A few miles from old Hanover court-house in Virginia, where the
splendors of Patrick Henry's genius first beamed forth, is a humble
dwelling by the road-side, in the midst of a miserably poor region known
as the slashes. There, on the 12th of April, 1777, Henry Clay, the great
American statesman, was born, and from the district-schools of his
neighborhood he derived his education. He was the son of a Baptist
clergyman of very limited means, hence his early advantages were of
necessity meager. He was very bashful and diffident, scarcely dare
recite before his class at school, but he DETERMINED to BECOME AN
ORATOR, he accordingly began the plan of committing speeches and then
reciting them in the corn-fields; at other times they were delivered in
the barn, before the cows and horse.
[Illustration: DETERMINATION. Engraved Expressly for "Hidden Treasures."]
Henry became a copyist in the office of the clerk of the Court of
Chancery, at Richmond. Here he was enabled to begin the study of law, an
opportunity which he at once embraced. While other boys were improving
their time 'having fun,' he was studying, and so closely did he occupy
his odd time that he was enabled to pass the necessary examination and
be admitted to the bar at the early age of twenty. Two years later he
moved "West," (he was enterprising), settling at Lexington, Kentucky,
where he entered upon the practice of law.
Here he became an active politician as well as a popular lawyer. He was
an intelligent young man, and early cultivated a genial disposition
which was a leading feature of his splendid success in life. In 1799
Kentucky called a convention for the purpose of revising the
constitution of the State. During this campaign young Clay labored
earnestly to elect delegates to that convention favorable to the
extinction of slavery. Thus early he manifested an interest in a
question many years in advance of his countrymen. This is the man who,
when afterward told that his action on a certain measure would certainly
injure his political prospect replied, "I WOULD RATHER BE RIGHT THAN BE
PRESIDENT."
It was even so in this case, his action in behalf of the freedom of
slaves offended many but his opposition to the obnoxious alien and
sedition laws later restored him to popular favor. After serving in the
State legislature with some distinction he was elected to fill the
unexpired term of General Adair in the United States Senate. Here he
made excellent use of his time, advocating bills on internal
improvements, accomplishing much toward that end, although his time
expired at the end of the year. He left an impression on that body which
foretold his future greatness. He was now returned to his State
legislature where he was elected speaker, a position which he held for
the next two terms.
Another vacancy occurred and Mr. Clay was again elected to fill the
unexpired time in the United States Senate. This time he remained a
member of that body two years, and it was during this term that he
placed himself on record as one of the first and most powerful of early
protectionists; he also favored the admission of Louisiana as a State.
His term expired, he returned to his constituents, who promptly elected
him to a seat in the House of Representatives, and immediately upon his
appearance in that body he was chosen SPEAKER of the House!
This is an honor without parallel in the whole history of our
legislative affairs. It was at this session that John C. Calhoun and
William H. Crawford first made their appearance in the National
Congress. The duties of this high office he discharged with marked
ability and great satisfaction through that and the succeeding Congress
until 1814, when he was appointed one of the commissioners to negotiate
at Ghent, a treaty of peace with Great Britain. Abroad Mr. Clay proved
to be a diplomate of no mean ability, and during his absence he was
re-elected to the National Congress, and upon his re-appearance in that
august assembly was immediately chosen speaker.
Mr. Clay was one of the unsuccessful candidates for the presidency in
1824, receiving thirty-seven electoral votes, but became Secretary of
State under John Quincy Adams, who was chosen president by Congress. In
1831, after a temporary retirement, he was elected to the National
Senate, this time for a full term of six years. His services during this
period were very important. His compromise measure was probably, under
the circumstances, one of the most important bills that ever passed the
senate. As is well-known, it secured the gradual reduction of the tariff
for ten years, thus satisfying the South, but allowing the manufacturers
time to accommodate themselves to the change. Mr. Clay was a strong
protectionist but this was a compromise on both sides which Clay was
willing to make, even though it might be to satisfy a political
opponent--Calhoun--to whom he was bitterly opposed.
Certain it is when he saw his country in danger Henry Clay was not the
one to allow partisan hate to stand in opposition to any bill which
might tend to peace, and while this measure had little merit in it of
itself, still it averted a civil war at that time. In 1834 President
Jackson proposed to Congress that they should give him authority to
secure indemnity from France through reprisals. Mr. Clay, as chairman of
the Committee on Foreign Affairs, reported that Congress would not be
justified in so doing, as the neglect on the part of France was clearly
unintentional, thus war was once more averted through the influence of
the 'great pacifier.'
At the presidential election of 1839 Mr. Clay, General Harrison, and
General Scott were submitted to the Whig Convention as candidates. Mr.
Clay was clearly the choice of the convention, but by one of those
strange movements which so often occur at such times General Harrison
was nominated. Many of Clay's friends were disposed to bolt, but Mr.
Clay promptly acknowledged the ticket, and it was elected. Then followed
the death of the President in office, the obnoxious vetoes of the newly
installed President--Tyler--the division of the Whig party, the
nomination of Mr. Clay at this late inopportune time and the election of
Mr. Polk.
At the next convention Mr. Clay was a very prominent candidate for the
nomination, but Mr. Taylor's military career seemed to carry everything
with it and he was nominated and elected. Had Mr. Clay been nominated at
either this convention or in 1839 he would have been elected, but like
Webster, the presidential honors were not essential to perpetuate his
name. During the year 1849, as the people of Kentucky were about to
remodel their constitution, Mr. Clay urged them to embody the principles
of gradual emancipation, but they refused to do so.
He was again returned to the senate, and during this term brought out
the compromise act of 1850. This measure, while recognizing no legal
authority for the existence of slavery in the newly acquired territory
of New Mexico, yet declared that in the establishment of territorial
governments in such territory no restriction should be made relative to
slavery. It also provided for the admission of California without
restrictions on the subject of slavery, and opposed the abolition of
slavery in the District of Columbia. The bill carried with slight
changes. Mr. Clay being very feeble was in his seat but few days of the
session.
In 1852 he gradually sank until on June 29th, 1852, he died. In him
intellect, reason, eloquence, and courage united to form a character fit
to command. It was the remark of a distinguished senator that Mr.
Clay's eloquence was absolutely intangible to delineation; that the most
labored description could not embrace it, and that to be understood it
must be seen and felt. He was an orator by nature, and by his
indomitable assiduity he at once rose to prominence. His eagle eye
burned with patriotic ardor or flashed indignation and defiance upon his
foes or was suffused with commiseration or of pity; and it was because
HE felt that made OTHERS feel.
A gentleman, after hearing one of his magnificent efforts in the Senate,
thus described him: "Every muscle of the orator's face was at work. His
whole body seemed agitated, as if each part was instinct with a separate
life; and his small white hand with its blue veins apparently distended
almost to bursting, moved gracefully, but with all the energy of rapid
and vehement gesture. The appearance of the speaker seemed that of a
pure intellect wrought up to its mightiest energies and brightly shining
through the thin and transparent will of flesh that invested it."
The particulars of the duel between Mr. Clay and Mr. Randolph maybe
interesting to our readers. The eccentric descendant of Pocahontas
appeared on the ground in a huge morning gown. This garment had such a
vast circumference that the precise whereabouts of the lean senator was
a matter of very vague conjecture. The parties exchanged shots and the
ball of Mr. Clay hit the centre of the visible object, but the body of
Mr. Randolph was untouched. Immediately after the exchange of shots Mr.
Clay instantly approached Mr. Randolph, and with a gush of the deepest
emotion said, "I trust in God, my dear sir, you are untouched; after
what has occurred I would not have harmed you for a thousand worlds."
The incident referred to above as 'occurring' was the fact of Mr.
Randolph's firing in the air, thus publicly proclaiming his intention
not to harm Mr. Clay at all events.
In person, Clay was tall and commanding, being six feet and one inch in
stature, and was noted for the erect appearance he presented, while
standing, walking, or talking. The most striking features of his
countenance were a high forehead, a prominent nose, an uncommonly large
mouth, and blue eyes which, though not particularly expressive when in
repose, had an electrical appearance when kindled. His voice was one of
extraordinary compass, melody and power. From the 'deep and dreadful
sub-bass of the organ' to the most ærial warblings of its highest key,
hardly a pipe or stop was wanting. Like all the magical voices, it had
the faculty of imparting to the most familiar and commonplace
expressions an inexpressible fascination. Probably no orator ever lived
who, when speaking on a great occasion, was more completely absorbed
with his theme. "I do not know how it is with others," he once said,
"but, on such occasions, I seem to be unconscious of the external world.
Wholly engrossed by the subject before me, I lose all sense of personal
identity, of time, or of surrounding objects."