Whilst Poggio was living in a kind of exile in England, the sovereign
pontiff was in a manner banished from his capital. On his arrival in
Italy, Martin V. found the states of the church in the hands of troops
of banditti, who had taken advantage of the disorders of the times, to
spread ruin and devastation through every quarter of the pontifical
dominions. The passes, and places of strength, were so generally occupied
by these adventurers, who were in the pay of a noted chieftain, named
Braccio di Montone, that the pontiff did not dare to expose himself
to their outrages, by attempting to establish himself in Rome. The
inhabitants of Bologna also, espousing the cause of John XXII., had
shut their gates against him. He was therefore reduced to the necessity
of taking refuge in some friendly territory. In this extremity, the
Florentines offered him an asylum, and Martin accordingly removed his
court from Mantua to their city, into which he made his public entry
with extraordinary pomp, on the twenty-sixth of February, 1419.[127]
His residence in Florence did not, however, produce within his mind any
friendly sentiments towards his hosts. The Florentines indeed, by their
behaviour to their illustrious guest, greatly diminished the value of
the favour which they had conferred upon him, in affording him a place
of rest. At this period, they were elated with the self-confidence
occasioned by a long series of almost uninterrupted prosperity. Filippo,
who upon the death of his brother, Giovanni Maria, had succeeded to the
ducal throne of Milan, disclaiming the hostile views of his predecessors,
had lived in a state of friendship with his Tuscan neighbours, and did
not even interpose to prevent them from reducing the district of Pisa
under their dominion. In the year 1408 the repose of the Florentines had
been disturbed by an invasion of their territories by Ladislaus, king
of Naples, who had taken possession of a considerable portion of the
ecclesiastical states; but with the assistance of Louis of Anjou, they
had discomfited the usurper, and had expelled him from the dominions of
the church. By his death, which happened in the year 1414, they had been
freed from all fear of hostile incursions, and for the space of five
years from that event, they had enjoyed the blessing of peace. During
this period they had extended their commerce, and greatly encreased their
opulence and power. In the insolence of their pride, they looked upon the
wandering pontiff with contempt. Insensible to those delicate impulses
which prompt man to regard the unfortunate with respect, they wantonly
published the sentiments of their hearts; and Martin was irritated and
disgusted by hearing his name made the subject of ridicule, and the
burden of contumelious songs.[128] The Florentine populace were betrayed
into these violations of decorum by their attachment to the interests
of Braccio di Montone; and this undisguised partiality to his enemy
exasperated the indignation of the pontiff. Yielding, however, to the
pressure of circumstances, he was persuaded, by the solicitations of the
Florentine government, to agree to terms of pacification with Braccio,
whom he invested, in quality of Vicar of the church, with the government
of the cities of Perugia, Assisi, Jesi, and Todi; in return for which
condescension, the rebellious chieftain gave up to the pontiff the towns
of Narni, Terni, Orvieto, and Orta.[129] Braccio being thus reconciled to
the head of the church, and being encouraged by the promise of an ample
recompense for his services, turned his arms against his late brethren in
rebellion; and reduced the Bolognese to submission to the Roman see.[130]
During these transactions, Cosmo de’ Medici, who had been united by the
strictest ties of friendship to Baldassare Cossa, the deposed pontiff,
was very urgent in his petitions to Martin V. to liberate his unfortunate
predecessor from confinement. Martin at length graciously assented to
Cosmo’s request; and despatched the necessary orders to Heidleberg.
But the impatience of Baldassare, who was weary of seclusion from the
world, had already stimulated him to purchase his freedom from the Count
Palatine, (to whose custody he had been assigned) at the price of thirty
thousand pieces of gold. Having thus obtained his liberty, he crossed
the Alps, and arrived safely in Italy. The well-known turbulence of his
spirit led many to expect that he would reclaim the pontifical honours,
and distract the Christian church by a renewal of the schism. But to
the surprise of every body, he repaired with all convenient speed to
Florence, where he arrived on the 13th of May, 1419, and there, kissing
the feet of Martin, he acknowledged him as the only true and legitimate
successor of St. Peter. The spectators of this extraordinary scene were
melted into tears, and the compassion and generosity of the pontiff were
excited by this unexpected act of submission. Deeply affected by the
serious instance of the instability of human greatness, which was thus
presented before his eyes, Martin received his humble predecessor with
kindness; and endeavoured to alleviate his sense of the degradation which
he had experienced, by creating him cardinal, and bishop of Toscolano.
The haughty spirit of Baldassare did not long undergo the mortification
of witnessing the pomp and splendour of which he had been so rudely
deprived. He died at Florence, on the twenty-second day of December, and
was interred with much pomp in the church of St. John. Cosmo de’ Medici
erected to his honour a magnificent monument, on which he caused to be
engraven the following simple inscription: BALTHASSARIS COSSÆ IOHANNIS
XXII. QUONDAM PAPÆ CORPUS HOC TUMULO CONDITUM.[131] Platina asserts
in his Lives of the Popes, that Baldassare, at the time of his death
was possessed of immense treasures, which were inherited or seized by
the family of the Medici; and in this assertion he has been copied by
subsequent writers. But Muratori maintains, on the contrary, that it
is clearly proved by his last will, that the deposed pontiff died poor
rather than rich.[132]
The territories of the church being restored to peace by the active
exertions of Braccio di Montone, and no obstacle remaining to prevent
the pontiff from visiting his capital, he departed from Florence and
proceeded to Rome, to which city he was welcomed by the enthusiastic joy
of the populace, on the twenty-second of September, 1420.
The Pontifical household being once more regularly established in the
capital of the church, Poggio, as it has been before observed, was
induced, by the invitation of the cardinal of St. Eusebius, to accept
the office of Secretary. The time of his arrival in Rome may be fixed
sometime in the spring of 1423,[133] and it appears that his first care,
after his re-establishment in the sacred chancery, was to renew with his
friends the personal and epistolary communication, which his long absence
from Italy had interrupted. The unfortunate quarrel of Leonardo Aretino
and Niccolo Niccoli also engaged his early attention. Nothing is more
painful to a man of an ingenuous mind, than the occurrence of dissension
between those for whom he entertains an equal degree of friendly regard.
Poggio, therefore, embraced the first opportunity which presented itself,
of exerting his utmost endeavours to effect a reconciliation between
the angry disputants. A long letter, which Leonardo had dispatched to
him during his residence in London, with the view of giving him a full
account of the cause of this disgraceful strife, had never reached him;
but soon after his arrival at Rome, Leonardo supplied this deficiency by
sending him a copy of this letter, which he had kept for the inspection
of his other friends.[134] Poggio soon found, that in his endeavours
to terminate this unhappy difference, he was likely to experience as
serious obstacles in the wounded pride of Leonardo, as in the infatuated
wrath of Niccolo.[135] In this difficult affair, therefore, he thought
it advisable to avail himself of the assistance of the common friends
of both parties. Ambrogio Traversari had already, indeed, interposed
his good offices to bring about the desired reconciliation, but without
effect.[136] Poggio however conceived great hopes, that the mediation
of Francesco Barbaro, for whom Leonardo entertained a high degree
of respect, would have considerable weight; and when that eminent
scholar, being vested with the office of ambassador extraordinary of
the Venetian Republic, paid a visit to Rome,[137] where he was met by
Leonardo, he flattered himself that the reconciliation which he so
ardently wished would be effected. Francesco was equally desirous with
Poggio to discharge the duties of a peace-maker; but he found Leonardo
so determined upon requiring from his antagonist a very ample apology
for his conduct, that he was almost induced to give up the cause in
despair: and Leonardo, being perhaps apprehensive that at the time of
his departure from Rome his friends would renew their efforts to shake
his resolution, withdrew from the city in so sudden and secret a manner,
that Poggio had not an opportunity of taking leave of him. For this
conduct the latter gently reproved his friend in a letter, in which he
stated to him his opinion, that in his affair with Niccolo, it was by no
means advisable to use recrimination, or to demand an apology, and that
nothing was requisite but a mutual oblivion of the past. “Remember,” says
he, “that it is the characteristic of a great mind, to forget and not to
revenge injuries, and that the duties of friendship are paramount to all
other considerations. You seem to me to attach too much importance to
trifles, which it will be more conducive to your glory to despise, than
to make them the subjects of serious concern.”[138] In a second letter
on the same subject he informed Leonardo, that he could not, without
the utmost vexation, witness the interruption of a friendship which had
been established on the best foundation of mutual esteem, and which had
continued for so long a period; and that his concern was much increased,
when he observed that their disagreement was detrimental to the good fame
of both parties.[139] In this letter he grants, that Niccolo has his
failings, but reminds his correspondent, that imperfection is the common
lot of mortality, and that it is our duty, according to the instructions
of the apostle, to bear one another’s burdens.[140]
The obstinacy of Leonardo for some time withstood the solicitations of
his friends. But Francesco Barbaro, proceeding from Rome to Florence,
laboured with such earnestness and prudence to allay the heat of his
resentment, that he at length consented once more to enrol Niccolo in the
number of his friends. The news of this event drew from Poggio a letter
of thanks and congratulation to the mediator, and the following prudent
and friendly admonition to Leonardo.
“I have just received intelligence of an event, the most delightful
which could possibly have occurred at the present time; namely, the
reconciliation which has taken place between you and Niccolo. This
circumstance inspires me with the greatest pleasure, especially because
it proves that you do not belie the promise of your former years; but
that you support the consistency of your excellent character. It must
now be your care to act with such prudence, that this reconciliation
may be improved into a renewal of friendship. It is not enough that
your hatred is at an end. Love and kind affection must succeed in the
place of animosity. These are the indications of an upright, ingenuous,
and virtuous mind. Reassume then I beseech you, that familiar and
friendly intercourse with Niccolo, which I have for so long a space of
time witnessed with so much pleasure. Carefully avoid every thing which
may tend to impair your mutual good will; and act in such a manner that
this reconciliation may appear to have been effected, not merely by the
interposition of your friends, but by your own free will, and with your
hearty concurrence. By your conduct you have obtained the greatest glory,
and I trust you will find it the source of the most exquisite pleasure.
I can assure you that this event has given the utmost satisfaction to
all our friends at Rome—I say _our_ friends; for I have the happiness
of being connected by the bonds of friendship with all your associates
in the pontifical court. The reputation which you have acquired by your
conduct in this affair, you must support by perseverance and firmness
of mind; for your late enmity would soon have injured the reputation
both of yourself and of Niccolo. By your reconciliation however you have
maintained your dignity, and conciliated the esteem of the virtuous and
the learned. I have written a short letter to Niccolo, and am anxious to
receive his answer; for I am surprised that neither you nor he should
have given me the least intimation of this event; especially when you
were both fully sensible how much I was interested in it.”[141]
In the thirty-ninth session of the council of Constance it had been
decreed, that for the suppression and prevention of heresy and schism,
at the end of five years after the dissolution of the existing council,
another should be summoned; a third at the expiration of seven years
from the breaking up of the second; and that after these extraordinary
meetings, general councils should be regularly held once in every ten
years. At the expiration of the prescribed term, therefore, Martin V.
according to the tenor of the first head of this decree, summoned the
representatives of the different nations of Christendom to repair to
Pavia. [A. D. 1423.] Nothing however having lately occurred, particularly
to interest the Christian powers in the proceedings of the Roman
hierarchy, the inconsiderable numbers of this assembly formed a striking
contrast with the multitudes who had a few years before this time flocked
on a similar occasion to the city of Constance. The plague having
made its appearance in Pavia, the council was removed to Siena, where
it began to be more numerously frequented. Alfonso, king of Arragon,
took this opportunity of supporting, in opposition to Martin V., the
pretensions of Piero da Luna, who still assumed the name of Benedict
XIII. and maintained a sort of pontifical splendour in the fortress of
Paniscola. Alfonso was prompted thus to trouble the peace of the church,
by the resentment which he felt against Martin, in consequence of that
pontiff’s refusing to acknowledge the legitimacy of his pretensions
to the throne of Naples. On the death of Ladislaus, the crown of that
distracted realm was inherited by his sister, Johanna II.,[142] who soon
after her accession married Jacques, count of La Marche, a prince of
the royal blood of France. The ambition of Jacques, who, not contented
with administering the government in the name of his wife, wished to be
acknowledged as sovereign paramount of the kingdom, occasioned serious
disputes between him and Joanna, which terminated in his being obliged
to quit the territories of Naples, and flee to France. Soon after his
arrival in that country he renounced the pursuit of secular concerns,
and assumed the habit of the Franciscan order. In this conjuncture,
Louis III. of Anjou revived the claims of his house upon the throne of
Naples, and marched into Italy, at the head of a considerable army, with
the intention of prosecuting his rights by the sword.[143] Seeing the
necessity of opposing against this invader an adversary of distinguished
abilities, Joanna adopted as her son, Alfonso, king of Arragon, a prince
of great courage and military skill, by whose active exertions, Louis of
Anjou was soon driven from the Neapolitan territories. The adopted son of
Joanna being unfortunately influenced by the views of her late husband,
and wishing to rule by his own sole authority, that princess was justly
disgusted by his ingratitude, and in the year 1423, she annulled the act
of his adoption, substituting in his place his rival, the duke of Anjou.
This circumstance gave rise to an obstinate war between the two parties,
in the commencement of which Martin entered into an alliance with Louis,
and by bestowing on him the investiture of the kingdom of Naples,
supported his claims, in opposition to those of Alfonso. Prompted by
the spirit of revenge, the Arragonese monarch exerted all his influence
to raise a party against Martin in the council of Siena. The pontiff,
alarmed by the intrigues of Alfonso, hastily dissolved that assembly
early in the year 1424, summoning another to meet at the end of seven
years, in the city of Basil.[144]
But the dissolution of the council did not shelter Martin from the
consequences of Alfonso’s indignation. Braccio di Montone, taking
advantage of the embarrassments of the pontiff, again invaded the states
of the church; and after making himself master of several towns in the
ecclesiastical district, laid siege to Aquila. Alarmed by the loss of
these places, and apprehensive, that should Braccio make himself master
of Aquila, he would in fact keep Rome itself in a state of blockade, the
pontiff applied for succour to Joanna of Naples, and by the assistance
of that princess raised a considerable body of forces, which he sent
to stop the career of the invader. In this expedition the army of the
church was signally successful. Braccio quitting a most advantageous
position, advanced to give battle to the pontifical troops in the open
field, on the second day of June, 1424. The encounter of his cavalry
was fierce and impetuous; but in consequence of his rashness, his army
was defeated, and Braccio himself, being mortally wounded, was carried
prisoner into Aquila, where he died in the course of a few hours after
his arrival. His body was conveyed to Rome, and buried without the walls
in unconsecrated ground. By the death of Braccio, the pontiff recovered
Perugia, Assisi, and the other cities, which the successful rebellion of
that chieftain had compelled him to yield to his dominion. The states
of the church were now restored to tranquillity. The roads were cleared
of the banditti by which they had been so long infested—the traveller
journeyed without molestation or fear—the laws were respected, and peace
and order succeeded to anarchy and rapine.[145] The quiet of the church
was also further secured by the death of Benedict XIII., who in the
beginning of this year closed his earthly career at Paniscola, at the
advanced age of ninety.[146] In the summer of this year, the Pontiff
having retired to Tivoli to avoid the plague, which was raging in Rome,
Poggio went to Rieti, where he remained two months, entirely occupied
with literary pursuits. This appears from a letter addressed by him to
Niccolo Niccoli after his return to Rome, in which he laments the loss
of a brother on whom he had depended as the support of his family, and
especially of his mother, who was then labouring under the evils of old
age and sickness.[147]
About this time Martin had an opportunity of gratifying the animosity
which he entertained against the Florentines, by secretly fomenting
certain disputes which had taken place between the administrators of
their republic and the duke of Milan. Encouraged by the connivance of
the pontiff, that prince declared war against the Tuscan state, the
territories of which he menaced with a considerable army. In the course
of this contest, which was singularly obstinate and bloody, the pontiff
had the satisfaction of retaining in his own hands the balance of power;
and of beholding the supercilious Tuscans, humbled by disasters and
defeats, suing to him for assistance, and entreating his mediation for
the restoration of peace. Martin, though he professed the strictest
impartiality between the hostile parties, not only refused to assist
the Florentines, but still continued secretly to stimulate the ambition
of their adversary. Being thus disappointed in their application to the
pontiff, the Florentines had recourse to the Venetians, whose dread of
the growing power of the duke of Milan induced them readily to enter into
an alliance with his antagonists. Animated by this accession of strength,
the Florentines prosecuted the war with renewed vigour, and with such
success, that the duke was glad to accept of the mediation opportunely
proffered by his friend the pontiff, under whose auspices a peace was
concluded at Ferrara in the year 1428.[148]
When the pontiff had declared his readiness to interpose his good
offices between the contending powers, for the restoration of peace, the
Florentines sent Leonardo Aretino to the Roman court, invested with the
dignity of embassador of the Tuscan republic.[149] In the nomination of
their representative, they gratified the wishes of Martin V. who had long
entertained a great respect for Leonardo, and had in vain attempted,
by the offer of considerable preferment, to induce him to enter into
his service.[150] So highly did Leonardo’s constituents approve of his
conduct in his diplomatic capacity, that immediately after his return
to Florence, in the latter end of the year 1427, they appointed him to
fill the honourable and lucrative office of Secretary or Vice-chancellor
of the Florentine state. If credit may be given to his own assertion in
a letter to Feltrino Boiardo, he accepted this dignity with reluctance,
and lamented the imperious necessity, which compelled him, from a sense
of duty, to relinquish the pleasures of literary retirement, for the
cares incident to a public station.[151] His reluctance is, however,
otherwise accounted for in an epistle which Poggio wrote to him on this
occasion, and from which it appears, that when the office in question
was first offered to his acceptance, it was proposed that the marks of
dignity usually attached to it should be withdrawn; but that on his
refusal to accept it on those conditions, the administrators of the
government agreed to confer upon him the full honours which had been
received by preceding Vice-chancellors, to which terms he acceded. When
Poggio was informed that his friend was established in his new office,
he congratulated him by letter on this accession to his civic honours,
which, however, he observed, was, like matrimony, likely to be attended
with considerable difficulty, trouble, and uneasiness.[152]
The satisfaction which Martin V. experienced in witnessing the peaceful
and happy condition of that portion of Christendom, the civil interests
of which were intrusted to his immediate care, was not a little
lessened by the contumacy and rebellion of the Bohemian reformers.
These high-spirited men had been fired with indignation, when they
were informed of the sad catastrophe of their beloved apostles, John
Huss, and Jerome of Prague. The censures of the church, which were
fulminated against their opinions, they treated with contempt. Taking
advantage of the weakness of Winceslaus, their king, they possessed
themselves of several churches in Prague and its environs, where they
caused the communion to be administered in both kinds, and openly defied
the pope, the emperor, and the council of Constance. Upon the death of
Winceslaus, their confidence in their strength, and the ardour of their
zeal, impelled them to risk a contest with the power of Sigismund, his
successor. Led on by the intrepid Zisca, they encountered danger without
fear; and in the shock of battle, their impetuosity was irresistible.
For the space of four years, the military talents of their favourite
commander discomfited the armies of the emperor, who was at length
reduced to the mortifying necessity of entering into a treaty with a man,
whom he could regard in no other light than as an obstinate infidel,
and a rebellious subject. This treaty was interrupted by the death of
Zisca, who was cut off by the plague, on the sixth of October, 1424, at
the castle of Priscow. After the death of this formidable antagonist,
Sigismund, in hopes that the courage of the Bohemians would expire with
their chieftain, again appealed to arms. But he was disappointed in his
expectation. Great occasions produce great men. The heretics chose as
the successor to Zisca, Procopius, an officer whose valour and skill
they had frequently seen put to the proof. Procopius maintained the
contest with courage, conduct, and success, and worsted the imperial
forces in various engagements. The intelligence of these continued
disasters filled the mind of the pontiff with vexation. Resolving to
aid the emperor with the temporal and spiritual power of the church,
he proclaimed a crusade against the heretics, and sent a commission to
cardinal Beaufort, authorizing him, in quality of legate, to wield the
sword of the church, and chastise her rebellious sons. This commission
was by no means disagreeable to the turbulent spirit of Beaufort. In
pursuance of the instructions which he received from the pontiff, he
appropriated to the purposes of the crusade, a tenth part of the revenues
which accrued from England to the Roman see.[153] With this money he
raised an army of four thousand men, at the head of which he encamped
in the neighbourhood of Dover, waiting for a favourable wind to pass
over to Flanders. [A. D. 1429.] Here he received letters from the duke
of Gloucester, regent of the kingdom, requesting him to transport his
troops into France, and march to the assistance of the duke of Bedford,
who was at that time hard pressed by the Dauphin. In compliance with the
regent’s request, Beaufort repaired with his army to Paris, whence he
soon afterwards proceeded to Bohemia. The terrors of the crusade, thus
aided by the power of the cardinal legate, did not dismay the heretics,
who rushed to the combat with unabated fury, and routed the army of the
church. The pontiff, sensibly mortified by this disaster, and attributing
the ill success of his arms to the imprudence of Beaufort, recalled that
haughty prelate, substituting in his place Bartolomeo da Piacenza. The
new legate was not more fortunate than his predecessor. The orthodox army
still continued to experience a series of defeats. Hoping that a change
of his representative might effect a change in the fortune of his arms,
Martin superseded Bartolomeo da Piacenza, and committed the direction of
the war to Giuliano Cæsarino, Cardinal of St. Angelo.[154]
This was one of the last acts of the pontificate of Martin V., who
died on the 20th of February, 1431. Though this pontiff was unable to
accomplish the extinction of heresy, he had the good fortune to witness
the termination of the famous schism of the West. Benedict XII. dying at
Paniscola in the year 1424, two cardinals who had adhered to him in the
midst of his misfortunes, at the instance of Alfonso of Arragon elected
as his successor the Canonico Egidio of Barcelona, who, accepting the
empty title bestowed upon him by this diminutive conclave, assumed the
appellation of Clement VII. But soon after this transaction, Martin,
having composed his differences with Alfonso, sent a legate into Spain,
who easily persuaded Egidio, in consideration of the gift of the
bishopric of Majorca, to abdicate the vain honours which rendered him
ridiculous, and to renounce all claim to the pontifical dignity. In order
to prevent the cardinals who had placed the tiara on the head of Egidio
from again disturbing the peace of the church by proceeding to a new
election, the Italian legate caused them to be arrested and thrown into
prison.[155]
Thus were the latter days of Martin V. passed in a state of
tranquillity, which was disturbed only by the rumours of the distant war
in Bohemia, and by a transitory revolt of the citizens of Bologna, who,
after a feeble attempt to vindicate their freedom, were soon reduced to
their wonted subjection. The fear of the plague, indeed, which at this
period occasionally manifested itself at Rome, compelled the Pontiff to
fly for safety to the neighbouring villages. When on these hasty removals
his master required his attendance, Poggio devoted himself to a careful
examination of the remains of antiquity, which were to be found in the
places where the Papal court from time to time fixed its temporary
residence. But whenever he was enabled to return to Rome, he took
advantage of this period of domestic quiet to prosecute his studies.[156]
He was now deeply engaged in the composition and correction of various
works, and among the rest, of his dialogue on Avarice, which he submitted
to the inspection of Niccolo Niccoli and others of his literary friends,
in the year 1429. In the prefatory address to Francesco Barbaro, which
is prefixed to this dialogue, he intimates, that he had not yet made a
sufficient progress in the Greek language to be able to present to the
public what was at that time held in the highest estimation—a version of
any of the Græcian classics; but at the same time expresses his hopes,
that this his first essay may be deemed not altogether destitute of
merit. It should seem, however, that when he had given the last polish
to his work, he was induced for a while to suppress it. Martin V. was
impeached of the vice of avarice; and his secretary, whilst he did
ample justice to the kind feelings of his master, was doubtful how far
it would be prudent, by the publication of his dialogue, to run the risk
of the imputation of making his sole failing the object of satirical
comment.[157] Besides this, Niccolo Niccoli, in perusing the work in
question, without reserve declared his opinion that it was by no means
worthy of the known talents of the author.[158] Encouraged however by the
flattering encomiums of Francesco Barbaro, and others of his literary
friends, to whom he had communicated his manuscript, and emboldened by
the consciousness which he felt, that when compared with the productions
of the times, his dialogue was possessed of considerable merit, he
yielded to the suggestions of scholastic ambition; and immediately after
the death of Martin V. by its publication proclaimed himself a candidate
for the laurel of literary fame.[159]
In the introduction to the dialogue on Avarice, Poggio intimates that
Antonio Lusco, Cincio, and others of the pope’s secretaries, paying a
visit to Bartolomeo di Montepulciano, the conversation after supper
turned upon the character of Bernardino,[160] a famous preacher who was
at that time exercising his talents at Rome. After a very favourable
testimony to this preacher’s merits on the part of Lusco, Cincio
observes, “In one respect both Bernardino and other preachers of the same
description seem to me to fall into an error. They do not preach with a
view of doing good, but for the purpose of displaying their eloquence.
They are not so anxious to cure the mental diseases which they profess
to heal, as to obtain the favour and applause of the mob. They learn a
few phrases by heart, and utter them indiscriminately before audiences of
every description. Treating of recondite and obscure matters, they soar
beyond the comprehension of the vulgar, and tickle the ears of women and
fools, whom they dismiss as ignorant as they found them. Some vices they
reprove in such a manner that they seem rather to teach, than to correct
them, and in their thirst for gain, they forget the promotion of the
cause of religion.”
After various other observations have been made on the defects of the
preachers of that time, Bartolomeo remarks, that though luxury and
avarice are the most copious sources of vice, these failings are rarely
reprehended from the pulpit; or if at any time they happen to become the
subject of clerical animadversion, they are treated in a dry, jejune and
ludicrous manner, without dignity of thought or energy of expression.
He therefore proposes that the company then assembled should, in a
friendly conversation, enter into a discussion of the nature of these
vices. To this proposal Lusco assents, expressing, however, his opinion,
that it will be advisable for them to confine themselves to the subject
of Avarice. While they are arranging the order in which they are to
deliver their sentiments, they are joined by Andrew of Constantinople,
a man of great erudition, and the most respectable character. After the
interchange of the customary salutations, the new guest is informed of
the proposed subject of discourse, and Bartolomeo proceeds to utter an
eloquent invective against Avarice. This oration being ended, Lusco
replies in extenuation of that vice, and in the course of his harangue
reprobates the opposite error of luxury and extravagance. Lusco’s
speech displays considerable ingenuity. The most striking passages
which it contains are levelled against the professors of the civil law,
and against the mendicant friars, both which descriptions of men are
treated with great severity. Alluding to the latter, Lusco says, “Look
through the whole city—the market—the streets—the churches—and if you
can find any body who professes that he wishes for no more than a bare
sufficiency, depend upon it you have found a prodigious rarity. Do not
cite as instances in contradiction to my assertion, those slovenly
hypocritical vagabonds, who, under the pretext of religion, get their
living without labour, and make their pretended poverty and contempt of
worldly things a most copious source of gain. A well constituted state
will not encourage these lazy rogues, but it will prefer those citizens
who are willing to work for the benefit of the human race.”[161]
Andrew of Constantinople, in quality of moderator, replies to Lusco, and
points out the distinction which the latter had artfully confounded,
between a desire of the good things of life, and Avarice. This desire,
says he, if moderate, is virtuous; if immoderate, it degenerates into
covetousness, and becomes a vice. He then proceeds to answer the
arguments of Lusco in regular order. In the course of his harangue he
takes occasion to stigmatize the avaricious disposition of sovereign
princes, and of the clergy; and in conclusion he supports his opinion by
various quotations from the fathers and the ancient classic authors. The
remarks of Andrew meeting the approbation of his auditors, the conference
is closed.[162]
In the sentiments of disapprobation with which the good taste of Poggio
led him to regard the harangues of the popular preachers of his time, he
is supported by the weighty suffrage of Tiraboschi. “Some of the sacred
orators of the fifteenth century,” says that judicious critic, “are
mentioned with praise, not merely by vulgar and unpolished, but also by
the most cultivated writers.—On the other hand, we have an opportunity of
inspecting the discourses of these famed orators; and generally speaking,
we cannot see in them the shadow of that eloquence for which they are
so highly commended. Let any one read the sermons of S. Bernardino da
Siena, Fra Roberto da Lecce, B. Alberto da Sarteano, Fra Michele da
Carcano, and of many others, who, as the writers of that age inform us,
attracted whole cities and provinces to hear them: and then judge whether
they deserve the character of eloquent orations. They are generally
nothing more than dry treatises on scholastic points, or on matters of
theological morality, full of quotations of sacred and profane authors,
where we see coupled together St. Augustine and Virgil, Chrysostom and
Juvenal. The force of their eloquence consists in some exclamations, to
which is sometimes joined a description of the vices of the times, which
would now excite the most immoderate laughter, but which then caused the
audience to melt into tears.”[163]
The friars whom Poggio satirizes with such severity in his dialogue on
Avarice, were a branch of the order of Franciscans, who, on account
of the extraordinary strictness with which they professed to exercise
their conventual discipline, were distinguished by the title of _Fratres
Observantiæ_. The founder of this new subdivision of the ecclesiastical
order was the above-mentioned Bernardino, of Siena, who appears by
the testimony of Poggio to have been a man of great virtue and of
considerable talents. Several of his disciples, however, who were not
endued either with his good principles or his abilities, emulous of the
reputation which he had acquired by preaching, began also to harangue the
people from the pulpit.
Of these self-constituted instructors Poggio has drawn the following
striking picture. “Inflated by the pretended inspiration of the Holy
Spirit, they expound the sacred scriptures to the populace with such
gross ignorance, that nothing can exceed their folly. I have often gone
to hear them for the sake of amusement; for they were in the habit
of saying things, which would move to laughter the gravest and most
phlegmatic man on the face of the earth. You might see them throwing
themselves about as if they were ready to leap out of the pulpit;
now raising their voices to the highest pitch of fury—now sinking
into a conciliatory whisper—sometimes they beat the desk with their
hands—sometimes they laughed, and in the course of their babbling they
assumed as many forms as Proteus. Indeed they are more like monkeys than
preachers, and have no qualification for their profession, except an
unwearied pair of lungs.”[164]
Though the impudence of these men, which was equal to their folly,
disgusted people of good sense, they had numerous partizans and admirers
among the populace. Elated by their success, they arrogated to themselves
considerable consequence. Some of them, in the pride of their hearts,
scorned to hold inferior stations in the convents in which they were
established, and solicited the erection of new monasteries, of which
their ambition prompted them to expect to become the superiors.
Scandalized by these irregularities, the assertors of discipline summoned
an assembly of the brothers of the Franciscan order from every province
of Italy, for the purpose of remedying these evils, which were likely to
bring disgrace upon their fraternity. This assembly, which consisted of
eighty members, decreed, that a general chapter of their order should be
held on the ensuing feast of Pentecost—that in the interim, six only of
the friars should be allowed to preach—and that no new convent should
be erected for the accommodation of the Franciscans, till the pleasure
of the above-mentioned general chapter should be known. The task of
drawing up these decrees was assigned to Poggio—a task which it may be
presumed he undertook with pleasure, and executed with fidelity. The
mortified preachers and their partizans, imagining that Poggio was not
only the registrer, but the author of these unwelcome restrictions,
inveighed against his conduct with great bitterness. Soon after the
publication of the above-mentioned decree, Carlo Ricascolo, a devout
citizen of Florence, presented to the _Fratres Observantiæ_ a small
estate pleasantly situated in the neighbourhood of Arezzo. On this estate
the friars immediately began, in defiance of the prohibition so lately
issued by the heads of their order, to lay the foundation of a new
monastery. Poggio thought it his duty to represent this act of contumacy
to the pontiff, who immediately issued orders to the bishop of Fiesole
to put a stop to the prosecution of the building. This circumstance
still farther excited against Poggio the animosity of the indignant
ecclesiastics, who industriously vilified his character, representing
him as an enemy of the Christian faith, and a malignant persecutor of the
true believers. Niccolo Niccoli, with his usual impetuosity, gave credit
to these accusations, and wrote to Poggio a letter of remonstrance. To
this letter Poggio replied, first simply stating the facts of the case,
and then protesting that he was no enemy either to religion or its
professors—“on the contrary,” says he, “I make a point of behaving with
the utmost reverence to those ecclesiastics who adorn their religion with
virtuous conduct. But,” proceeded he, “I have been so often deceived, so
frequently disappointed in the good opinion which I had conceived of men,
that I know not whom or what to believe. There are so many wicked people,
who conceal their vices by the sanctity of their looks, and the humility
of their apparel, that confidence is in a manner destroyed. In the
pontifical court we have too many opportunities of becoming acquainted
with iniquitous transactions, of which people in general are ignorant. I
am not however surprised,” says he in the conclusion of his letter, “that
these friars should complain of their being prevented from establishing
themselves in such a pleasant district. The excellence of our wine is a
powerful allurement, both to strangers and to our own countrymen. Plato,
who was no Christian, chose for the scite of his academy an unhealthy
spot, in order that the mind might gain strength by the infirmity of
the body. But these pretended followers of Christ act upon a different
system. They select pleasant and voluptuous places—they seek not
solitude, but society—they do not wish to promote the cultivation of the
mind, but the pampering of the corporeal appetites.”
These sarcasms were communicated by Niccolo to Alberto da Sarteano,[165]
a brother of the Franciscan order, who was so much displeased by them,
that he expostulated with Poggio on the alleged impropriety of his
conduct, in a long letter, to which the latter replied in a grave strain
of irony, defending and confirming the remarks which had been so copious
a subject of animadversion. Towards the conclusion of his letter, he
bestowed upon his correspondent the following seasonable advice. “Do you
apply yourself to your preaching, and attend to your peculiar province.
Leave the building of religious houses to others, and be assured, that
wheresoever you are, there you may acceptably serve and worship God.”
This letter to Alberto, Poggio enclosed in another, which he addressed
to Ambrogio Traversari. To the learned monk of Camaldoli he could venture
to write, even upon this delicate subject, with all the freedom of
jocularity. “I cannot help thinking,” says he, “that the benevolence of
many persons is too great, who prefer the public good to their private
interest; and who, through their anxiety for the salvation of others,
lose their own souls. I could wish that these men would retire to woods
and deserts, where they might attain to the perfection of holy living,
rather than settle in such pleasant places, in which they run such risk
of falling into temptation. Your favourite St. Jerome says, that it is
better and safer to be in a situation where it is impossible to err, than
even to escape from imminent danger. I am afraid some people have too
much confidence in their own fortitude. But I have done.—Let every one
bear his own burden.—Farewell, and pray that your friend Poggio may amend
his ways.”[166]
The lenient influence of time did not abate the dislike and contempt
which Poggio entertained for those ecclesiastics who adopted the
religious habit as a convenient cloak for the concealment of indolence
or luxury; and who, by the mere appearance of extraordinary sanctity,
endeavoured to attain those worldly honours which they affected to
despise. When he was declined into the vale of years, he attacked those
pests of society in a dialogue on Hypocrisy, a composition which abounds
in the keen sarcasms of polished wit, and in acute observations on the
human character. It is no doubt on account of the boldness with which he
inveighs against the evil practices of pretenders to uncommon strictness
in the observance of religious duties, that the editors of his works have
suppressed this dialogue, which has been preserved and circulated by the
industrious zeal of protestantism.[167] The freedom with which he therein
speaks of the vices, not merely of individuals, but of whole classes of
religious hypocrites, is truly astonishing. The following remonstrance
against the folly and wickedness of the monastic life savours more of the
eighteenth, than of the fifteenth century, and is drawn up in the spirit
of a Gallic _œconomiste_, rather than in the style of a secretary to the
sovereign pontiff. “I do not wish to scrutinize into the secret life of
these cœnobites, which is known only to God. I will not inquire whether
they are sober or otherwise; whether they are chaste or unchaste; whether
they employ their time in study, or waste it in idleness; whether they
are the prey of envy; and whether they are continually hunting after
preferment. It is not sufficient that they keep within doors, oppressed
with a load of garments, and do no public and open mischief. Let me
ask, of what utility are they to the faith, and what advantage do they
confer on the public? I cannot find that they do any thing but sing like
grasshoppers, and I cannot help thinking they are too liberally paid for
the mere exercise of their lungs. But they extol their labours as a kind
of Herculean task, because they rise in the night to chant the praises
of God. This is no doubt an extraordinary proof of merit, that they sit
up to exercise themselves in psalmody. What would they say if they rose
to go to the plough, like farmers, exposed to the wind and rain, with
bare feet, and with their bodies thinly clad? In such a case no doubt the
Deity could not possibly requite them for their toil and sufferings. But
it may be said, there are many worthy men amongst them. I acknowledge it.
It would be a lamentable thing indeed, should there be no good men in so
vast a multitude. But the majority of them are idle, hypocritical, and
destitute of virtue. How many do you think enter upon the religious life
through a desire to amend their morals? You can recount very few who do
not assume the habit on account of some extraneous cause. They dedicate,
not their minds, but their bodies to devotional exercises. Many adopt
the monastic garb on account of the imbecility of their spirits, which
prevents them from exerting themselves to gain an honest livelihood.
Some, when they have spent their property in extravagance, enter into
religious houses, because they think that they shall there find a rich
pasture; others are induced to hide in these abodes the infamy which
they have contracted by their ignorance, and by their dissolute and
abandoned course of life.”
In the same dialogue Poggio recounts several instances of artful priests
abusing the confidence of auricular confession, for the indulgence of
their licentious appetites. He also mentions, with due reprobation, a set
of fanatical profligates, who propagating and acting upon the doctrine,
that those who were in a state of grace were made perfect, and could not
possibly commit sin, had lately debauched a considerable number of women
in the city of Venice.
In modern times, enthusiasts have the audacity, whilst they make a public
acknowledgment of gross violations of the duties of morality, to proclaim
their confidence, that their sins are forgiven, and to declare their
firm persuasion, that whatever may be the complexion of their future
conduct, they cannot forfeit the favour of the Almighty. Though it would
be unjust to charge these men with an imitation of the actions of the
sanctimonious Venetians, whose vile deeds are recorded by Poggio, certain
it is, that their principles, if carried into practice, would grant a
license even to these flagrant acts of wickedness. Thus, in the wide
circle of immorality, there is a point, where the extreme of enthusiasm
and the extreme of libertinism meet together. When reason is shaken from
her throne, the passions make even Religion herself the promoter and the
instrument of vice.