On the death of Martin V., Gabriello de’ Condolmieri, a Venetian, of an
ancient, though not of a noble family, was elevated to the pontifical
dignity. During his residence in his native country, Gabriello had not
obtained any high ecclesiastical honours: but being persuaded to repair
to Rome under the protection of a nephew of his countryman Gregory XII.,
he so skilfully insinuated himself into the good graces of that pontiff,
that by his favour he was promoted to the lucrative office of treasurer
of the holy see; and successively advanced to the episcopal throne of
Siena, and to the dignity of Cardinal of St. Clement. Having conducted
himself with singular spirit and steadiness in the execution of various
important commissions with which he was entrusted by Gregory XII. and
his successors, he daily increased his reputation; and on the vacancy
of the pontifical chair, occasioned by the demise of Martin V., he was
raised, by the vote of the conclave, to the summit of ecclesiastical
preferment. [March 3rd. A. D. 1431.] On this occasion, in compliance with
the established custom, he changed his name, and assumed the appellation
of Eugenius IV.[168]
During the course of the fifteenth century, the peace of most of the
cities of Italy was continually disturbed by the intrigues of rival
families, who disputed with each other the distribution of municipal
honours, and the possession of civic power. On the accession of Eugenius,
the contentions of the Colonnas and the Orsini, who had long presided at
the head of opposite factions, still gave rise to disorder and tumult
in Rome. The new pontiff had no sooner ascended the chair of St. Peter,
than the chiefs of the latter family directed his attention to the
great wealth which their competitors had amassed, in consequence of the
partiality which his predecessor had shewn towards his kinsmen, in the
distribution of the honours and emoluments which were at the disposal of
the head of the church. On an inquiry being made into the conduct of the
Colonnas, it was found that, not contented with the sum which they had
gained from the munificence of their uncle, they had taken possession
of the public treasure, which he had appropriated to the liquidation of
the expenses of an expedition against the Turks, and had also conveyed
away several jewels, and much furniture belonging to the pontifical
palace. Being therefore determined to take legal proceedings against the
principal offenders, Eugenius ordered Stefano Colonna, the general of
the church, to arrest Oddo Piccio, Vice-chamberlain of his predecessor,
but to treat him with civility. These orders were ill obeyed. The guards
sent on this duty sacked the house of Oddo, and ignominiously dragged him
through the streets as a common criminal. The pontiff having threatened
to call Stefano to account for this harsh conduct, the latter fled
from Rome, and joined the rest of his family in a rebellion against
Eugenius. Provoked by this contumacy, the pontiff proceeded with such
unsparing severity against those who had been elevated to places of
honour and profit, by the favour of his predecessor, that more than
two hundred persons employed by Martin V. in various offices, were,
upon being convicted of various offences, put to death by the hand of
the executioner. The sagacity of Poggio, who was a witness of these
cruel transactions, clearly foresaw the evil consequences which were
likely to result from them.[169] The distractions of civil tumult soon
demonstrated the justice of his apprehensions. The Colonnas, flying from
Rome, solicited the assistance of their powerful relatives and friends,
who resided in various parts of Italy. Having collected a sufficient
body of troops, they marched to Rome; and being admitted into the city
through the Appian gate by some of their partizans, they directed their
course to the Piazza Colonna, where they were met by the soldiers of the
pope. After a fierce encounter, the assailants were compelled to retire.
Being thus frustrated in their attempt to make themselves masters of
the city by open force, they endeavoured to accomplish their purpose
by treachery. The vigilance of Eugenius however rendered their designs
abortive. Having received intelligence that the archbishop of Benevento,
the son of Antonio Colonna, and Masio his brother, were meditating some
desperate enterprise, he caused them to be apprehended. Masio being put
to the torture, confessed that they had laid a plan to seize the castle
of St. Angelo, and to banish the pope and the Orsini from Rome. This
treasonable project the unfortunate youth expiated by his death. He
was beheaded in the Campo di Fiore, and his quarters were suspended to
public view in four of the most frequented streets of the city. Soon
after this event, the heart of Eugenius being mollified by a dangerous
sickness, he became weary of the violence and hazard of civil strife;
and by the medium of Angelotto Fosco, a citizen of Rome, he intimated
to the Colonnas, that he was disposed to agree to a pacification. The
terms of this pacification being settled, and solemnly proclaimed on the
twenty-second of September, [A. D. 1471.] Rome once more enjoyed the
blessing of domestic tranquillity.[170]
Thus did the merciless harshness of Eugenius, on his accession to the
chair of St. Peter, expose his capital to the miseries of civil discord.
At the same time he rashly ran the hazard of involving himself in a
war with Filippo Maria, the duke of Milan. After the conclusion of the
peace of Ferrara, that crafty prince, with a view of inducing his most
formidable antagonists to exhaust their strength, had encouraged the
Florentines to attack the territories of the republic of Lucca, which
had incurred the hatred of the Tuscans by the strenuous assistance which
it had afforded to the duke in the late war. But while he professed to
desert his former allies, Filippo secretly ordered the Genoese, over
whom he exercised an almost absolute authority, to march to the relief
of the city of Lucca, which the Florentines had reduced to extremity.
In obedience to his injunctions, the Genoese sent into the Lucchese
territories a considerable body of troops under the command of Piccinino,
who compelled the Tuscan general to raise the siege of the capital, and
entirely routed his army. When the Florentines were apprized of the
secret machinations of the duke of Milan, they renewed their alliance
with the Venetians: and on the other hand, the duke openly declaring
himself in favour of the republic of Lucca, strengthened himself by the
assistance of the Sienese. Such was the state of affairs in the western
districts of Italy, when Eugenius was called to ascend the pontifical
throne. This event was a subject of great joy to the Florentines, who
hoped that the partiality of the new pontiff to his countrymen, their
allies, would induce him to take decisive measures in their favour.
Nor were they disappointed. Soon after his accession, Eugenius sent a
legate to Siena, with instructions to endeavour to prevail upon the
administrators of that republic to desert from the cause of the duke of
Milan. At the same time he sent to the Tuscan army a reinforcement of
one thousand horse, which seasonable accession of strength enabled the
Florentines once more to commence the siege of Lucca.[171]
The duke of Milan did not deem it expedient instantly to resent the
proceedings of the pontiff: but the edge of his anger was not blunted by
time, and when a convenient opportunity presented itself, he convinced
Eugenius to his cost, that it is the height of folly gratuitously to
interfere in the disputes of belligerent states.
The pontificate of Eugenius did not commence with happier omens in the
distant provinces of Christendom. He had confirmed the commission of his
predecessor, which authorised Julian, cardinal of St. Angelo, to exercise
in Germany the office of legate of the holy see; and in pursuance of
this commission, the cardinal had laboured with unremitting activity for
the extinction of heresy. The Bohemian reformers, however, ridiculed his
pastoral admonitions, and despised his menaces. During his residence
in Constance, Poggio had witnessed in the case of two individuals, the
intrepidity with which the human mind is inspired by the operation of
religious zeal; and he seems to have wisely calculated the efforts which
this powerful stimulus was likely to produce, by diffusing its increasing
energy through the breasts of an enthusiastic multitude. On this
account, when he was informed of the important enterprise which had been
undertaken by his friend the cardinal, though he applauded the alacrity
which he manifested in the discharge of his duty to his spiritual
sovereign, he advised him maturely to consider, not the degree of courage
with which he was endowed, but the number of troops which he could bring
into the field; and bade him beware, lest in attempting to subdue the
heretics, he should take a wolf by the ears.[172] The event justified
the fears of Poggio. A vigorous invasion of Bohemia was meditated by
Frederic, marquis of Brandenburg, who had been appointed to the chief
command of the ecclesiastical forces;[173] but as the success of his plan
in a great measure depended on the co-operation of several independent
powers, it experienced the usual fate of enterprizes conducted on that
most hazardous principle. It had been concerted, that whilst the marquis
of Brandenburg made an irruption into the Bohemian territory by the route
of Thopa, Albert duke of Austria should make a diversion on the side of
Moravia. But as some of the confederates had not prepared their forces in
due time, the commander in chief was obliged to defer the opening of the
campaign beyond the appointed period. In the mean time Albert advanced
into Bohemia; but finding himself unsupported by his allies, he thought
it prudent to retire. The duke of Austria had no sooner withdrawn his
forces, than the cardinal, who had at length raised an army, consisting
of forty thousand cavalry, and nearly an equal number of infantry,[174]
appeared on the frontiers of Bohemia, where he took and destroyed
several towns which had been garrisoned by the reformers. The Bohemians
were not, however, discouraged by the number of their foes, but boldly
advanced with a determination to give them battle. The papal forces did
not await the encounter of these formidable antagonists. When they were
apprized of the approach of the enemy, they were seized with a sudden
panic, and in spite of the remonstrances of their general, they fled in
the utmost disorder.[175] Mortified by this defeat, and despairing of
being able to subdue the heretics by means of the forces at present under
his command, the legate determined to apply for assistance in the task
of the extirpation of the impugners of the true faith to the general
council, which, in pursuance of the summons of the late pontiff Martin
V., was soon to be held in the city of Basil.[176]
When Poggio received the intelligence of the discomfiture of the papal
army, he thus addressed the Cardinal legate, in a consolatory epistle.—“I
am truly sorry, my good father, for the ridiculous and disgraceful issue
of this German expedition, which you have planned and prepared with so
much pains and labour. It is astonishing that your troops should have
been so completely destitute of courage, as to fly like hares, terrified
by an empty breeze of wind, even before the enemy was in sight. My grief
is however alleviated by the following consideration, that I not only
foresaw this event, but foretold it when I last had the pleasure of
conversing with you. On that occasion I remember you treated my opinion
lightly, and said, that as prophets of evil were generally justified
by the common course of human things, I prophesied on the safe side
when I foreboded disasters. I did not however hazard a random guess at
the issue of the proposed expedition; but formed a rational conjecture
on the subject, by comparing past with present circumstances, and by
reflecting upon the necessary relation of cause and effect. Impressed by
these ideas, I thought I clearly foresaw an approaching tempest: and the
occurrences of every succeeding day tend to confirm me in my opinion.
There formerly existed Christian kings and princes, by whose assistance
the church defended herself against her enemies; and tempest-tossed as
she has frequently been, she has hitherto always found some haven in
which she could shelter herself from the fury of the storm. But whither
can she now flee without incurring the danger of suffering shipwreck?
A common insanity has persuaded almost all men to rejoice in our
calamities, and to pray for our destruction. Let us however hope for
the best, and patiently bear the worst. For my own part I make it my
study, in all circumstances to be resigned to the will of Providence,
and to become so independent of externals, as not to be distressed by
the capriciousness of fortune. In my present situation, indeed, I am
not very obnoxious to the malice of that goddess, whose wrath, like the
thunderbolt, is directed against the high and the lofty. But whatever
may be her pleasure, it is certainly the truest wisdom not to suffer our
minds to be shaken by her impulse, and not to be too deeply affected in
our private capacity by the distresses of the public. Let us however
entreat the Deity not to put our wisdom to these serious proofs; for we
know not whether we should be able to practise the piety and philosophy
which we recommend. I hear that you have convoked a council, which is
already well attended. I commend your prudence—you did well, on the ill
success of your arms, to have recourse to an assembly of priests, on whom
we cannot but have great reliance, on account of the uprightness of their
lives, and their zeal to extinguish the pest of heresy.
“The Germans were formerly a warlike people.—They are now strenuous only
in their eating and drinking, and they are mighty in proportion to the
wine which they can swallow. When their casks are empty, their courage
must needs be exhausted. On this account I am inclined to think, that
they so shamefully deserted their posts, not through fear of the enemy,
whom it seems they never saw, but because provisions were scarce in
those quarters. You were of opinion, that sobriety constituted a part
of the soldier’s duty. But if this expedition is to be again attempted,
I trust you will change your system, and allow that wine constitutes
the sinews of war. The ancients inform us, that Ennius never undertook
to celebrate warlike achievements till he was mellow; and it must be
acknowledged that, inasmuch as it is a more serious task to fight a
battle than to describe it, flowing cups are absolutely requisite to
enable a man to handle arms, and encounter the dangers of the field. I
am afraid you have fallen into the error of judging of others by your
own dispositions. Beware of repeating this error in the matter of the
council, and remember what I said to you before your departure from
Italy—take care to feed them well—But enough of this levity. We enjoy
the blessing of peace; but the pontifical court is poor, and shorn of
its splendour. This is occasioned by the war in Germany, and by the
sickness of his holiness, which has lasted much longer, and has been much
more severe, than could have been wished. I have written to Angelotto,
cardinal of St. Mark, a letter which I wish you also to read. I therefore
send you a copy of it, not because I flatter myself that there is any
excellence in its style, but because I trust its perusal may divert your
thoughts from the anxious affair of the council.”[177]
A mind irritated by disappointment and disgrace is but ill prepared
to bear with patience the lashes of satiric wit. The cardinal of St.
Angelo was by no means pleased with the jocular style of Poggio’s letter;
and though he affected to answer it in a similar strain of levity, he
appears to have written with the ill grace which generally betrays the
attempt to conceal resentment under the veil of good humour; and in the
course of his epistle, his vexation burst forth in an angry reproof of
the irregular life of his correspondent. Unfortunately the morals of
Poggio were not entirely free from reproach.—Whilst the uncertainty of
his future destination had prevented him from entering into the married
state, his passions had gained the mastery over his principles, and
he had become the father of a spurious offspring. Reminding him of
this circumstance, “you have children,” said the cardinal, “which is
inconsistent with the obligations of an ecclesiastic; and by a mistress,
which is discreditable to the character of a layman.” To these reproaches
Poggio replied in a letter replete with the keenest sarcasm. He pleaded
guilty to the charge which had been exhibited against him, and candidly
confessed, that he had deviated from the paths of virtue. “I might
answer to your accusation,” said he, “that I have children, which is
expedient for the laity; and by a mistress, in conformity to the custom
of the clergy from the foundation of the world. But I will not defend
my errors—you know that I have violated the laws of morality, and I
acknowledge that I have done amiss.” Endeavouring however to palliate
his offence—“do we not,” says he, “every day, and in all countries,
meet with priests, monks, abbots, bishops, and dignitaries of a still
higher order, who have families of children by married women, widows,
and even by virgins consecrated to the service of God? These despisers
of worldly things, as they style themselves, who travel from place to
place, clothed in coarse and vile raiment, with downcast looks, calling
on the name of Jesus, follow the precept of the apostle, and seek after
that which is not their own, to use it as their own, and scorn to hide
their talent in a napkin. I have often laughed at the bold, or rather
impudent profession of a certain Italian abbot, who waited on Martin V.,
accompanied by his son, who was grown up to man’s estate. This audacious
ecclesiastic, being interrogated on the subject, freely and openly
declared, to the great amusement of the pope, and the whole pontifical
court, that he had four other sons able to bear arms, who were all at his
holiness’s service.” After noticing other scandalous enormities, which
brought disgrace upon the character of some ecclesiastics of those times,
Poggio thus concluded—“As to your advice on the subject of my future
plans of life, I am determined not to assume the sacerdotal office; for I
have seen many men whom I have regarded as persons of good character and
liberal dispositions, degenerate into avarice, sloth, and dissipation, in
consequence of their introduction into the priesthood.—Fearing lest this
should be the case with myself, I have resolved to spend the remaining
term of my pilgrimage as a layman; for I have too frequently observed,
that your brethren, at the time of their tonsure, not only part with
their hair, but also with their conscience and their virtue.”[178]
Angelotto, cardinal of St. Mark, whom Poggio mentions at the conclusion
of his consolatory epistle to the cardinal of St. Angelo, was by birth
a Roman, and was promoted by Eugenius, from the bishopric of Cavi, to a
seat in the sacred college, on the nineteenth of September, 1431.[179]
On this addition to his honours, Poggio addressed to him a letter, in
which he exercised the privilege of friendship, in administering to him
much wholesome and seasonable advice. He introduced his admonitions by
observing, that it was customary for the friends of those who had been
exalted to any new dignity, to express their congratulations by the
transmission of magnificent presents; but that being prevented by his
poverty from giving such indications of the satisfaction with which he
had received the intelligence of Angelotto’s promotion, he was determined
to bestow upon him a gift, which he was assured he would value at its
just rate—the gift of friendly council. By a variety of instances,
recorded in the pages of history, he shewed, that he who in compliance
with the dictates of duty gives good advice to the great and powerful,
runs considerable risk of drawing down upon himself the indignation of
those whose welfare he wishes to promote by the free communication of his
opinions. In candidly imparting his sentiments to Angelotto, however, a
man of considerable learning, who had himself been accustomed to indulge
in the most unlimited freedom of speech, he declared that he did not
apprehend that he incurred the least danger of giving offence. He then
proceeded to exhort the newly created cardinal to continue to cultivate,
in his present high station, those virtues which he had exhibited in
the inferior degrees of ecclesiastical preferment; and to act up to
the professions which he had been accustomed to make before the period
of his exaltation. He reminded him of the dangerous temptations which
surround eminence of rank, and assured him, that so far from withdrawing
any restraints to which he had formerly been obliged to submit, his
present promotion imposed upon him additional obligations to be prudent
and circumspect in his conduct; since the splendour of eminence makes
the failings and vices of the great the more conspicuous. Warning his
correspondent against the debasing influence of flattery, he thus
apologized for the boldness with which he offered his advice. “Those who
are not acquainted with me, will perhaps condemn the freedom with which I
inculcate these heads of admonition on one who is more fully instructed
than myself on such topics. But I am induced by my affection for you to
recall to your memory these points of duty, in the discharge of which,
even the well informed have been sometimes known to fail.”
If credit may be given to the opinion of Angelotto’s contemporaries,
Poggio’s attempt to inculcate upon him the lessons of wisdom, was by no
means a superfluous task. In such small estimation was his understanding
held, that on the day of his election to the dignity of cardinal, a
Roman priest of the name of Lorenzo went through the streets of the
city, shewing indications of the most extravagant joy; and being asked
by his neighbours what was the cause of his exultation, he replied, “I
am truly fortunate—Angelotto is created cardinal; and since I find fools
and madmen are promoted to that dignity, I have great hopes of wearing
the red hat myself.”[180] On the same occasion, as the officers of the
pontifical household were conversing about the transactions of the day,
one Niccolo of Anagni, a man of great literary accomplishments, but of
an irregular life, and of a very satirical disposition, complained of
his own ill fortune.—“No person living,” said he, “is more unlucky than
myself; for though this is the reign of folly, and every madman, nay even
Angelotto, gains considerable promotion, I alone am passed over without
notice.”[181] The friendship which Poggio professed to entertain for
the newly created dignitary did not prevent him from indulging at his
expense, his propensity to sarcastic wit. A new cardinal is not permitted
to take any part in the debates of the consistory till he has obtained
the pontiff’s permission to speak, which is granted by the performance
of a short ceremony, entitled the opening of his mouth. Poggio one day
meeting the cardinal of St. Marcellus in the pontifical palace, asked him
what had been done that morning in the sacred college. “We have opened
Angelotto’s mouth,” said the cardinal. “Indeed,” replied Poggio, “you
would have acted more wisely if you had fixed a padlock upon it.”[182]
These anecdotes, which are selected from Poggio’s _Facetiæ_, sufficiently
prove, that the unfortunate cardinal of St. Mark was a fruitful subject
of ridicule to the officers of the Roman court. From the same source of
information it appears, that his churlish moroseness on the following
occasion subjected him to the shame of being put to confusion by the
petulant wit of a child. Some of his friends having introduced to him a
boy of ten years of age, who was remarkable for the brilliancy of his
talents, he asked him a variety of questions, in his answers to which the
boy displayed astonishing knowledge and sagacity. On which Angelotto,
turning to the by-standers, said, “They who manifest such quickness of
parts at this early age, generally decrease in intellect as they increase
in years, and become fools when they have attained to maturity.” Hurt by
the unfeeling rudeness of this remark, the stripling immediately replied,
“If this be the case, most reverend father, you must have been a very
forward youth.”[183]
In congratulating a man of Angelotto’s character on his accession to
high ecclesiastical honours, Poggio may be suspected of practising the
duplicity of a courtier. But it may be alleged in his defence, that
his letter breathes the spirit of freedom; and that though he takes
occasion in general terms to commend the talents and virtues of the new
cardinal, his commendations are so sparingly interspersed in the midst of
a variety of salutary hints of advice, that they are evidently introduced
for no other purpose than to render his admonitions more palatable, and
consequently more useful. We have too much reason to believe that these
admonitions were like good seed sown in an unproductive soil; and that
the conduct of Angelotto, subsequent to his elevation to a seat in the
consistory, reflected disgrace on himself, and on the authors of his
promotion.[184]
In summoning the general council, cardinal Julian had acted in conformity
to the powers which had been conferred on him by the late, and confirmed
by the present pontiff;[185] but Eugenius, though he did not think it
advisable openly to oppose this measure, looked forward to the convening
of this assembly with no small degree of apprehension. The popes had
always regarded general councils with the jealousy which monarchs of
arbitrary principles uniformly entertain of those constitutional bodies,
which, under various denominations, have occasionally attempted to curb
the pride of despotic authority. In the deposition of John XXII. the
council of Constance had established a most dangerous precedent; and when
Eugenius reflected upon the power and activity of his enemies, he dreaded
the consequences which might result from the assembling of a deliberative
body, which claimed a superiority over the head of the church. The
cardinal of St. Angelo, however, either was not acquainted with the views
of the pontiff, or thought it his duty not to sacrifice the interests
of the Christian community to the timidity or ambition of its spiritual
sovereign. In compliance with his injunctions, John de Polmar, auditor
of the sacred palace, and John de Ragusio, doctor in theology of the
university of Paris, repaired to Basil on the nineteenth of July, 1431,
and opened the council in the chapter house of the cathedral church.[186]
On the fourteenth of December the first session was held, at which the
cardinal of St. Angelo presided in person, and delivered to the assembled
ecclesiastics an exhortation to labour diligently, and to watch with
vigilance for the welfare of the Christian religion. Then were read the
decree of the council of Constance, touching the summoning of general
councils; the instrument by which the city of Basil was appointed as a
proper place for the holding of such an assembly, and various other
documents, which establish the legitimacy of the present synod. It was
then publicly declared, that the attention of the council would be
directed to three points—the extirpation of heresy—the prevention of wars
amongst Christians—and the reformation of the church.[187]
After the publication of a bull, which thundered an anathema against all
those who should impede any one in his passage to or from the city of
Basil, on the business of the council, and the recital and adoption of
several rules for the regulation of the proceedings of that assembly, the
first session was closed.[188]
When Eugenius found that he could not prevent the convocation of the
dreaded synod, he began to deliberate upon the best method of preventing
those encroachments upon the pontifical prerogatives, which he had so
much reason to apprehend from its decrees. Upon mature consideration, he
did not think it prudent to risk so bold a step as the dissolution of
the council: but he flattered himself, that by removing it to some city
under his own dominion, he would be enabled to control its proceedings,
and to avert the threatened danger. He therefore issued a bull, whereby
he commanded the cardinal of St. Angelo to transfer the council from
Basil to Bologna.[189] On the receipt of this bull, the cardinal wrote to
Eugenius a long and elaborate letter, in which he endeavoured to persuade
him by every argument which was likely to influence his judgment, and by
every appeal to the principles of virtue which was calculated to make an
impression on his heart, to withdraw his opposition to the proceedings
of the council, and to assist with zeal in its efforts to promote the
welfare of the Christian community.[190] The members of that assembly,
also, sent deputies to his holiness, with instructions to implore and
require him to retract the aforesaid bull, and by his assistance and
advice to support the council in the good work which it had begun. The
assembled fathers did not, however, entirely rely upon the persuasive
eloquence of their embassadors. Confiding in the protection of the
emperor Sigismund, in the second session, which was held on the fifteenth
of April, 1432, they took very decisive measures for the establishment
of their authority. With this view they recited and confirmed a decree
of the council of Constance, wherein it was asserted, that every Synod,
lawfully assembled in the Holy Spirit, constituting a general council,
and representing the church militant, derives its authority immediately
from Christ, to which authority all persons, of what state or dignity
soever, not excepting the pope, are bound to pay obedience in matters
pertaining to the faith, the extirpation of schism, and the general
reformation of the church in its head and members. They also issued
a declaration, that the council then assembled could not legally be
dissolved, prorogued, or transferred to any other place, by any power, no
not even by the pontifical authority, without the consent of its members.
The deputies who had been sent to Eugenius returning without having
effected the object of their mission, the council, by a public decree,
dated April the twenty-ninth, 1432, supplicated, required, and admonished
the pontiff to revoke the bull of dissolution with the same formality
with which it had been published. By the same decree, Eugenius was
summoned to appear in the council in the space of three months, either
in person or by deputies furnished with full powers to act in his name.
He was also duly forewarned, that should he refuse to comply with these
requisitions, the council would, according to the dictates of justice,
and the Holy Spirit, provide for the necessities of the church, and
proceed according to the precepts of divine and human laws.[191] After
these acts of open hostility, prudence dictated to the members of the
council the necessity of abridging the influence and authority of their
adversary as much as possible; and for this purpose, in their fourth
session, which was held on the twentieth of June, [A. D. 1432.] they
decreed, that in case of a vacancy of the holy see, the successor to
Eugenius should be elected in the place where the council should happen
to be sitting; and that during the existence of that assembly, the pope
should be prohibited from creating new cardinals.
The council proceeded to still more daring extremities. On Sunday,
September 6th, after the solemnization of the mass, two procurators
of that assembly presented a petition, which set forth, that whereas
Eugenius, having been regularly summoned to revoke the bull which he had
issued, ordaining the dissolution of the council, and also to appear
in person in the said council, within the space of three months, had
neglected to obey the said summons, and had on the contrary persisted
in his endeavours to put a stop to the proceedings of the legal
representatives of the Christian church, they demanded that the said
Eugenius should be declared contumacious; and that further proceedings
should be had according to law. This petition having been read, the
bishop of Constance, who on that day presided in the assembly, commanded
the bishops of Perigord and Ratisbon, to make inquisition whether the
pope, or any one duly authorised on his behalf were present in the
council. These prelates accordingly made the requisite proclamation
thrice from the steps of the altar, and as many times at the gates of
the church. No one appearing to answer to this summons, a representation
of this fact was made to the president; after which the archbishops of
Tarento and Colossi, and the bishop of Magdalon, and Antonio di Santo
Vito, auditor of the sacred palace, entered the assembly in quality of
deputies of the pope. On inquiry, however, it was found, that they were
not provided with the plenary powers demanded by the decrees of the
council, in consequence of which a protestation was made against their
acts. Being, however, permitted to speak, they exhorted the assembled
dignitaries, as they wished for the good of the church, to drop these
harsh proceedings against the common father of the faithful. After some
deliberation, the president replied in the name of the council, that the
members of that august body would deliberate upon the matters which had
on that day been proposed to their consideration; and that they would
endeavour to act in such a manner as to obtain the concurrence of the
whole Christian world. After thanking the president for this gracious
answer, the deputies of Eugenius withdrew.[192] On the eighteenth of
December the council was pleased to enlarge the term prescribed for the
submission of Eugenius for the space of sixty days; and at the same time
prohibited all ecclesiastics or others from attempting to establish at
Bologna, or elsewhere, any synod in opposition to the council then
sitting at Basil.[193] At the expiration of the above-mentioned term
of sixty days, the procurators of the council, on the nineteenth of
February, 1433, again demanded sentence against the contumacious pontiff,
and were again informed by the president, that this important affair
would be the subject of the future deliberations of the assembly.[194]
The result of these deliberations was, that the council, out of its great
clemency, indulged Eugenius with the still further space of sixty days,
at the same time declaring, that should he not within that time fully
and unreservedly acknowledge and submit to its authority, he should
stand convicted of notorious contumacy, and should be suspended from the
administration of all pontifical functions, both in spirituals and in
temporals.[195]
It may easily be imagined, that these violent proceedings of the council
excited no small degree of uneasiness in the mind of Eugenius. The
pride of the pontiff was wounded by the decree, which pronounced the
subordination of the papal dignity to the mandate of a collective body,
the individual members of which were accustomed to prostrate themselves
before the chair of St. Peter, with the homage of unreserved submission.
His resentment was roused by the denunciation of the punishment which
awaited his refusal to concur in his own humiliation; and when he
considered the popularity which the council had acquired, in consequence
of the general persuasion of the Christian world, that its deliberations
would tend to the benefit of the church, his breast was agitated by a
sense of the danger which he incurred in counteracting its operations.
Poggio entered with dutiful zeal into the feelings of his patron, and
resolved to attempt, by friendly admonition and remonstrance, to persuade
the cardinal of St. Angelo to withdraw his countenance and support from
the rebellious ecclesiastics of Basil. With this view he addressed to him
an elaborate letter, in which he entreated him to consider, that though
in summoning the council he was actuated by the most upright intentions,
and by a sincere desire to promote the good of the church, yet he was in
duty bound to believe, that the pope was influenced by the same motives
in the formation of his opinion, that such an assembly was inexpedient
and dangerous. He reminded him, that he was by no means authorized to set
up his private sentiments in opposition to the decision of the head of
the church. He further observed, that they who began the reformation so
loudly demanded, by manifesting their contempt of the pontifical dignity,
were the most dangerous partizans and promoters of heresy. He then
proceeded solemnly to forewarn his friend, that if he persisted in his
determination, he would forfeit his peace of mind for ever; for he would
have the mortification of seeing the plans which he had meditated for
the benefit of the church converted into the means of her destruction.
After assuring him that the council was likely to become subservient to
the ambition of one sovereign prince, and to the hatred which another
had conceived against Eugenius, who was already doomed to deposition—he
thus proceeded—“You will perhaps say, I know nothing of the intentions of
others; but as to myself, I am conscious that I am prompted by zeal for
the promotion of the general good; and whatever may be the consequences
of the measures which I adopt, the rectitude of my intentions will secure
me from blame. But take care, my good friend, lest you be led astray. I
know that your intentions are excellent: but I also know that you cannot
answer for the integrity of your associates. Affairs may issue in a
manner directly contrary to your expectations. It is a most difficult
task to curb resentment, hatred, and avarice; and it is very certain that
men are corrupted by being freed from salutary restraints. When you take
into consideration the different views by which mankind are actuated, the
hopes of the public benefit which you expect to derive from this council
should not render you insensible of the danger with which it is attended.
You ought therefore to dread incurring a weight of responsibility by
obstinately persevering in your own opinion. In explaining to the
pontiff the reasons which convince you of the expediency of summoning
a council, you have acted as becomes a virtuous and prudent man. His
holiness is, however, of opinion, that the present is not a proper time
for the holding of such an assembly.—Do you think it right to maintain
your sentiments by arms and violence? Plato says that we ought not bear
arms against our native country or our parents—And who is more truly our
parent than the earthly representative of our Father in Heaven; and what
country is more dear to us than the church in which we are saved? You
and the pontiff are aiming at the same end, but by different means—Which
of you ought to give way to the other? Consider, I entreat you, the
dispositions and views of those who countenance this assembly, and you
will be convinced that they entertain the most pernicious designs. If you
do not recede, you will inflict upon the church a wound, which, however
you may wish, you will be unable to heal.”[196]
The doctrine of passive obedience may be seriously maintained by those
who bask in the sunshine of princely favour, and by those who are pleased
or satisfied with the conduct of the powers that be; for men feel no
disposition to resist measures which operate to their own advantage, or
which they themselves approve. But when they are required to do that
which is subversive of their interests, or repugnant to their feelings,
they generally find reasons, to themselves at least satisfactory, for
opposing the dictates even of long established authority. So it was
with the cardinal of St. Angelo. Dazzled by the splendours which beamed
around the presidential throne, he could not see the cogency of the
reasons which urged him to forego his newly acquired honours; and the
arguments of Poggio had no influence upon his conduct. On the contrary,
he deemed it strictly compatible with his duty to the common father
of the faithful still to preside in the rebellious synod, which on the
eleventh day of September again met in solemn assembly. [A. D. 1433.] In
this session, the procurators of the council, after representing, that
notwithstanding the lenity which had been exercised towards Eugenius, in
deferring the process which his obstinacy justly merited, the pontiff
still refused to submit to the ordinances of the august representatives
of the Christian church, demanded, that without any delay, he should be
put upon his trial, as being impeached of contumacious opposition to
the exercise of legitimate authority. To this demand the archbishop of
Spoleto and the bishop of Cervi, in the name of Eugenius, made certain
frivolous objections, which were immediately over-ruled. The pontifical
deputies were then informed by the president, that if they were prepared
to announce the determination of their master to comply with the
requisitions of the assembly in whose presence they stood, this welcome
intelligence would be received with the utmost joy—but that if they were
not authorised so to do, they might rest assured, that the members of the
council would prefer death to the adoption of any measures which were
likely to endanger the church of Christ. The envoys of Eugenius not being
authorised to make the required concessions, withdrew from the assembly,
and it was expected that a legal process would have been instantly
commenced against their refractory constituent.
In this crisis Eugenius was sheltered from the threatened storm by the
friendship of the emperor Sigismund. Towards the latter end of the year
1431, that monarch had come into Italy with the intention of receiving
the imperial crown from the hands of the pope.[197] Eugenius, however,
taking umbrage at his intimate connexion with the duke of Milan, whom
he regarded as a secret enemy to himself, and the avowed foe of his
country, refused to permit him to visit Rome.[198] The emperor being thus
frustrated in the attainment of the object of his journey across the
Alps, quitted Milan, and after visiting Piacenza, Parma, and Lucca, at
length went to Siena, where he fixed his abode for the space of several
months. During his residence in this city he carried on a negociation
with the pontiff, in the course of which he found means to calm the
jealous apprehensions of Eugenius, who at length consented to admit the
imperial petitioner into his capital. Sigismund accordingly made his
triumphant entry into Rome, where he was received on the twenty-first of
May, 1433, by the acclamations of the populace; and on the thirty-first
of the same month he was crowned with all due solemnity in the church
of the Vatican.[199] The festivity which occurred on this occasion
was increased by the joy diffused throughout Italy, on account of the
termination of the war between the duke of Milan and the Florentines,
who had been induced, by the mediation of the marquis of Este, to sign
a treaty of peace at Ferrara about three weeks before Sigismund’s
arrival in Rome.[200] During the emperor’s residence in that city, he
experienced from Eugenius the respectful hospitality which was due to
his exalted rank and the excellence of his character.[201] In return
for the kindness of the pontiff, he determined to promote his interests
by moderating the violence of the council. He accordingly sent by his
ambassadors a letter to that assembly, in which, after recounting the
good services which he had rendered to the council of Constance, which,
he observed, bore sufficient testimony of the zeal which he felt for
the good of the church, he requested that the term appointed for the
probation of Eugenius might be further prolonged for the space of thirty
days. With this request the council immediately complied, and issued a
decree accordingly.[202] Soon after the promulgation of this decree, the
emperor arrived in Basil, and his influence was speedily visible, in the
additional lenity shewn to the pontiff, by the prorogation of further
proceedings against him for the space of ninety days, from the sixth of
November, 1433, on which day Sigismund assisted in person at the sitting
of the council, adorned with all the insignia of imperial authority.
Whilst Sigismund was thus exerting his influence to avert from
Eugenius the evil consequences of his stern refusal to concur in
any act derogatory to the prerogatives of the sovereign pontificate,
the proceedings of the council afforded the enemies of the pontiff a
pretext to gratify their ambition and revenge, by the invasion of his
territories. It has been before observed, that in the course of the late
war which the duke of Milan had waged with various success against the
Florentines, that prince had been greatly irritated by the support given
to his adversaries by the pontiff, on whom he determined to signalize
his vengeance whenever a convenient opportunity should present itself.
When, therefore, the council of Basil had decreed, that the refusal of
the pontiff to concur in its measures should render him liable to the
penalty of suspension from all pontifical functions whatsoever, the duke
aided and abetted Francesco Sforza, who, under pretence of enforcing the
decrees of the council, made an irruption into the states of the church,
and took possession of Jesi, Monte d’Olmo, Osimo, Ascoli, and Ancona.
At the same time, the very centre of the ecclesiastical territories was
invested by three noted Condottieri, Taliano, Furlano, Antonello da
Siena, and Jacopo da Lunato, who, also professing to act on behalf of
the council, invaded the duchy of Spoleto. Nor did the difficulties of
Eugenius end here; for he now found by sad experience, that he who in the
hour of prosperity injures a benefactor, may in the season of adversity
find that benefactor in the number of his most implacable enemies. His
territories were harrassed by the able warrior Niccolò Fortebraccio,
who had formerly commanded the pontifical troops with great courage and
fidelity, and had reduced under the ecclesiastical dominion the towns
of Vetralla and Civita Vecchia; but when he demanded the recompense to
which he justly imagined himself entitled, had indignantly received for
answer, that the booty which he had taken in the expedition in which he
had been engaged was an ample remuneration for his services. Poggio,
who regarded his native country with that proud partiality which has
always been a striking feature in the character of the Italians, was
greatly chagrined when he saw the dominions of the pontiff laid waste by
a war, the flames of which were kindled by a convention of Germans. His
attachment to his master also filled him with the deepest concern, when
he beheld the difficulties and dangers to which Eugenius was exposed by
the incursions of his enemies. His sense of the pontiff’s misfortunes was
the more acute, as he was well aware, that the comforts and emoluments
of the officers of the pontifical household were liable to be materially
diminished by the interruption of business, and the defalcation of
the papal revenues, which must be the inevitable consequence of the
present disturbances. Recollecting the disagreeable situation in which
he had been formerly placed by the deposition of John XXII., he was
fearful lest the council of Basil should dethrone his present lord, by
which circumstance he would be reduced to the disgraceful alternative
of either quitting the line of preferment, in which he had fixed all
his hopes of future subsistence, or of adhering to the fortunes of a
master, whose embarrassments would deprive him of the means of giving
his servants a remuneration at all adequate either to their merits, or
to their necessities. Full of these gloomy presages, he determined once
more to address himself to the cardinal of St. Angelo, whom he regarded
as at least the innocent author of the calamities which affected every
considerate mind with sorrow. He accordingly transmitted to him the
following letter, in which, wisely forbearing to reproach his friend for
his past conduct, or to enforce with importunate energy the necessity of
adopting new measures, he gave him such an account of the state of Italy,
and of his own feelings, as was well calculated to make an impression
upon his heart.
“Being some time ago alarmed by the prospect of impending calamity,
and clearly foreseeing the tempests which have now begun to rage with
the utmost violence, I detailed my apprehensions in a letter which I
intended, most reverend father, to have addressed to you. That letter,
which the nature of its subject caused to be extended to an extraordinary
length, I did not send to you, according to my original design—not
through fear of exciting your displeasure (for I know you too well to
entertain any apprehensions on that subject) but through dread of giving
offence to others. For though I am conscious that I was prompted to write
merely by a wish to promote the public good, I was apprehensive lest my
motives should be misconstrued, and lest it should be thought that my
letter was dictated by flattery. You, however, and many other respectable
characters, can bear witness, that flattery is not by any means among
the number of my failings, and that neither a love of reputation,
nor a regard for my own interest, ever induces me to prostitute my
opinions, or to approve in words, what I disapprove in my heart. On
some occasions indeed I have been materially injured by the freedom with
which I am accustomed to speak my sentiments. But sensible as I was,
that the dissensions of the powerful are always dangerous, and that the
dissensions of ecclesiastics are attended with peculiar peril, inasmuch
as they involve the hazard of immortal souls; having also frequently
read and heard, that trifling disagreements have been inflamed into the
greatest animosity and strife, to the utter ruin of states and empires, I
was afraid lest this new contention amongst the chiefs of the sacerdotal
order, should involve the Christian world in difficulties, which neither
you nor your associates, whatever might be your inclination, would be
able to obviate. When we are called to the task of deliberation, we may
forbear to act if we please. But when we have begun to act, fortune, the
arbitress of human affairs, directs the event; and directs it rather
according to the dictates of her caprice, as Sallust observes, than
according to the principles of reason. When you have once put yourself
in motion, you cannot stop when you please. In perilous seasons it is
the duty of the wise to try to preserve the ship by retaining it in the
harbour. When you have committed yourself to the winds, you are compelled
to obey their impulse. In these circumstances the most skilful pilot
may suffer shipwreck, or at least, despairing of making any effectual
resistance against the fury of the gale, he may be carried into regions
far distant from those to which it was his wish to steer his course. When
I reflected on these topics, I was in a manner irresistibly impelled, by
my affection for our common country, to acquaint you with my sentiments.
After having resided for so many years in the Roman court, I was grieved
to see our affairs reduced to such a state, that we had every thing to
fear, and but little to hope. In these circumstances I had no consolation
for my sorrow: for I have not, like others, been so intent upon amassing
riches, as to be able to lose my sense of the public calamity in the
contemplation of my private prosperity. I could wish to be numbered
amongst those
“Whose walls now rise, who rest in soft repose.”
“Though I am sensibly affected by the distresses of our church, yet I
must confess, that if my own fortunes were not involved in the common
danger, I should feel little compassion for those who have brought
mischief upon their own heads, by the obstinate folly of their councils.
But I am now distressed by a double grief. For as I have two countries,
namely, the land of my nativity and the Roman court, the theatre of my
industrious exertions, the ruin of the latter, which seems to be fast
approaching, cannot but bring calamity upon the former. And certainly,
matters are now brought to such an extremity, that human wisdom seems
incompetent to the healing of the evil. A fire is kindled, which nothing
but the most extensive ruin can extinguish. Much better would it have
been that this unfortunate council had never assembled, than that it
should have occasioned the devastation of Italy. We daily behold the
fortresses and towns of this unhappy country plundered by a lawless
soldiery.—Slaughter, fire, rapine, the violation of helpless females,
swell the catalogue of her woes. Great occasion have we to lament,
that the Holy Spirit (if indeed it now deigns to dwell amongst us) has
changed its nature, and instead of being the author of peace and concord,
is become the exciter of hatred and malevolence. Some people have
entertained an opinion, that Italy has too long enjoyed the blessings
of tranquillity, and they have supplied the ambitious with the means
of disturbing the public peace. By this conduct they attempt to cure a
slight indisposition by the introduction of a dangerous disease. For
though it may be justly said, that the ecclesiastical body was in some
respects out of order, the complaint was not of so serious a nature as to
require the application of such violent remedies as are now resorted to.
It can never be the part of wisdom to correct one error by the commission
of a greater. But let us submit the issues of things to the direction of
Providence. One thing I foresee, that some nations will derive advantage
from our ruin, whilst others will share our afflictions. But I am not
anxious about the destiny of other countries. I mourn over the calamities
which I am well aware will be brought upon Italy by the oppression which
we endure, and by the ambition of a prince who wishes to reign according
to the dictates of his own arbitrary will. You must remember that I
prophesied, that these evils would flow from the convocation of the
council; and I have resolved to address you once more on this subject,
in order to assure you that I was not prompted by resentment thus to
communicate my opinion, and to prognosticate impending mischiefs. I beg
that you will not be displeased either by my former, or by my present
letter. If your conscience acquits you, regard my remarks as referring
to others, and not to yourself. If you have inadvertently fallen into
error, you ought to be grateful to him, who in the honest language of
admonition, lays before you his own sentiments, or the opinions of the
world at large concerning the nature of your conduct. For though your
virtue has raised you to the highest degree of dignity, yet I know that
you are but a man, that many circumstances escape your observation, that
various matters elude your inquiries, and in short, that it is impossible
for you to attain to universal or infallible knowledge.”[203]
It does not appear that this attempt of Poggio to induce the cardinal
of St. Angelo to adopt the views of the Roman court was productive
of any benefit either to himself or the pontiff. Eugenius, indeed,
finding himself involved in the greatest difficulties, had determined
to yield to necessity, and acknowledge the legality of the council.
He accordingly commissioned the archbishop of Taranto, and the bishop
of Cervi, to present to the assembled fathers a letter, in which he
declared, that whereas great dissensions had arisen in consequence of his
having dissolved the council then sitting at Basil, he was willing to
testify his regard for the church by confirming the proceedings of that
assembly, which he acknowledged to have been legally held and continued;
unreservedly revoking the bulls by which its proceedings had been
condemned, and professing that he would henceforth cease from doing any
thing to the prejudice of the council, or of any of its adherents.[204]
This letter, which was publicly read in the cathedral of Basil on the
5th of February 1434, gave considerable satisfaction to the friends
of reformation and peace, who hoped that the happiest consequences
would result from this union of the head and the principal members
of the ecclesiastical body.—Together with his conciliatory epistle,
Eugenius sent a commission, empowering several eminent dignitaries of
the church to act as his representatives, and in his name to preside
at the debates of the council. Such, however, was the jealousy with
which the proceedings of the pontiff were observed, that before these
deputies were permitted in their official capacity to take any part in
the deliberations of the council, they were compelled to take an oath,
whereby they bound themselves to maintain all the ordinances of that
assembly, and particularly that decree which asserted, that the authority
of a general council is paramount to that of the pope.[205]
Though by these acts of concession Eugenius appeared to have made his
peace with the council, his dominions continued to feel the scourge of
war. The freebooters by whom they were infested, in fact despised the
debates of churchmen; and though they pretended that they invaded the
ecclesiastical states in order to compel Eugenius to submit to the power
of the council, they did not manifest any disposition to withdraw their
forces when the pretended object of their expedition was accomplished.
In these circumstances Eugenius endeavoured to diminish the number of
his foes by soliciting Sforza to agree to terms of pacification. In this
instance his efforts were crowned with the desired success. Sforza, on
condition of his being appointed to the government of the Marca d’Ancona,
with the title of apostolic vicar and gonfaloniere of the Roman church,
not only consented to abstain from further hostilities against his
holiness, but promised to defend the pontiff from the attacks of his
other enemies. In pursuance of this promise, he turned his arms against
Fortebraccio, whom he fought and defeated near Tivoli. The duke of Milan
was greatly displeased by the change which had so suddenly taken place
in the politics of Sforza; and still persisting in his determination to
harrass the pontiff, he excited Niccolò Piccinino to attempt the conquest
of his native city Perugia. Piccinino marching into Romagna with this
intention, kept Sforza in check, and thus favoured the operations of
Fortebraccio. The latter chieftain having received a reinforcement of
troops from Viterbo, pushed his light cavalry to the very gates of Rome.
On the approach of his forces, the faction of the Colonnas, who, though
not openly, yet deeply resented the cruelty with which their chiefs had
been treated at the commencement of Eugenius’s pontificate, and had long
been waiting for an opportunity of taking vengeance on their adversaries,
flew to arms, exhorting the populace to assert their liberty. [May 29th,
A. D. 1433.] The insurrection soon became general, and the rebellious
Romans, not contented with imprisoning Francesco Condolmieri, the nephew
of Eugenius, surrounded with guards the residence of the pontiff himself.
Eugenius, however, disguising himself in the habit of a monk, had the
good fortune to elude their vigilance; [June 5th] and, attended by two
only of his domestics, threw himself into a small bark, with an intention
of taking refuge in Ostia. But he had not proceeded far down the Tyber,
before he was recognised by the populace, who, crowding to the banks of
the river, almost overwhelmed him with a shower of stones and arrows. So
fierce was their attack, that it was not without considerable difficulty
that the fugitive pontiff effected his escape, and retired, first to
Leghorn, and afterwards to Florence.[206]
On this occasion the officers of the pontifical household were dispersed,
each providing for his own safety according to the dictates of his
prudence, or his fear. The greater number of them, embarking in some
small coasting vessels, set sail for Pisa; but were met in the course
of their voyage by some Corsican pirates, who plundered them of all
their property. Others, attempting to proceed to Florence by land, were
exposed to various vexations. Poggio had the misfortune to fall into
the hands of the soldiers of Piccinino, who detained him in captivity,
in the expectation of extorting from him a considerable sum of money,
by way of ransom.[207] When the intelligence of this event reached the
Tuscan territory, it excited the deep concern of all his acquaintance,
and particularly of Ambrogio Traversari, who, without delay, earnestly
solicited Francesco, count of Poppio, to exert all his influence to
procure his liberation.
“Since I wrote to you,” says he in his letter to the count, “I have
received information that my most intimate friend, the dear associate
of my studies, Poggio, the papal secretary, is detained in captivity by
the magnificent lord and excellent captain Niccolò Piccinino. Believe
me this intelligence is very painful to my feelings—but the concern
which I experience is much alleviated by the opinion which I have long
entertained of your humanity, and which induces me to hope that I shall
not make a request to you in vain.—I beg and beseech you therefore, my
lord, to use all diligence to effect the liberation of one whom you know
to be most dear to me. I presume that the illustrious chieftain, at whose
disposal he now is, can deny you nothing, especially when you make a
reasonable request on behalf of a friend. I should be more diffuse in
my petition did I think it were needful, and were I not assured, that
fewer words than those which I have already written will be sufficient to
induce Piccinino to restore so learned and so liberally minded a man as
Poggio to liberty.”[208]
The endeavours of Ambrogio to procure the gratuitous release of Poggio
were ineffectual. The rugged soldiers who detained the learned secretary
in captivity, had no sympathy with the feelings of friendship. They
respected not the accomplishments of the scholar; and in all probability
their observation of the esteem in which their prisoner was held by his
friends, served only to enhance the price which they demanded for his
liberation. Finding that he had no other means of deliverance, Poggio
purchased his freedom at the expense of a sum of money, which the
narrowness of his circumstances rendered it very inconvenient for him
to pay; and immediately on his enlargement, he continued his route to
Florence.[209]