Poggio,[1] the son of Guccio Bracciolini, was born on the eleventh day
of February, in the year 1380,[2] at Terranuova, a small town situated
in the territory of the republic of Florence, not far from Arezzo.
He derived his baptismal name from his grandfather,[3] concerning
whose occupation and circumstances, the scanty memorials of the times
in which he lived, do not furnish any satisfactory information.[4]
From his father, Poggio inherited no advantages of rank or fortune.
Guccio Bracciolini, who exercised the office of notary, was once
indeed possessed of considerable property; but being either by his own
imprudence, or by misfortune, involved in difficulties, he had recourse
to the destructive assistance of an usurer, by whose rapacious artifices,
his ruin was speedily completed, and he was compelled to fly from the
pursuit of his creditors.[5]
But whatever might be the disadvantages under which Poggio laboured,
in consequence of the embarrassed state of his father’s fortune, in a
literary point of view the circumstances of his birth were singularly
propitious. At the close of the fourteenth century, the writings of
Petrarca and Bocaccio were read with avidity, and the labours of those
eminent revivers of letters had excited throughout Italy the emulation
of the learned. The day-star had now pierced through the gloom of mental
night, and the dawn of literature was gradually increasing in brilliancy.
The city of Florence was, at this early period, distinguished by the
zeal with which its principal inhabitants cultivated and patronized
the liberal arts. It was consequently the favourite resort of the
ablest scholars of the time, some of whom were induced by the offer of
considerable salaries, to undertake the task of public instruction.
In this celebrated school, Poggio applied himself to the study of the
Latin tongue, under the direction of Giovanni Malpaghino, more commonly
known by the appellation of John of Ravenna. This eminent scholar had,
for a period of nearly fifteen years, been honoured by the friendship,
and benefited by the precepts of Petrarca, under whose auspices he made
considerable progress in the study of morals, history, and poetry.
After the death of his illustrious patron, he delivered public lectures
on polite literature, first at Venice, and afterwards at Florence. At
the latter place, besides Poggio, the following celebrated literary
characters were formed by his instructions—Leonardo Aretino, Pallas
Strozza, Roberto Rossi, Paulo Vergerio the elder, Omnebuono Vicentino,
Guarino Veronese, Carlo Aretino, Ambrogio Traversari, and Francesco
Barbaro.[6]
It has been asserted by most of the writers who have given an account of
the early history of Poggio, that he acquired a knowledge of the Greek
language at the Florentine University under the tuition of the celebrated
Manuel Crysoloras—but it is evident from a letter addressed by him to
Niccolo Niccoli, that he did not commence his Greek studies till the year
1424, when he entered upon them at Rome, trusting for success in this
new pursuit to his own industry, guided by the occasional instructions
of a friend of his of the name of Rinuccio, an accomplished scholar, who
afterwards became secretary to Pope Nicholas V.[7]
When he had attained a competent knowledge of the Latin language,
Poggio quitted Florence, and went to Rome in the year 1403. Soon after
his arrival in that city, on the recommendation of his venerated tutor
Coluccio Salutati, he obtained the appointment of secretary to the
Cardinal Rudulfo Maramori, Bishop of Bari; and in the month of August
or September in the ensuing year, he entered into the service of the
reigning pontiff Boniface IX. in the capacity of writer of the apostolic
letters.[8]
A. D. 1403.—At the time of Poggio’s admission into the pontifical
chancery, Italy was convulsed by war and faction. The kingdom of Naples
was exposed to the horrors of anarchy, consequent upon a disputed
succession to the throne. Many of the cities of Lombardy, now the
unresisting prey of petty tyrants, now struggling to throw off the
yoke, were the miserable theatres of discord and of bloodshed. The
ambition of the Lord of Milan carried fire and sword from the borders of
Venice to the gates of Florence. The ecclesiastical state was exposed
to the predatory incursions of banditti; and the cities over which, as
portions of the patrimony of St. Peter, the pope claimed the exercise
of authority, took advantage of the weakness of the Roman court to free
themselves from its oppression. At the same time, the lustre of the
pontificate was dimmed by the schism, which for the space of more than
twenty years had divided the sentiments, and impaired the spiritual
allegiance of the Christian community.
As this celebrated ecclesiastic feud, which is commonly distinguished by
the name of the Schism of the West, commenced only two years before the
birth of Poggio; as no fewer than five of his patrons were implicated in
its progress and consequences, and as it was terminated by the council
of Constance, which assembly he attended in quality of secretary to John
XXII. it will be necessary to enter a little at large into its history.
The joy experienced by the inhabitants of Rome, on the translation of
the papal court from Avignon to its ancient residence, by Gregory XI.
was suddenly damped by the death of that pontiff, which event took
place on the 28th of March, 1378. The Romans were apprehensive, that
if the choice of the conclave should fall upon a native of France, he
would again remove the holy see beyond the Alps.[9] They sighed for
the restoration of that splendor, with which the pomp of the successors
of St. Peter had formerly graced their city. Their breasts glowed with
indignation, when they saw the states of the church, in consequence
of the absence of its chief, successively falling under the dominion
of usurpers. During the residence of the popes at Avignon, the devout
pilgrimages, once so copious a source of gain to the inhabitants of the
capital of Christendom, had been suspended; the tombs of the martyrs
had been neglected, and the churches were fast hastening to decay.
Dreading the renewal and the aggravation of these evils, the Roman clergy
and populace assembled in a tumultuous manner, and signified to the
cardinals, who happened to be at Rome at the time of the death of Gregory
XI. their earnest wishes, that they would appoint some illustrious
Italian to fill the pontifical chair. Amidst the clamours of the people,
the conclave was held in the Vatican, under the protection of a guard
of soldiers. This assembly was composed of thirteen French and four
Italian cardinals. Notwithstanding this preponderance of ultramontane
suffrages, in consequence, as Platina says, of a disagreement among
the French,[10] or more probably, as was afterwards alleged by the
Gallic ecclesiastics, in consequence of the overawing influence of the
Roman populace, the election was concluded in favor of a Neapolitan,
Bartolomeo, Archbishop of Bari, on whom the conclave conferred the name
of Urban VI.[11] The French cardinals, after protesting against his
nomination to the papal chair, as an act in which they had been obliged
to concur through a dread of rousing the popular indignation, fled from
the city. In the course of a little time, however, they returned to Rome,
and made their peace with Urban by confirming his election, and paying
him the customary homage. But this reconciliation was not lasting. The
manners of Urban were haughty and stern, and his disposition was severe
and revengeful. Disgusted by his pride, and dreading the effects of his
resentment, the foreign cardinals again withdrew, first to Anagni, and
afterwards to Fondi, a town situated in the territories of Naples. Here,
being emboldened by the protection of Joanna, queen of that country,
they renewed their protest against the election of Urban, and proceeding
to form a new conclave, they proclaimed the cardinal of Ginevra, under
the name of Clement VII. the true successor of St. Peter. This was the
beginning of that schism, which for so long a space of time perplexed
the true believers, by the inexplicable phenomenon of the co-existence
of two supreme and infallible heads of the church, each proscribing
his competitor, and fulminating the terrors of damnation against the
adherents of his rival.
In this contest the Gallic cardinals did not restrict themselves to the
use of spiritual weapons. They assembled a body of mercenary soldiers,
whom they employed in making an incursion into the Roman territory.
These troops were at first successful in their operations; but engaging
the pontifical army near Marina, they were defeated with considerable
loss.[12]
The resentful spirit of Urban, stimulated by the hostile conduct of the
rebellious cardinals, prompted him to meditate a severe revenge. He
instantly dispatched an ambassador to Lodovico, king of Hungary, with
instructions to proffer to that monarch his assistance in punishing the
queen of Naples, for the imputed murder of her husband Andrew, brother to
the Hungarian sovereign, who it was alleged had, with her concurrence,
been put to death by Luigi, prince of Taranto.[13] Lodovico, who had long
thirsted for vengeance, eagerly accepted the offers of Urban, and gave
orders to Carlo, son of Luigi di Durazzo, the descendant of Charles II.
and heir apparent to the throne of Naples, to march with the Hungarian
troops, which were then engaged in hostilities against the Venetians, and
to co-operate with the pope in an attack upon the kingdom of Naples.[14]
Carlo, after taking Arezzo, and making peace with the Florentines on the
condition of their lending him forty thousand crowns of gold, repaired
to Rome, where he held a conference with Urban. Thence he directed his
march to Naples, of which city he easily made himself master. Joanna,
after sustaining a short siege in the Castello Nuovo, was taken prisoner,
and, according to the directions of the inexorable king of Hungary,
smothered between two mattresses.[15]
This vindictive deed being perpetrated, Urban repaired to Naples, and,
according to the terms of an agreement which had been concluded before
the departure of the prince of Hungary from Rome, he demanded, on
behalf of his nephew, the possession of the principality of Capua, and
of several other places in the kingdom of Naples. On Carlo’s refusing
to accede to this demand, Urban, with characteristic impetuosity, had
recourse to threats, to which the king answered by putting the pontiff
for some days under an arrest. Urban, dissembling his indignation,
requested, and obtained of the prince, permission to retire to Nocera for
the benefit of his health. The first step which he took on his arrival
at that place, was to strengthen its fortifications, and recruit its
garrison. He then proceeded to the nomination of new cardinals, and
threw seven members of the sacred college into prison, alleging, that
at the instigation of Carlo, and of his rival Clement, they had formed
a conspiracy against his life. Having cited the Neapolitan monarch to
appear and answer to the charges which he had to prefer against him, he
proceeded to his trial. Carlo treated the summons with contempt, and sent
Count Alberico, grand constable of his kingdom, at the head of an army
to lay siege to Nocera. Urban, escaping from that city, embarked with his
prisoners on board some Genoese galleys, which had been prepared to aid
his flight. Exasperated to the highest degree of cruelty, the fugitive
pontiff vented his fury on the captive cardinals, five of whom he caused
to be tied up in sacks, and thrown into the sea.[16]
On the death of Carlo, who, having usurped the throne of Hungary, which
belonged of right to Maria, the daughter of the late monarch, was
murdered by assassins hired by the deposed queen, Urban endeavoured to
make himself master of the kingdom of Naples. Being frustrated in this
attempt, he returned to Rome, where he died on the 15th of October, 1389.
We may easily credit the assertion of Platina, that “few were the persons
who wept at his death.”
Poggio, in a letter to Angelotto, cardinal of St. Mark, ascribes the
violent conduct of Urban to a derangement of intellect, consequent upon
his elevation to the pontifical dignity;[17] and he has recorded in his
Facetiæ an anecdote, which may be quoted as proving the prevalence of an
opinion that he was afflicted with insanity.[18]
A. D. 1389.—Urban was succeeded by Boniface IX. a Neapolitan, of the
family of the Tomacelli, who was raised to the chair of St. Peter
at the early age of thirty years.[19] The distracted state of Italy
required indeed the exertions of a pontiff endowed with the vigour and
activity of the prime of life. That beautiful country was the devoted
prey of war, rapine, and civil discord. The native country of Poggio
did not escape the general calamity. Galeazzo, lord of Milan, having
declared war against Florence and Bologna, sent a powerful body of
forces under the command of Giovanni Ubaldino, with orders to lay waste
the territories of those states. In this extremity, the Florentines
dispatched a considerable army, under the command of their general
Auguto, to make a diversion in the Milanese, and successfully solicited
the assistance of Stephen, duke of Bavaria, and of the count d’Armagnac.
The campaign was opened with brilliancy by the conquest of Padua; but
the duke of Bavaria, having been seduced from his fidelity to his allies
by the tempting offers of the enemy, returned to his own dominions. The
count d’Armagnac, descending into Italy by the way of Turin, with the
intention of co-operating with Auguto, who had advanced to Bergamo, was
also successful in his first operations. But his troops, encountering
the enemy under the walls of Alessandria, were put to the rout, and
the count himself, exhausted by his exertions, was carried a prisoner
into the town, where he soon afterwards expired in consequence, it is
said, of drinking a copious draught of cold water. In these critical
circumstances, the Florentines were greatly indebted to the extraordinary
military talents of Auguto, who with an inferior force, effected a
retreat through the heart of the Milanese, and held in check the army
of Galeazzo, which had made an irruption into the Tuscan territories.
Both parties being at length weary of a contest which was productive
only of mutual injury, they listened to the paternal admonitions of
Boniface, who interposed between them in the quality of mediator; and,
under the auspices of the pontiff and the duke of Genoa, a peace was
concluded between Galeazzo and the Florentines, on the basis of mutual
restitution.[20]
When will a sufficient number of instances have been recorded by the pen
of history, of nations harrassing each other by the outrages of war,
and after years of havock and bloodshed, when exhausted by exertions
beyond their natural strength, agreeing to forget the original subject of
dispute, and mutually to resume the station which they occupied at the
commencement of the contest. “Were subjects wise,” what would be their
reflections, when their rulers, after the most lavish waste of blood,
coolly sit down and propose to each other the _status quo ante bellum_.
Happy would it be, could the _status quo_ be extended to the widow and
the orphan—to the thousands and tens of thousands, who, in consequence
of the hardships and accidents of war, are doomed to languish out the
remnant of their lives in torment and decrepitude.
A. D. 1393.—In the year 1393, the antipope Clement VII. dying at Avignon,
the schismatic cardinals, still persisting in their rebellion against the
Italian pontiff, elected as the legitimate successor of St. Peter, Pietro
da Luna, who assumed the name of Benedict XIII.[21]
For the space of five years after the pacification of Genoa, Florence
enjoyed the blessings of peace; but at the end of that period its
tranquillity was again disturbed by the ambition of Galeazzo, who had
now obtained from the emperor Wenceslaus, the title of duke of Milan.
This turbulent chieftain, being encouraged by the death of Auguto,[22]
the experienced commander of the Florentine forces, sent into Tuscany
a strong body of troops, which made incursions to the very gates of the
capital. Ruin and devastation attended the progress of the Milanese
forces, who laid waste the country with fire and sword, and led a great
number of the inhabitants into captivity. The following letter, addressed
on a similar occasion by Poggio to the chancellor of Siena, is at once a
document of the misery to which the small states of Italy were at this
time exposed in consequence of the wasteful irruptions of their enemies,
and a record of the benevolent dispositions of the writer’s heart.
“I could have wished that our correspondence had commenced on other
grounds than the calamity of a man for whom I have a great regard, and
who has been taken captive, together with his wife and children, whilst
he was engaged in the cultivation of my estate. I am informed that he and
one of his sons are now languishing in the prisons of Siena. Another of
his children, a boy of about five years of age is missing, and it is not
known whether he is dead or alive. What can exceed the misery of this
lamentable destiny? I wish these distresses might fall upon the heads of
their original authors: but alas! the wretched rustics pay the forfeit of
the crimes of others. When I reflect on the situation of those on whose
behalf I now intercede with you, my writing is interrupted by my tears.
For I cannot help contemplating in the eye of imagination the woe-worn
aspect of the father—the pallid countenance of the mother—the exquisite
grief of the unhappy son. They have lost every thing except their life,
which is bereft of all its comforts. For the father, the captors demand,
by way of ransom, ten, for the son, forty florins. These sums it is
impossible for them to raise, as they have been deprived of their all by
the rapacity of the soldiers, and if they do not meet with assistance
from the well-disposed, they must end their days in captivity. I take
the liberty of earnestly pressing this case upon your consideration, and
I entreat you to use your utmost exertions to redeem these unfortunate
people on the lowest terms possible. If you have any regard for my
entreaties, or if you feel that affection which is due from one friend
to another, I beseech you with all possible importunity to undertake the
care of this wretched family, and save them from the misery of perishing
in prison. This you may effect by exerting your interest to get their
ransom fixed at a low rate. Whatever must be paid on this account, must
be advanced by me. I trust my friend Pietro will, if it be necessary,
assist you in this affair. I must request you to give me an answer,
informing me what you can do, or rather what you have done, to serve
me in this matter. I say what you have done, for I know you are able,
and I trust you are willing to assist me. But I must hasten to close my
letter, lest the misery of these unhappy people should be prolonged by my
delay.”[23]
The uneasiness which the Florentines experienced, in consequence of the
hostile incursions of Galeazzo’s forces, was considerably augmented by
the accession of territory and of strength, which that enterprising
warrior at this time obtained by the acquisition of the cities of
Bologna, Pisa, Siena, and several fortresses bordering on the territories
of the republic. Perugia also having thrown off its allegiance to the
pope, had sheltered itself from his indignation under the protection of
the duke of Milan.[24]
The year of the jubilee was now approaching, and the Romans, ever
delighted with the frivolity of magnificent spectacles, sent a deputation
to Boniface, who had studiously withdrawn from Rome, requesting him
to honour his capital with his presence. With this request, Boniface
hesitated to comply, alleging, as the reason of his hesitation, that the
choice of magistrates, which the Roman people had lately made, was by no
means pleasing to him. Unwilling to forego the amusements and profits
of the approaching festival, the compliant citizens of Rome gratified
the pontiff with the selection of the principal officers of state, and
moreover, supplied him with a considerable sum of money. Boniface, in
return for these acts of submission, vouchsafed to make his public
entry into Rome; and employed the money which he had received, as the
price of his condescension, in fortifying the Mole of Adrian, in modern
times better known by the name of the castle of St. Angelo, and other
posts, which gave him the command of the city. Thus had the Romans the
satisfaction of celebrating the jubilee with extraordinary pomp, at the
expense of the remnant of their liberty.[25]
A. D. 1400.—In the mean time the Florentines, being hard pressed by
the duke of Milan, derived a ray of hope from the assistance of the
newly-elected emperor Robert duke of Bavaria, who promised to come to
their aid, with a powerful body of troops. The joy which they felt on
this occasion was however but of short continuance; for soon after his
entrance into Italy, the emperor was totally defeated by the duke of
Milan, and the remnant of his army being driven over the mountains,
was obliged to take shelter in the city of Trent. By the retreat of
the imperial troops, the Florentines were reduced to the utmost
extremity. Abandoned by their allies, and exposed to the inroads of
their neighbours, they implored the assistance of Boniface. The pontiff,
who felt deep resentment against Galeazzo on account of his seizure of
several cities in the ecclesiastical state, readily entered into the
views of the Florentines, and without hesitation concluded a treaty,
by which he engaged to bring into the field an army of five thousand
men, which was to co-operate with the Tuscan forces. But soon after the
commencement of the campaign, the Florentines were happily relieved
from their anxiety, by the death of their inveterate enemy Galeazzo,
whose career of conquest was terminated by a fever, of which he died at
Marignano,[26] on the third of September, 1402. Soon after the death of
this powerful prince, many cities, of which he had at different times
forcibly taken possession, were seized by various petty tyrants, who took
advantage of the odium excited by the vices of his son and successor
Giovanni Maria; and Boniface availed himself of the general confusion
to reduce Bologna and Perugia to their ancient allegiance to the papal
see.[27]
It has been already observed, that Poggio arrived in Rome in the year
1403. He was then in the twenty-fourth year of his age. At this dangerous
season, though animated with a lively fancy, and stimulated by an ardent
constitution, he was not allured into dissipation, by the temptations
of a corrupt and luxurious court. We learn indeed from the introductory
conversation of his dialogue on Avarice, that the appointments of the
pontifical secretaries were not very splendid. Antonio Lusco, one of
the interlocutors in that dialogue, is there represented as declaring,
that their income was scarcely sufficient to maintain the dignity of
their office.[28] It is probable therefore, that the scantiness of
Poggio’s revenues had no unfavorable influence on his moral conduct and
his studies. In the preface to his _Historia disceptativa convivialis_,
he acknowledges, that he frequently had recourse to literary pursuits,
in order to beguile the anxiety which he experienced in consequence of
the narrowness of his circumstances.[29] Poverty is not unfrequently
the parent of knowledge, and the stern, but salutary guardian of virtue.
Whatever might be the cause, certain it is, that Poggio diligently
devoted his leisure hours to study, and cultivated the acquaintance of
those whose conversation might tend to the improvement of his mind. As
literary pursuits had at this æra acquired the currency of fashion,
the character of the scholar was frequently found united with that of
the man of the world. To this circumstance we may ascribe the union of
learning, politeness, and knowledge of the human heart, which shines so
conspicuously in the writings of Poggio.
On the 1st October, 1404, Poggio sustained a considerable loss by the
death of his patron, Boniface IX. “Nothing would have been wanting,” says
Platina, “to complete the glory of this pontiff, had he not tarnished the
lustre of his fame by his excessive partiality towards his relations.
These flocked in crowds to Rome; and the numerous acts of simony of
which they were guilty, greatly impaired the authority of the keys.”[30]
A. D. 1404.—On the death of Boniface, Cosmo, cardinal of Santa Croce, was
elected to the pontificate, and assumed the name of Innocent VII. The
new pontiff was by no means insensible of the merits of Poggio, whom he
continued in the office to which he had been promoted by the favour of
Boniface. He appears indeed to have treated him with particular kindness
and respect. Poggio availed himself of his interest with Innocent, to
testify the sincerity of his friendship for Leonardo Aretino, who during
his residence at Florence, had been the associate of his studies, and
the companion of his festive hours. Leonardo, whose paternal appellation
was Bruni, derived the name of Aretino from Arezzo, in which city he was
born in the year 1370. His parents, though not graced by the honours
of nobility, held a respectable rank in society, and were sufficiently
wealthy to be enabled to bestow on their son a good education.[31]
In his early youth, Leonardo was incited to a love of letters by an
extraordinary accident. A body of French troops, who were marching to
Naples to assist Louis duke of Anjou in maintaining his claim to the
sovereignty of that kingdom, at the solicitation of the partizans of a
faction which had been banished from Arezzo, made an unexpected attack
upon that city; and after committing a great slaughter, carried many of
the inhabitants into captivity; and among the rest the family of Bruni.
Leonardo being confined in a chamber in which was hung a portrait of
Petrarca, by daily contemplating the lineaments of that illustrious
scholar, conceived so strong a desire to signalize himself by literary
acquirements, that immediately upon his enlargement he repaired to
Florence, where he prosecuted his studies with unremitting diligence,
under the direction of John of Ravenna and Manuel Crysoloras.[32]
During his residence at Florence, he contracted a strict intimacy with
Poggio. This intimacy was not interrupted by the separation of the
two friends, which took place upon the removal of the latter to Rome.
On the contrary, Poggio being informed by Leonardo, that he wished to
procure a presentation to some place of honour and emolument in the Roman
chancery, took every opportunity of commending his virtues, and of
bringing his talents into public notice, by communicating his letters
to the literary characters who frequented the pontifical court.[33] In
consequence of Poggio’s address, the fame of Leonardo reached the ears
of Innocent, who was induced, by his extraordinary reputation, to invite
him to Rome, at which city he arrived, March 24, 1405. On this occasion
the interest of Leonardo was powerfully promoted by a letter addressed
to Innocent, by Coluccio Salutati,[34] the chancellor of the city of
Florence, in which he detailed the merits of the young candidate in the
most flattering terms. The reception which Leonardo met with on his first
presentation at the pontifical court, though in some respects flattering,
was on the whole inauspicious. Innocent observed to him in the presence
of his courtiers, that he seemed to be in every other respect well
qualified for the place to which he aspired; but that an office of
great trust required more discretion than could be expected from his
early years. This observation stimulated Jacopo d’Angelo, a scholar of
considerable reputation, who had formerly been a rival of Leonardo in the
Florentine university, to offer himself as a candidate for the office
in question. The age of Jacopo was more mature than that of Leonardo,
and a residence of four years in the pontifical court seemed to give a
decided superiority to his claims over those of the stranger.[35] Poggio
sympathized in the disappointment and anxiety of his friend. Fortunately
however for Leonardo, Innocent having at this time received certain
letters from the duke of Berry, determined to assign to each of the
competitors, the task of drawing up an answer to them. The compositions
of the two candidates being compared, the prize was unanimously adjudged
to Leonardo, who was in consequence of this decision, instantly advanced
to the dignity of apostolic scribe. This transaction was the means of
cementing the friendship of Poggio and Leonardo, which endured, without
interruption till their union was severed by death.[36]
Before his accession to the chair of St. Peter, Innocent was accustomed
to blame the negligence and timidity of the Italian pontiffs, and to
attribute to their incapacity the continuance of the schism which gave
such occasion of triumph to the enemies of the true faith. But when he
was invested with the pontifical purple, he was convinced by mortifying
experience, that it was much easier to find fault with the conduct of his
predecessors, than to redress the grievances of Italy, and to restore
the peace of the church. [A. D. 1405.] He found himself indeed obliged
to exert all his power, to repress the spirit of liberty which prompted
the Roman people to demand the restitution of the capitol, the castle of
St. Angelo, and of the other places of strength which had been wrested
from them by the policy of his predecessors. The animosity excited in
the breasts of the populace, by the refusal of Innocent to accede to
these demands, was exasperated to the highest degree, by the culpable
impetuosity of his nephew Lodovico, who attacking a deputation of the
citizens, who had waited on the pontiff with a view of composing the
differences which subsisted between him and the people, had seized eleven
of their number, and put them to death. Two of these were members of
the council of seven, which presided over the city, and the remaining
nine were citizens of illustrious rank. Irritated by this act of cruel
treachery the populace flew to arms, and revenged the death of their
chiefs by the slaughter of several of the servants of the pontiff.
Innocent, who was unconscious of the treachery of his nephew, was
totally unprepared to resist the fury of the multitude. The pontifical
residence was indeed strongly fortified; but it was not furnished with
sufficient provisions to be enabled to stand a siege; and the troops of
Ladislaus, king of Naples, were said to be hastening to the assistance
of the insurgents. In this extremity, Innocent determined to seek his
safety in flight. He accordingly left the palace, under the escort of a
sufficient guard, at two o’clock in the afternoon of the sixth of August,
and after a hasty march of two days, in the course of which several of
his attendants died of fatigue, arrived at Viterbo.[37] Most of his
servants, and among the rest Poggio and Leonardo, the latter of whom
narrowly escaped falling a victim to the indiscriminate rage of the
insurgents, were the companions of his flight.[38]
The Roman patriots were now masters of almost every part of the city.
They were however soon dispirited, when they saw their territory laid
waste by the pontifical troops, and agreed to terms of pacification with
Innocent, who returned in triumph to his capital, towards the latter end
of March, 1406.[39] [A. D. 1406.] The pontiff did not long enjoy this
favorable reverse of fortune, as he died on the sixth of November, of the
same year.[40]
When the intelligence of the death of Innocent reached France, the dukes
of Berry, of Burgundy, and of Orleans, who, in the quality of regents,
administered the affairs of that kingdom during the mental indisposition
of Charles VI. repaired to Avignon, and conjuring Benedict XIII. to
concur in putting an end to a schism which had been the source of so
much scandal and calamity, proposed, that he should voluntarily divest
himself of the pontificate. With a view of softening the harshness of
this proposal, they engaged, that whosoever should be elected at Rome
as successor to Innocent, should be obliged to take the same step. The
antichristian competition being thus terminated, it was to be hoped,
they said, that the assembled cardinals would agree in the election
of a pontiff, who would be universally acknowledged as the legitimate
head of the church. Invitations to resign dignity, splendour, and
power, are seldom received with complacence. Benedict made many general
protestations of his zeal for the welfare of the church, but peremptorily
refused to quit the pontifical chair. Fearing that the regents would
attempt to enforce their propositions by arms, he strengthened the
fortifications of Avignon, in which city he was in a manner besieged
for the space of some months. Being at length reduced to extremities,
he embarked on the Rhone, and proceeding down that river to the
Mediterranean, he fled into Spain, where he found a refuge from the power
of his enemies in his native province of Catalonia.[41]
In the mean time, each of the cardinals who happened to be at Rome, at
the time of the death of Innocent VII. took a solemn oath, that if in
the ensuing election of a sovereign pontiff, the choice of the conclave
should happen to fall upon himself, he would resign the pontificate,
provided Benedict would follow his example.
This arrangement was proposed in order to appease the mutual jealousy of
the French and Italian cardinals, as neither of these subdivisions of the
ecclesiastical senate would consent to sacrifice their representative
without the concurrence of their antagonists in a similar measure. These
preliminaries being adjusted, on the 30th of November, the conclave
proceeded to fill the vacant chair, by the election of Angelo Corraro,
cardinal of St. Mark, who on his advancement to the pontifical dignity,
adopted the name of Gregory XII.[42]
Though the new pontiff had, immediately after his election, subscribed a
ratification of the oath which bound him to abdicate his newly acquired
honours, yet upon frivolous pretexts, he from time to time deferred the
fulfilment of this sacred engagement. Benedict his competitor, having
repaired to Savona, and afterwards to Porto Venere, with a view, as he
asserted, of settling the peace of the church, by an amicable conference
with Gregory; the latter insisted upon it, that they should meet in some
inland town, where they might jointly comply with the requisition of the
cardinals. Benedict on the contrary asserting, that he could not deem
himself safe in the interior of Italy, demanded that Gregory should for
that purpose, meet him in some sea-port. With this proposal, Gregory,
on pretence of apprehended danger to his person, refused to comply.
Thus as Leonardo Aretino humorously observes, “The one, like an aquatic
animal, was afraid of trusting himself on dry land; and the other, like
a terrestrial animal, had an equal dread of the water.”[43] Scandalized
by the duplicity of the rival pontiffs, and alarmed by the violence of
Gregory, the cardinals quitted Lucca, to which city they had accompanied
him in hopes that he would adopt the requisite steps to put an end to the
schism, and assembled at Pisa. Here, constituting themselves a council of
the church, they deposed both Gregory and Benedict, substituting in their
place, Pietro Filardo, a native of Candia, who assumed the appellation of
Alexander V.[44]
During these distractions of the Roman court, the officers of the
pontifical household, according to their various views of duty, or
considerations of interest, pursued different plans of conduct. Many of
them, with prudent foresight, deserting the falling fortunes of Gregory,
accompanied the cardinals from Lucca to Pisa; others, in the number of
whom was Leonardo Aretino, adhered to their master.[45] In these delicate
circumstances, Poggio seems to have steered a middle course. He removed
indeed from Lucca, but he exchanged the intrigues and dissensions of
the pontifical palace, for the tranquil delights of friendship which he
enjoyed at Florence in the society of his literary acquaintance.[46]
On this occasion he experienced the most seasonable assistance from
the countenance and support of the celebrated Niccolo Niccoli. This
distinguished patron of literature was the son of Bartolomeo de’ Niccoli,
a merchant of Florence, and was born in the year 1363.[47] His father
wished to have trained him up to the mercantile profession; but Niccolo,
preferring the cultivation of the liberal arts to the accumulation of
riches, entered upon his studies, under the instruction of Lodovico
Marsilio,[48] a scholar of considerable reputation. So ardent was his
love of learning, that when he had attained a competent knowledge
of the Latin language, he went to Padua, for the express purpose of
transcribing the compositions of Petrarca. On his return to Florence, he
brought with him a copy of the _Africa_, and of various other works of
that author. He had hardly attained to the period of manhood, when he
conferred a memorable obligation on the learned, by erecting, at his own
expense, a suitable edifice, for the reception of the library which the
celebrated Bocaccio had by his last will bequeathed to the convent of the
Holy Spirit at Florence. His house was the constant resort of scholars
and students, who were freely indulged with the use of his copious
collection of books, and were moreover incited by his example, to make
the most active exertions in the prosecution of their literary labours.
The patronage of this illustrious citizen, who had the discernment to
distinguish, and the inclination and ability to assist the lovers of
learning, Poggio justly valued at a high rate. And on the other hand,
Niccolo was so much pleased with the accomplishments and the amiable
dispositions of Poggio, that he honoured him with his sincere friendship
and cordial esteem.
Gregory, refusing to acknowledge the legitimacy of the acts of the
council of Pisa, withdrew to Rimini, where he was honourably entertained
by Carlo Malatesta.[49] Benedict was not more obedient to the decree
which announced his deposition. After holding a council at Perpignan,
he defied his foes, and thundered his anathemas from the walls of the
strong Spanish fortress of Paniscola.[50]
The well known virtues of Alexander V. had inspired the friends of the
church with sanguine expectations of witnessing the speedy revival of the
power and dignity of the holy see. But these flattering hopes were at
once dissipated by his death, which took place in the eighth month of his
pontificate.[51] It was strongly suspected that his days were shortened
by poison, administered to him by Baldassare Cossa, cardinal of St.
Eustachio, who succeeded him in his pontifical honours.[52]
At an early period of his life, Baldassare seems to have aspired to
the highest ecclesiastical dignity. When he had finished his studies
at Bologna, he determined to repair to Rome. Being asked by some of
his friends who saw him making preparations for his journey, whither
he was going, he replied, “to the pontificate.” Soon after his arrival
in the capital of the church, he was advanced by Boniface IX. to the
confidential office of private chamberlain; and in the course of a
little time he obtained, from the favour of the same patron, the dignity
of cardinal of St. Eustachio, and was sent, invested with the office
of legate, on an important mission to Bologna. In the exercise of this
office, he greatly contributed, by the exertion of considerable political
and military talents, to the establishment and extension of the authority
of the holy see. It is said, that the power and the money with which this
situation supplied him, were the principal instruments of his exaltation
to the chair of St. Peter. [A. D. 1410.] However that may be, he was
unanimously elected to the sovereign pontificate, on the 19th of May,
1410, and assumed the name of John XXII.[53]
About this time Leonardo Aretino was, by the concurrent voice of the
people, elected to the chancellorship of the city of Florence. He did
not, however, long retain this office, which he found to be attended
with more labour than profit. In the latter end of the ensuing year,
1411, he abdicated his municipal honours, and entered into the service
of John XXII. The return of his friend to the pontifical chancery was
highly gratifying to Poggio, who during the late storms had retained his
situation, and regulating his conduct by the decrees of the council of
Pisa, had acted as apostolic scribe to Alexander V., and was now, in the
same capacity, a member of the household of that pontiff’s successor.
Shortly after the resumption of his functions in the Roman court,
Leonardo took a journey to Arezzo, where he married a young lady of
considerable distinction in that city. The event was of course very
interesting to the colleagues and friends of the bridegroom; and Poggio
wrote to him on the occasion, informing him of the witticisms to which
his present predicament had given rise, and inquiring what opinion his
short experience had led him to form of the comforts of the conjugal
state. Leonardo replied to Poggio’s letter without delay. By the tenor
of his answer, he seems to have found nothing unpleasant in matrimony,
except its costliness. “It is incredible,” says he, “with what expense
these new fashions are attended. In making provision for my wedding
entertainment, I emptied the market, and exhausted the shops of the
perfumers, oilmen, and poulterers. This however is comparatively a
trivial matter; but of the intolerable expense of female dress and
ornaments, there is no end. In short,” says he, “I have in one night
consummated my marriage, and consumed my patrimony.”[54]
Whilst Poggio and his associates were making themselves merry at the
expense of the new married man, the superior officers of the pontifical
court were engaged in very serious deliberations. Sigismund, who had been
elected to the imperial throne, July 21st, 1411, being earnestly desirous
of the extinction of the schism, demanded of John the convocation of
a general council; which the cardinals who had assembled at Pisa in
the year 1409, had declared to be the only measure which could restore
to Christendom the blessings of peace. But the pontiff inherited the
prejudices of his predecessors, against those dangerous assemblies which
were so apt to trench upon the prerogatives of the head of the church. He
would gladly have evaded complying with the requisition of Sigismund, and
with this view proposed that the intended council should be summoned to
meet at Rome. But danger awaited him in his own capital. Ladislaus, king
of Naples, whom he had endeavoured to secure in his interest, invaded
the territory of the church, made himself master of Rome, and compelled
the pontiff successively to seek refuge in Florence, in Bologna, and in
Mantua. From this latter city, John went to Lodi, where he was met by
Sigismund, who, accompanied by a numerous retinue, attended him on his
return to Mantua. Thus finding himself in the power of the emperor, and
flattered by the magnificent promises of that potentate, who professed
his readiness to assist him in expelling the enemies of the church from
the patrimony of St. Peter, John was persuaded to take the desperate step
of summoning a general council, and to appoint the city of Constance as
the place of its meeting.[55]