii Opera, p. 381._
[225] _Ibid._
[226] _Francisci Philelfi Satyræ; primæ decadis hecatosticha secunda._
[227] _Philelfi Epist. p. 12, 13._
[228] _Philelfi Satyræ; primæ decadis, hecatosticha quinta. Ejusdem
hecatosticha sexta—Secundæ decadis, hecatosticha prima, &c._
In a letter of remonstrance to Cosmo de’ Medici, Filelfo inveighed
bitterly against Niccolo Niccoli, whom he asserted Cosmo had himself
acknowledged to be guilty of insolence to the learned, and particularly
of contumelious conduct towards the eminent Manuel Crysoloras.—“Ad ea tu
sane leniter respondisti, ac subridens, non oportere inquiens mirari me
nec æge ferre Nicolai Nicoli detractionem; eo enim esse hominem ingenio
ut neminem doctum virum relinquat intactum mordacitate suà, quique ne
soli quidem ipsi parceret, _upote qui et Manuelem Chrysoloram sapientem
et summum illum virum barbam pediculosam adhuc semper nominet_, et
Ambrosium monachum cui magis affectus est quam propriæ animæ, attonitum
per contumeliam vocet.”—_Philelfi Epistolæ, p. 12._
[229] _Philelfi Satyræ, quartæ decadis, hecatosticha prima._
This satire concludes with the following atrocious address to the judges
of Cosmo.
“En Mundum servat conjectum in vincula carcer,
Qui rebus momenta dabit non parva futuris.
Nunc etiam atque etiam vobiscum volvite curas,
Et lustrate animo quæ sint potiora saluti
Urbis consilia: his castas accommodet aures
Quisque suas. Vobis res coram publica sese
Offeret in medium, referens stragesque necesque
Venturas, ubi forte minus pro lege vel æquo
Supplicium sumptum fuerit de sonte nefando;
Aut etiam officium collatum munere civis.
Namque relegatus, si culpæ nomine mulctam
Pendeat, afficiet magnis vos cladibus omnes.”
[230] The passages in Filelfo’s Satires, in which he has attacked the
character of Poggio, are very numerous. Those who wish to examine these
passages may consult the following references.
_Decad. i. hecat. 5._ _Decad. ii. hecat. 1. 3._ _Decad. iii. hecat. 2.
10._ _Decad. iv. hecat. 7._ _Decad. v. hecat. 8. 9._ _Decad. vi. hecat.
10._ _Decad. viii. hecat. 1, 3, 5._ Such readers as are not possessed
of a copy of _Aureæ Francisci Philelfii Poetæ Oratorisque celeberrimi
Satyræ centum_, printed in octavo at Paris, anno 1518, (a book of rare
occurrence) will probably be contented with the following specimen of
what may be properly termed learned Billingsgate.
“Quæ rapidis natura polis, quæ causa sepulchri
Humano generi, quæ tanta licentia rerum,
Spumantes inter pateras cereremque voracem
Ostensurus erat Codrus; cum grande pepedit,
Rancidulum eructans post longa volumina verbum.
Hunc mox Oenepotes miratus rara profatur.
Rara inter Latias phœnix hæc pervolat urbes:
Hinc vomit et meiens grave cunctis reddit oletum.
Poggius arridet, simili dum peste tenetur.
Nam quascunque dapes affert, ut verna Canopi
Prælambens, rapidus vino sese obruit hospes.
Laudibus hinc miris effert Codrumque, bonumque
Oenepotam Nicolum: mox ne fortasse minoris
Se quisquam reputet, quod foetet olentius addit.”
[231] _Philelfi Epist. p. 12._
[232] _Poggii Opera, p. 339-342._
[233] “Verum nequaquam mirum videri debet, eum cujus mater Arimini
dudum in purgandis ventribus et intestinis sorde diluendis quæstum
fecerit, maternæ artis foetorem redolere. Hæsit naribus filii sagacis
materni exercitii attrectata putredo, et continui stercoris fœtens
halitus.”—_Poggii Opera, p. 165._
[234] The terms in which Poggio mentions this transaction are
superlatively abusive, and whimsically gross. “Itaque Crysoloras moerore
confectus, compulsus precibus, malo coactus, filiam tibi nuptui dedit a
te corruptam, quæ si extitisset integra, ne pilum quidem tibi abrasum
ab illius natibus ostendisset. An tu illam unquam duxisses uxorem si
virginitatem per te servare potuisset? Tibi pater illam dedisset profugo,
ignobili, impuro? Primariis suæ civitatis viris servabatur virgo, non
tibi insulsæ pecudi et asello bipedali quem ille domi alebat tanquam
canem aliquem solent senio et ætate confectum.”—_Poggii Opera, p. 167._
[235] “Sperasti, monstrum infandum hos tuos insulsissimos versus,
in quibus etiam male latine loqueris, allaturos tibi laureolam, quâ
fanaticum caput redimires. At stercoreâ coronâ ornabuntur fœtentes crines
priapæi vatis.”—_Ibid, p. 169._
[236]
Lingua tibi mediâ, Poggi, plus parte secetur
Quâ nunquam lacerare probos et carpere cessas.
Improbe, quis talem tibi tantus tradidit artem
Auctor? An e stulto fatuoque et mentis egente
Te tuus insanum Lycolaus reddidit Utis,
Addictum vitio dirumque per omne volutum
Flagitium et facinus?—Tantum maledicere semper
Edoctus, cunctos decoret quos aurea virtus
Insequeris calamo, nequeas quos fulmine linguæ,
Quam nimius crassam potus vel crapula fecit,
Immanisque Venus. Tibi quæ tam dira voluptas,
Undantis pelago dum vini nocte dieque
Ebrius obrueris; dum tanquam immensa vorago
Quidquid pontus habet, quidquid vel terra vel aër
Vescendum peperit, latus tibi venter et ingens
Excepit; dum fœda Venus patiturque facitque
Omne genus probri: tactus te levius esto
Titillans, vesane, juvat redditque furentem
Et dulci qui tactus agit prurigine linguam:
Ut te communem præstes sapientibus hostem
Omnibus, et nulli parcas velut effera quædam
Vipera tabifero terram cœlumque veneno
Inficiens.
_Philelfi Satyræ. Decad. ii. Hecat. 3._
[237] _Muratori Annali, tom. ix. p. 158._—_Platina, tom. i. p. 406._
[238] “Sopravenendo poi Giovanni Vitellesco che chiamavano il Patriarca,
entranono in tanto spavento i Romani, che non avevano pure animo d’aprir
la bocca.”—_Platina, tom. i. p. 405._
[239] _Platina, tom. i. p. 406, 407._
[240] _Muratori Annali, tom. ix. p. 162, 163._
[241] _Ibid._—_Platina, tom. i. p. 407._
[242] The decree relative to the conversion of the Jews ordained amongst
other things, that all diocesans should annually commission certain
learned theologians to explain to them the word of God, in so plain
a manner, that they might be convinced of their errors—that the Jews
should be compelled, by the infliction of certain penalties, to attend
the lectures of these theologians—that all infidels should be prohibited
from keeping Christian servants or nurses—that no Christian should
partake of any Jewish festivals—that the Jewish tradesmen should be
strictly forbidden to buy, or take in pawn, any ecclesiastical books,
chalices, crosses, or other church ornaments—that the Jews should be
compelled to wear a distinguishing dress, and that they should live in a
separate quarter of each town, at as great a distance as possible from
any church. With regard to the converted Israelites, it was ordained,
that whereas whatever goods or property they had obtained by usury, or by
defrauding persons who were not to be found, became upon this conversion
the property of the church; the council, in the name of the church,
bestowed upon them all such property as a baptismal present—that the
indigent converts should be relieved by the charitable assistance of the
faithful—that they should be separated as much as possible from their
unbelieving brethren—and that the ordinaries of each diocese should be
directed to do all in their power to cause them to marry persons who had
been born in the Christian faith.
[243] _Concil. tom. xxx. p. 162._
[244] “Turpem etiam illum abusum in quibusdam frequentatum ecclesiis,
quo certis anni celebritatibus nonnulli cum mitrâ, baculo, ac vestibus
pontificalibus more episcoporum benedicunt, alii ut reges ac duces
induti, quod festum fatuorum vel innocentium, seu puerorum, in quibusdam
regionibus nuncupatur, alii larvales et theatrales jocos, alii choreas
et tripudia marium ac mulierum facientes, homines ad spectacula et
cachinnationes movent, alii comessationes et convivia ibidem præparant;
hæc sancta Synodus detestans, statuit et jubet tam ordinariis quam
ecclesiarum decanis et rectoribus, sub pœnâ suspensionis omnium
proventuum ecclesiasticorum trium mensium spatio, ne hæc aut similia
ludibria, neque etiam mercantias seu negotiationes nundinarum in
ecclesiis quæ domus orationis esse debent, ac etiam cæmeterio exercere
amplius permittant, transgressoresque, per censuram ecclesiasticam,
aliaque juris remedia punire non negligant, omnes autem consuetudines,
statuta ac privilegia quæ his non concordant circa hæc decretis, nisi
forte majores adjicerent pœnas, irritas esse hæc sancta synodus decernit.”
[245] _Concil. tom. xxx. p. 166._
[246] _Concil. tom. xxx. p. 180._
[247] On the 15th of October, 1435, the council condemned as heretical
various propositions which had been lately maintained by Agostino di
Roma, archbishop of Nazareth, in three elaborate theological tracts.
Those whose anxiety to preserve the purity of the catholic faith leads
them to wish to know what sentiments it is their duty to reject, and
those who are interested in observing the niceties of theological
distinctions, will perhaps be gratified by the following recital of the
dangerous errors which incurred the severe reprehension and reprobation
of the venerable synod of Basil.
“Et postissime scandalosam illam assertionem, erroneam in fide, in
ipso libello contentam, quam piæ fidelium aures sine horrore audire
non possunt, videlicet: Christus quotidie peccat; ex quo fuit Christus
quotidie peccavit; quamvis de capite ecclesiæ Christo Jesu Salvatore
nostro dicat se non intelligere, sed ad membra sua, quæ cum Christo
capite unum esse Christum asseruit, intelligentiam ejus esse referendam
dicat. Nec non et propositiones istas, et eis in sententiâ similes,
quas in articulos damnatos in sacro Constantiensi Concilio incidere
declarat, videlicet: Non omnes fideles justificati sunt membra Christi,
sed soli electi, finaliter in perpetuum regnaturi cum Christo. Secundum
ineffabilem præscientiam Dei sumuntur membra Christi, ex quibus constat
ecclesia, quæ tamen non constat nisi ex eis qui secundum propositum
electionis vocati sunt. Non sufficit Christo uniri vinculo caritatis, ut
aliqui efficiantur membra Christi, sed requiritur alia unio. Has etiam
quæ sequuntur: Humana natura in Christo, vere est Christus. Humana natura
in Christo, est persona Christi. Ratio suppositalis determinans humanam
naturam in Christo non realiter distinguitur ab ispâ naturâ determinatâ.
Natura humana in Christo procul dubio est persona verbi; et verbum in
Christo naturâ assumpta, est realiter persona assumens. Natura humana
assumpta a verbo ex unione personali, est veraciter Deus naturalis et
proprius. Christus secundum voluntatem creatam tantum diligit naturam
humanam unitam personæ verbi, quantum diligit naturam divinam. Sicut duæ
personæ in divinis sunt æqualiter diligibiles ita duæ naturæ in Christo,
humana et divina, sunt æqualiter diligibiles propter personam communem.
Anima Christi videt Deum tam clare et intense, quantum clare et intense
Deus videt seipsum. Quas quidem propositiones, et alias ex eâdem radice
procedentes, in prædicto libello contentas, tamquam erroneas in fide,
damnat et reprobat hæc sancta Synodus.”—_Concil. tom. xxx. p. 172._
[248] _Panormitani Epist. lib. v. ep. 118_, as referred to by the French
and Italian translators of the life of Poggio.
[249] _Apostolo Zeno Dissertazioni Vossiane, tom. i. p. 37, 38._
[250] _Poggii Opera, p. 65, 67._ _Mehi vita Ambrosii Traversarii, p. lii._
[251] The catalogue of reliques of Roman architecture, which Poggio
has inserted in the interesting pröemium to his dialogue _De varietate
Fortunæ_, evinces the diligence and care with which he had surveyed
the ruins of ancient Rome. This catalogue did not escape the extensive
researches of Gibbon, who has introduced it into the 71st chapter of his
_Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire._
[252] “Poggius noster sæpe mecum est; reliquias civitatis probe callens
nos comitatur.”—_Ambrosii Traversarii Epistolæ, p. 407._
In a letter to Bartolomeo Facio, Poggio thus invites him to visit the
ruins of Rome. “Video te cupere urbem visere, et certe nisi incoeptum
opus, ut ais, impediret hortarer te ad inspiciendas reliquias ejus urbis
quæ quondam orbis lumen præclarissimum fuit. Equidem quamvis in eâ jam
pluribus annis ab ipsâ juventute fuerim versatus, tamen quotide tamquam
novus incola tantarum rerum admiratione obstupesco, recreoque persæpe
animum visu eorum ædificiorum, quæ stulti propter ingenii imbecillitatem
a Dæmonibus facta dicunt.”—_Facius de viris Illustribus, p. 97._
[253] _Mehi Vita Ambrosii Traversarii, p. lii._
[254] _Mehi Vita Ambrosii Traversarii, p. lii._ _Poggii Epist. citat. a
Ton. tom. i. p. 258._
[255] _Poggii Opera, p. 321._
[256] _Ibid._
[257] _Ibid, p. 329._
[258] _Mehi Vita Ambrosii Traversarii, p. lii. liii._
[259] From an expression which Poggio uses in a letter on the subject of
Francesco’s conduct, addressed to Andreolo Giustiniano, it should seem,
either that the busts did not answer the expectation which he had formed
concerning the exquisiteness of their workmanship, or that he suspected
that Francesco had substituted inferior pieces of sculpture, in the place
of those destined for him by Suffretus. The following is the expression
in question. “Cum Suffretus quidem Rhodius ei consignasset tria capita
marmorea, et signum integrum duorum fere cubitorum, quæ Franciscus se ad
me allaturum promisit, _capita quædam dedit_, signo autem me fraudavit,”
&c. Perhaps, however, quædam is, by an error of the press, substituted
for quidem.
[260] _Poggii Opera, p. 329._
[261] _Poggii Opera, p. 329._
[262] The admirer of ancient art will find the principles, the
observance of which led to the perfection to which it was carried by the
Greeks, clearly and forcibly explained in the eighteenth, nineteenth,
and twentieth pages of Mr. Fuseli’s _Lectures on Painting_. Of this
work it may be asserted, that hardly any composition in the English
language comprehends an equal quantity of thought in the same compass
of expression. Almost every sentence which it contains is a theme of
reflection, a text, pregnant with the most useful instruction.
[263] _Poggii Epist. lvii. p. 181._
[264] _Poggii Opera, p. 357, & seq._
[265] _Poggii Opera, p. 366._
[266] _See note to Tonelli’s translation, vol. i. p. 264._
[267] _Poggii vita a Recanatio, p. xiv._
[268] _Poggii vita a Recanatio, p. xiv._
[269] This dialogue was, for upwards of three centuries, buried in the
repositories of Manuscripts which are stored up in a few public libraries
on the continent of Europe. In the year 1802, the author of this work
was fortunate enough to find in the then _Bibliothéque Nationale_, now
_Bibliothéque du Roi_, at Paris, a very legible manuscript copy of
it, which he carefully transcribed; and soon after his return home he
printed a very small impression of it for distribution among his literary
friends. A copy of this impression having been sent by him to the late
Dr. Parr, that eminent scholar urged him to reprint and publish it, with
a few necessary corrections. The wish of Parr was complied with, and the
Dialogue was brought out in the year 1807, with a Latin preface and a
Latin dedication to the late Mr. Roscoe. In the year 1823, the Signor
Pecchioli published at Florence a new edition of it, which is enriched
with various readings from a MS. in the Riccardi library.
[270] In the first edition of the work it was stated that Poggio, on
his marriage, not only parted with his mistress, but also deprived four
of his illegitimate children, who were then living, of an inheritance
which he had secured to them by a Bull of legitimacy. This statement,
however, rests only on the authority of Valla, the bitter personal enemy
of Poggio, and it has been satisfactorily proved by the Cavaliere Tonelli
(_Ton. Tr. vol. i. p. 266._) that this imputation is of the number of
those calumnies in which the scholars of the fifteenth century were, in
their contests with each other, so apt to indulge.
[271] _Poggii Epistolæ lvii. epist. xxxvii._
[272] _Poggii Opera, p. 355._
[273] The correspondence above referred to, which was first brought into
public notice by the Cavaliere Tonelli, (_Ton. Tr. vol. i. p. 276-283_)
is to be found in the Riccardi and the Hafod manuscripts.
[274] _Ton. Tr. vol. i. p. 284, Note._
[275] _Mehi Vita Ambrosii Traversarii, p. xxxiii._
[276] Though no literary works of Francesco Marescalco have descended
to posterity, and though from the designation of “Franciscum quendam
Ferrariensem,” by which he is mentioned in a letter from Poggio to
Niccolo Niccoli, it should seem that he was not much known, even to his
contemporaries, the circumstance of Poggio’s inscribing to him a volume
of his compositions affords reasonable grounds for a supposition that he
was a man of learning, and of a respectable character. This supposition
is confirmed by the respectful manner in which Poggio, in the following
letter, thanks him for the offer of his friendship, and the assurance of
his esteem.
“I have long maintained a most pleasant intercourse with my friend
Scipio, of Ferrara, a man, whose learning and liberal manners lay an
irresistible claim to my esteem and love. We often spend our leisure
time in conversing together on various subjects, and particularly on the
characters of learned and eloquent men. Of this number he assures me that
you are one. He informs me, that you are not only devoted to literature,
which circumstance is of itself a great recommendation, but, what is of
the greatest weight, that your manners are most amiable, and that you are
endowed with the most attractive virtues. He moreover says, that you are
very much attached to me. This is a piece of intelligence which, I must
confess, affords me the sincerest pleasure; for there is nothing, my dear
Francesco, which I have more at heart, than to gain the esteem and good
will of my fellow mortals. You are sensible that he who is favoured with
the affection of his acquaintance, especially of those who are dignified
by their virtues, is truly rich, and possesses a source of sincere
enjoyment. I therefore most heartily embrace your proffered friendship,
from which I trust I shall derive both pleasure and honour. Be assured
of this, that I shall do my utmost endeavour to confirm, by my conduct,
those friendly sentiments which you have voluntarily conceived on my
behalf.—Farewell.”—_Poggii Opera, p. 307._
[277] _Poggii Epistolæ lvii. p. 273._
[278] _Ibid._
[279] _Poggii Opera, p. 270-277._
[280] See note on chap. iii. of this work.
[281] _Poggii Opera, p. 274._
[282] “Delectabatur admodum tabulis et signis ac variis cœlaturis
priscorum more. Plura enim prope solus atque exquisitiora habebat quam
cæteri fere omnes.”—_Poggii Opera, p. 276._
[283] _Ibid._
[284] _Mehi Vita Ambrosii Traversarii, p. lxii._
[285] Gianozzo Manetti, who wrote memoirs of Niccolo Niccoli, which
are printed from a Vatican MS. in Mehus’s life of Ambrogio Traversari,
_p. lxvi. et seq._ “Raro tamen,” says Gianozzo, “vel numquam, latine
loquendi, latineve scribendi onus suscipere voluit, eâ de causâ abductus,
ut arbritror, quod quum nihil ab eo nisi plenum et perfectum probaretur,
neque orationes, neque scripta sua sibi ipsi omni ex parte, ceu in aliis
hominibus exigebat, satisfactura videbantur.” The testimony of Poggio
may be adduced in confirmation of Gianozzo’s assertion. “Cum enim nihil
nisi politum ac perfectum probaret, nequaquam sibi ipsi ejus scripta
satisfacere videbantur.”—_Poggii Opera, p. 274._
[286] _Mehi Vita Ambrosii Traversarii, p. lxi._
[287] “Illud quoque animadvertendum est Nicolaum Nicolum veluti parentem
fuisse artis criticæ, quæ auctores veteres distinguit emendatque. Nam
quum eos auctores ex vetustissimis codicibus exscriberet, qui suo
potissimum consilio, aliorum vero operâ inventi sunt, non solum a
mendis quibus obsiti erant expurgavit, sed etiam distinxit capitibusque
locupletavit. Testis sit Lucretius, qui in Cod. Chart. Bibliothecæ
Mediceo-Laurentianæ adservatur. In hoc enim codice manu Nicolai Niccoli
diligentissime scripto aliquot libris capitula præfixa a Niccolo sunt.
Testes duodecim Comœdiæ Plauti noviter eodem sæculo repertæ, Niccolique
nostri manu in Cod. Chartaceo Bibliothecæ Marcianæ ut supra diximus
exaratæ. Has enim quum descripsisset ex vetustissimo Codice Jordani
Cardinalis Ursini ex Germaniâ Romam advecto, quem mendosissimum judicavit
Poggius, earum tamen exemplum a Niccolo nostro confectum paucis mendis,
iisque levissimis deturpatum est.”—_Mehi Vita Ambrosii Traversarii, p. 1._
[288] _Gianotti Manettii Vita Nicolai Nicoli, apud Mehi Vitam Ambros.
Travers. p. lxxvi._
[289] _Ibid, p. lxxvii._
[290] These and the following particulars are collected from a life
of Niccolo Niccoli, written by Gianozzo Manetti, and composing part
of a volume, _De Illustribus Longævis_, dedicated by him to Lodovico
Gusman, governor of the province of Calatrava. In proof of the delicacy
of Niccolo’s feelings, Gianozzo assures his reader of the wonderful
fact, that he disliked the braying of an ass, the grating of a saw,
and the squeaking of a mouse caught in a trap. “Neque rudentem asinum,
neque secantem serram, neque muscipulam vagientem sentire audireve
poterat.”—_Mehi Vita Ambros. Travers. p. lxxvii._
[291] _Concil. tom. xxx. p. 212-217._ The orthodoxy of the editor of the
acts of the councils has induced him to attach the following marginal
observation to the decree which thus levelled the thunder of the rebels
of Basil at the sacred head of the pontiff—“Multa in hac synodo sparsim
habentur quæ pontifici et ejus auctoritati derogant, quæ sunt caute
legenda.”
[292] _Concil. tom. xxx. p. 221, 222._
[293] _Ibid, p. 226, et seq._
[294] _Ibid, p. 232, et seq._
[295] _Muratori Annali, tom. ix. p. 169, 170._
[296] _Labbe Concil. tom. xiii. p. 876._
[297] _Muratori Rer. Italic. Script. tom. iii. p. 870._
[298] _Concil. tom. xxx. p. 189._
[299] _Muratori Annali, tom. ix. p. 173._
[300] _Ibid, p. 176, 177._
[301] _Mehi Vita Ambrosii Traversarii, p. 430._
[302] _Labbei Concilia, tom. xiii. p. 1164._
[303] _Labbei Concilia, tom. xiii. p. 1165-1168._
[304] _Zeno Dissert. Vos. tom. i. p. 307._
[305] _Zeno Dissert. Voss. tom. i. p. 308._
[306] _Ibid, p. 316._
[307] _Poggii Opera, p. 349, 350._
[308] _Poggii Opera, p. 350, 351, 352._
[309] _Ibid, p. 353, 354, 355._ Two manuscript copies of this work are
preserved in the Laurentian, and a third in the Magliabecchian library
at Florence. A fourth is deposited in the Ambrogian collection at Milan.
The disgusting ribaldry of Beccatelli fully justifies the reproof which
he received from Poggio. It is a disgrace to literature, that his work
should have been lately committed to the press under the superintendence
of a French editor.
The Hermaphroditus was openly condemned, not only by Poggio, but also
by Filelfo, Laurentius Valla, and by Mariano da Volterra, who inveighed
against it in a long poem. It was the subject of reprobation in the
sermons of Bernadino da Siena, and of Roberto da Lecce, who caused it to
be burnt in the public squares of Bologna and Milan. The zeal of Valla,
(which, by the way, was kindled as much by personal enmity as by a regard
to morality) prompted him to hope that the same fate awaited its author.
Besides the Hermaphroditus, Beccatelli published a variety of works,
which are thus enumerated by Apostolo Zeno. 1. Alphonsi Regis Triumphus.
2. De Rebus gestis Ferdinandi Regis. 3. In coronatione Friderici III.
Imperatoris Oratio Romæ habita 1452. 4. Ad Alphonsum Siciliæ Regem
Oratio. 6. Oratio ad Caetanos de pace. 7. Oratio ad Venetos de pace.
8. Epistolarum Libri V. 9. Carmina. 10. Epistolæ et Orationes. 11.
Epistolarum & Carminum liber. 12. In Rhodum Poema. 13. Tragediæ. 14.
Commentarius in Plautum. 15. Elegiæ. 16. De dictis et factis Alphonsi
Regis Libri IV. _Vallæ Invectiva secunda in Facium, sub finem._—_Zeno
Diss. Voss. tom. i. p. 315, 316._
[310] _Concil. tom. xxx. p. 271._
[311] _Ibid, p. 298._
[312] In the _Fasciculus Rer. Expet. et Fugiend. tom. i. p. 46-54_,
there is a very entertaining account drawn up by Æneas Sylvius of the
organization and proceedings of the conclave which elected Amedeus to
the pontificate, and of the splendid procession which took place at the
coronation of this Anti-Pope, who assumed the name of Felix.
[313] _Mehi Vita Ambros. Travers. p. ccccxxvii._
[314] _Elogi degli uomini illustri Toscani, tom. i. p. cccxlvi._
[315] _Mehi Vita Ambrosii Traversarii, p. ccccv._
[316] _Mehi Vita Ambrosii Traversarii, p. ccccxxvii._
[317] _Ibid, p. ccccxxviii._
[318] _Apostolo Zeno Diss. Vos. tom. i. p. 81._
[319] _Mehi Vita Ambrosii Traversarii, p. ccccxxxii._ The author of the
life of Ambrogio, in the _Elogi degli uomini illustri Toscani_, mentions
this report in the following terms. “Non manca chi creda, che Iddio
a intercessione di Ambrogio facesse ancor dei prodigi. E certamente,
l’esser dopo la di lui morte, nati spontaneamente gigli ed altri
fiori sopra il suo cadavere, che colti dai Religiosi instantaneamente
rifiorivano per tutto il luogo occupato dalla venerabile di lui spoglia,
sembra cosa più che naturale. Eppure di ciò fanno fede persone che hanno
potuto vedere ocularmente un tal prodigio al sacro Eremo di Camaldoli.”
_p. cccxlviii. cccxlix._
[320] See Poggio’s dialogue on Hypocrisy in the _Fasciculus Rer. Expet.
et fugiend. tom. ii. p. 583._
[321] _Recanati Osservazioni, p. 19._
[322] _Poggiana, tom. ii. p. 322-326._
[323] _Ton. Tr. vol. ii. p. 22._
[324] The short-sightedness of the Florentines seems to have been a
subject of proverbial sarcasm to their neighbours. “Bartolomeo Soccini,
of Siena,” says Mr. Roscoe, in his life of Lorenzo de’ Medici, “having
observed, in allusion to the defect in Lorenzo’s sight, that the air of
Florence was injurious to the eyes—_true_, said Lorenzo, _and that of
Siena to the brain_.” When Leo X. was elected to the pontificate, the
Roman wits thus interpreted a certain date of the year MCCCCXL, which was
inscribed on a tablet in the church of the Vatican: Multi cæci cardinales
creaverunt cæcum decimum Leonem.
_Roscoe’s Life of Lorenzo de’ Medici, vol. ii. p. 119_—_Fabroni Vita
Leonis. X._
[325] _Poggii Opera, p. 333, 339._
[326] _Philelfi Opera, p. 13._
[327] _Philelfi Epistolæ, p. 18._
[328] _Ibid._
[329] _Ibid._
[330] _Poggii Opera, p. 175._
[331] _Poggii Opera, p. 176._
[332] _Poggii Opera, p. 186, 187._
[333] _Poggii Opera, p. 64-83._
[334] _Poggii Opera, p. 225-328._ Besides Gregorio Corriario, two other
Venetian scholars, Pietro Tommasi and Lauro Querini, expressed their
displeasure at the manner in which Poggio had treated the Venetian
patricians in his dialogue _De Nobilitate_; the former in a letter
addressed to Poggio—the latter, not only by a letter, but also in an
express treatise on the same subject. To the former Poggio returned a
civil reply—the latter, who seems to have been an ill-tempered man, he
treated with contempt. _Ton. Tr. vol. ii. p. 42._
[335] _Poggii Opera, p. 278._
[336] _Poggii Opera, p. 285._
[337] _Poggii Historia Flor. p. 339._—_Muratori Annali, tom. ix. p.
185._—Lorenzo Valla, in his _Antidotus_, charges Poggio with the infamous
villany of forging the commission, by virtue of which Vitelleschi was
arrested; and asserts, that he was protected from the punishment due to
his crime, by the power of the statesmen who had bribed him to commit so
atrocious a deed. It is not, however, very probable, that any interest
could have screened from punishment a secretary who stood convicted of so
heinous an offence as counterfeiting the signature of a sovereign prince,
for the purpose of committing murder: still less, that a subordinate
officer who had taken such a wicked liberty, should have been continued
in his place.—_Laurentii Vallæ Antidotus in Poggium, p. 109._
[338] _Muratori Annali, tom. ix. p. 186._
[339] _Muratori Annali, tom. ix. p. 199._
[340] _Poggii Opera, p. 344._
[341] _Poggii Epistolæ lvii. ep. liv._
[342] _Poggii Epistolæ lvii. p. 282._
[343] _Poggii Epistolæ lvii. p. 284._
[344] According to the tables of the relative value of money at different
periods, the volume above mentioned may be said to have cost Lionello
£250 or £300 sterling.—_Ton. Tr. vol. ii. p. 54._
[345] _Muratori Annali, tom. ix. p. 195, 196._
[346] _Muratori Annali, tom. ix. p. 198._
[347] _Muratori Rer. Italic. Script. tom. vi. p. 915._
[348] _Poggii Opera, p. 261-269._ The disease of which he died was the
stone. Poggio asserts, that after his death, a calculus of the weight of
a pound was extracted from his bladder.
[349] _Vita Nicolai V. a Jannotio Manetti apud Muratorii Rer. Italic
Script. tom. iii. p. ii. p. 908 et. seq._
[350] _Poggii Opera, p. 390, 391._ The data of the publication of the
dialogue above mentioned is ascertained by an unpublished Epistle of
Poggio, cited by Tonelli, _Tr. vol. ii. p. 62._
[351] _Poggii Opera, p. 392-419._
[352] In the Basil edition of Poggio’s works, the dialogue _De
Infelicitate Principum_ is so incorrectly printed, that it is frequently
difficult to decypher the meaning of the author. An edition of the same
dialogue, printed in 12mo. at Frankfort, by Erasmus Kempffer, in the year
1629, is one of the most incorrect books which ever disgraced a press.
Fortunately, however, the one of these copies is frequently of use in
correcting the errors of the other.
[353] _Janotii Manetti pro Leonardo Aretino Oratio Funebris, Epistolis
Leonardi a Meho editis prœfixa, p. civ._
[354] _Janotii Manetti pro Leonardo Aretino Oratio Funebris, Epistolis
Leonardi a Meho editis prœfixa, p. cxiv._
[355] The following analysis of Gianozzo’s oration will be sufficient
to prove, that the foregoing censure is by no means too severe.—He
began his address by informing his auditors, that if the immortal Muses
(“immortales Musæ divinæquo Camœnæ”) could have deemed it compatible
with their dignity to make an oration, either in the Latin or the
Greek language, or to weep in public, they would not have delegated to
another the task of paying the last honours to Leonardo; but since this
exhibition of their grief was contrary to the usual habits of the Nine,
the administrators of the Tuscan government had determined that the
virtues of the deceased should be celebrated by one of his colleagues. He
then with due modesty declared, that their choice having been directed
to himself, not on account of his talents, but in consequence of his
filling one of the principal offices of the state, he had prepared
himself for the occasion, not to his own satisfaction, but as well as
the brevity of the time allowed him for the purpose would permit.—The
orator then proceeded to give a sketch of the life of Leonardo. When he
arrived at that period of it in which the deceased became one of the
public functionaries of the state, he detailed at some length the history
of the Florentine republic during the time of Leonardo’s possession
of civic and military offices. In the course of his minute detail of
Leonardo’s literary labours, he contrived to introduce brief notices of a
considerable number of Greek and Latin writers, and enlarged particularly
upon the merits of Livy and Cicero, to each of whom he represented
Leonardo as superior, since he not only translated Greek authors into
Latin, after the example of the latter, but also wrote histories, in
emulation of the former, thus uniting the excellencies of both. After
this, preparing to perform the ceremony of coronation, he proved by
historical evidence, that the custom of crowning emperors and poets was
very ancient. Descanting on the various kinds of military crowns, he
informed his auditors, that by the frequent perusal of ancient writers,
he had ascertained, that of these tokens of honour there were eight
different species, namely, the Corona Obsidionalis, Civica, Muralis,
Castrensis, Navalis, Ovalis, quasi Triumphalis, and Triumphalis. The
description of the materials of which these crowns were severally made,
the occasions on which they were bestowed, the enumeration of divers
eminent commanders whose brows they had adorned, led the errant orator
into a further digression, from which he did not return before he
had detailed at great length the reasons why poets should be crowned
with laurel, in preference to ivy, palm, olive, or any other species
of evergreen. This dissertation on crowns occupies the space of five
quarto pages, closely printed in a small type. Having exhausted this
topic, Gianozzo proceeded to prove, that Leonardo was a poet. This led
him to enumerate most of the Greek and Latin poets, and to explain the
derivation of the term _poeta_. In treating on this subject, he announces
the marvellous discovery, that he who wishes to be a poet, must write
excellent poems! “Itaque si quis poeta esse cuperet quædam egregia
poemata scribat oportet.” Having endeavoured by sundry truly original
arguments to vindicate Leonardo’s claim to the poetic wreath, he closed
his harangue by the performance of the prescribed ceremony.
The following list of such of the voluminous works of Leonardo Aretino as
have been committed to the press, is extracted from the enumeration of
his writings, subjoined to his life by Laurentius Mehus.
1. _Historiarum Florentini Populi, Lib. xii. Per Sixtum Brunonem Argent.
1610._ _fol. Ejusdem traductio Italica a Donato Acciajolo Venetiis, 1473,
Florentiæ, 1492._ _Venetiis, 1560._ _Ibidem a Sansovino, 1561._
2. _Leonardi Arretini de Temporibus suis Libri duo._ _Venetiis, 1475 and
1485._ _Lugduni apud Gryphium, 1539._ _Argentorati per Sixtum Brunonem,
1610._ It was reprinted by Muratori, in the 19th vol. of his _Rer.
Italic. Script._
3. _De bello Italico adversus Gothos gesto Libri quatuor._ This work is
founded upon the Greek history of Procopius. It has been edited in the
following places: _Fulginii per Emilianum Fulginatum, 1470._ _Venetiis
per Nicolaum Jenson, 1471._ _Basileæ, 1531._ _Parisiis, 1534._ It was
also printed together with Zosimus, _Basileæ, 1576_, and with Agathias
and Jornandes, _Lugd. 1594_. _Bellovisiis, 1607._
4. _De Bello Punico Libri tres. Brixiæ, 1498._ _Paris, apud Ascensium,
1512._ _Augustæ Vindel. 1537._
5. _Commentarium Rerum Græcarum_ was edited by Gryphius, _Lug. 1539._
_Lipsiæ a Joach. Camerario, 1546._ _Argentorati, 1610, per Sixtum
Brunonem._ It was also reprinted by Gronovius in the 6th volume of his
_Thes. Antiq. Græc._
6. _Isagogicon moralis disciplinæ ad Galeotum Ricasolanum._ This work
also bears the title of _Dialogus de moribus ad Galeottum, &c._ and under
the title of _Aristoteles de moribus ad Eudemum Latine Leonardo Arretino
interprete_, it was printed, _Lovanii, 1475_. _Paris, juxta de la Mare,
1512._ _Ibidem, 1516, per Ascensium._
7. _Ad Petrum Histrium dialogorum Libri._ _Basileæ, 1536, per Henricum
Petri, &c._ _Paris, 1642._
8. _De studiis et litteris ad illustrem Dominam Baptistam de Malatestis.
Argentinæ, 1512._ It was also published by Gabriel Naudæus in 1642,
and it composes part of a book entitled _Hugonis Grotii et aliorum
dissertationes de studiis bene instituendis, Amstelæd. 1645_. It was also
printed by Thomas Crenius in his _Meth. Stud. tom. i. Num. x. Rotterod.
1692_.
9. _Laudatio Cl. V. Johannis Strozæ Equitis Florentini_, was published by
Baluzzi in the third volume of his Miscellanies.
10. _Imperatoris Heliogabali Oratio protreptica, sive adhortatoria
ad Meretrices_, published by Aldus Manutius in his _Historiæ Augustæ
Scriptores Minores, Venetiis, 1519_.
11. _Oratio in Hypocritas_ was printed in the _Fasciculus_ of Ortuinus
Gratius _Coloniæ, 1535_. _Lugd. 1679._ _Londini, 1691._ It was again
published in the year 1699, from a copy in the possession of Antonio
Magliabecchi.
12. _La Vita di Dante e i costumi e studj di Messer Francesco Petrarca._
The life of Petrarca was edited by Philippus Tomasinus in his _Petraca
Redivivus_, printed at Padua, 1650. It was again printed, together with
the life of Dante, an. 1671.
13. _Magni Basilii Liber per Leonardum Arretinum de Græco in Latinum
translatus_—_Brixiæ, 1485, per Boninum de Boninis—Bononiæ, 1497._
_Argentorati, 1507._ _Paris, 1508._ _Romæ, 1594._