The subject of this narrative, James Madison, was born at King George,
Virginia, March 16th, 1751. His father was a planter, descended from
John Madison, an Englishman who settled in Virginia about the year 1656.
The maiden name of his mother was Eleanor Conway. He was the eldest of
seven children. He received a fairly good education but better still, he
applied himself very closely at college, so much so as to make him noted
in this respect; the result was seen in after years.
In 1772 he returned to Virginia and commenced a course of legal study.
He particularly studied up on public affairs, and in the spring of 1776
he was elected a member of the Virginia convention from the county of
Orange, and procured the passage of the substance of an amendment to the
declaration of rights, by George Mason, which struck out the old term
'toleration' and inserted a broader exposition of religious rights. In
the same year he was a member of the general assembly, but lost his
election in 1777, from his refusal to treat the voters, and the general
want of confidence in his powers of oratory. Thus, it is seen, that as
James Madison's natural abilities could not have been very marked, his
success was the natural result of GREAT EXERTION.
The legislature, however, on meeting in November of the same year,
elected him a member of the council of the State; and in the winter of
1779 he was chosen by the assembly a delegate to congress. He took his
seat in March, 1780, and remained in that body for three years. He
strongly opposed the issue of paper money by the States, and was in
favor of a formal recommendation on the part of congress against the
continuance of the system. As chairman of the committee to prepare
instructions to the ministers at Versailles and Madrid, in support of
the claims of the confederacy to western territory and the free
navigation of the Mississippi, he drew an elaborate and able paper which
was unanimously adopted by congress. He zealously advocated in 1783 the
measure proposed to establish a system of general revenue to pay the
expenses of the war, and as chairman of the committee to which the
matter was referred, prepared an able address to the State in support of
the plan, which was adopted by congress and received the warm approval
of Washington.
The people of Virginia now began to realize the value of his services; a
striking proof of which is exhibited by the fact that the law rendering
him inelligible after three years' service in Congress was repealed, in
order that he might sit during the fourth. On his return to Virginia he
was elected to the Legislature, and took his seat during 1784. In this
body he inaugurated the measures relating to a thorough revision of the
old statutes, and supported the bills introduced by the revisors,
Jefferson, Wyth, and Pendleton, on the subject of entails, primogeniture
(exclusive heirship belonging to the first born) and religious freedom.
He aided in the separation of Kentucky from Virginia, and the formation
of the new State, opposed the further issue of paper money, and favored
the payment of debts due British creditors. His greatest service at this
time was his preparation, after the close of the assembly, of a
"Memorial and Remonstrance" against the project of a general assessment
for the support of religion, which caused the utter defeat of the
measure, against which it was directed. In January, 1786, he obtained
the passage of a bill by the General Assembly inviting the other States
to appoint commissioners to meet at Annapolis and devise a new system of
commercial regulations. He was chosen one of the commissioners, and
attended at Annapolis in September of the same year. Five States only
were represented, and the commissioners recommended a convention of
delegates from all the States to meet at Philadelphia, in May, 1787. The
recommendation was generally adopted and, of course, Madison was chosen
one of the delegates from Virginia.
The convention assembled and the result was the abrogation of the old
articles and the formation of the Constitution of the United States.
Madison was prominent in advocating the Constitution and took a leading
part in the debates, of which he kept private notes, since published by
order of congress. His views of a federal government are set forth at
length in a paper still extant in the hand-writing of Washington, which
contains the substance of a letter written to Washington by Madison
before the meeting of the convention, proposing a scheme of thorough
centralization. The writer declares that he is equally opposed to 'the
individual independence of the States,' and to 'the consolidation of the
whole into one simple republic.'
He is nevertheless in favor to invest in congress the power to exercise
'a negative in all cases whatever on the legislative acts of the States,
as heretofore exercised by the kingly prerogative.' He says further
'that the right of coercion should be expressly declared; but the
difficulty and awkwardness of operating by force on the collective will
of a State, render it particularly desirable that the necessity of it
should be precluded.' From these extreme views Madison conscientiously
departed, but in the convention he supported them with zeal and vigor.
The scheme known as the 'Virginia Plan' was adopted instead, and the
convention adjourned. The subsequent adoption of the Constitution was in
a large measure due to a series of essays, now familiar in their
collected form as "The Federalist." They were commenced in a New York
newspaper soon after the adjournment of the Convention, and continued to
appear until June, 1788. The public journals everywhere republished
them, and it was soon known that they were the work of Hamilton,
Madison, and Jay. The volume remains the forcible exposition upon the
side which it espoused. The whole ground is surveyed, generally and in
detail; the various points at issue are discussed with the utmost
acuteness, and the advantages of the adoption of the instrument urged
with logical force and eloquence which place "The Federalist" beside the
most famous political writings of the old English worthies.
The Virginia convention, of which Madison was a member, assembled in
June. He had completely overcome his natural diffidence and, although
deficient as an orator, exerted a powerful influence over his
associates, contributing as much to the final triumph of the
constitution as any one in the body. The instrument was adopted by a
vote of eighty-nine to seventy-nine and the convention closed. The part
which he had taken in its deliberations very greatly increased Madison's
reputation; and he was brought forward as a candidate for United States
Senator but was defeated. He was, however, chosen a member of congress
and took his seat in that body in 1789.
Alexander Hamilton was at the head of the treasury department and
Madison was obliged either to support the great series of financial
measures initiated by the secretary, or distinctly abandon his former
associate and range himself on the side of the republican opposition. He
adopted the latter course. Although he had warmly espoused the adoption
of the constitution, he was now convinced of the necessity of a strict
construction of the powers which it conferred upon the general
government. He accordingly opposed the funding bill, the national bank,
and Hamilton's system of finance generally.
His affection for Washington, and long friendship for Hamilton, rendered
such a step peculiarly disagreeable to a man of Madison's amiable and
kindly disposition, but the tone of his opposition did not alienate his
friends. Occupying, as he did, the middle ground between the violent
partisans on both sides he labored to reconcile the antagonism of the
two parties, and always retained the same cordial regard for Washington.
On Jefferson's return from France, Madison was solicited to accept the
mission and it was kept open for twelve months awaiting his decision. He
declined the place, as he afterwards did the position of Secretary of
State on the retirement of Jefferson, from a firm conviction that the
radical antagonism of views between himself and a majority of the
members of the cabinet would render his acceptance of either office
fruitful in misunderstandings and collisions.
He remained in congress, becoming thoroughly identified with the
Republicans, and soon became the avowed leader in congress. In 1794 he
gave his full support to its foreign policy by moving a series of
resolutions, based upon the report of Jefferson, advocating a
retaliatory policy toward Great Britain, and commercial discriminations
in favor of France. These resolutions he supported in a speech of great
ability. In March, 1797, his term expired, and he returned to Virginia.
The insulting treatment of the American envoys to France and the war
message of President Adams were about to be followed by the passage of
the alien and sedition laws. The Republicans vainly tried to stem the
popular current in favor of the measures of the administration. The
passing of the alien and sedition laws in July, 1798, gave them the
first opportunity to make a stand. Opposition to even these violent
measures was however ineffectual in the Federal legislature; and the
Republican leaders determined to resort to the State arenas for the
decisive struggle.
It commenced in Kentucky, and resulted there in the adoption of a series
of resolutions, which were followed, in December, 1798, by similar
resolves of the Virginia Assembly. The latter, now known as "the
resolutions of 1798-'9," were drawn up by James Madison, not then a
member. They declared the determination of the Assembly to defend the
Constitution of the United States, but to resist all attempts to enlarge
the authority of the federal compact by forced constructions of general
clauses, as tending to consolidation, the destruction of the liberties
of the States, and finally to a monarchy.
In case of a "deliberate, palpable, and dangerous" exercise of powers
not clearly granted to the General Government, the States had a right to
interpose; and as the passing of the alien and sedition laws was such an
infraction of right, the assembly protested against those laws. The
seventh resolution called upon the other States to join with the State
of Virginia 'in declaring, as it does hereby declare, that the acts
aforesaid are unconstitutional, and that the necessary and proper
measures will be taken by each for co-operating with this State in
maintaining unimpaired the authorities, rights and liberties reserved to
the States respectively, or to the people.'
The resolutions passed the House by a vote of 100 to 63, and were duly
communicated to the several States of the Union. They met with little
favor, especially in the Northern States. Massachusetts and New England
generally remonstrated against them, and declared the obnoxious laws
both constitutional and expedient. This drew forth, in the winter of
1799-1800, Madison's "Report" in defence of his resolutions. This
elaborate paper subjected the resolves to an exhaustive analysis and
defended them with masterly vigor. It is the most famous of his
political writings and will rank with the greatest state papers written
in America.
Although the resolutions met with an unfavorable reception throughout
the States, they exerted a powerful influence on public opinion.
Virginia had shown how deeply in earnest she was by directing the
establishment of two arsenals, and an armory sufficiently large to store
10,000 muskets and other arms; but a wholesome change in the sentiment
of the country happily restored good feeling and softened down all
bitterness.
The alien and sedition laws found few supporters ultimately, and
Madison's views were fully vindicated. The revulsion against the Federal
party and in favor of the Republicans, terminated in the election of
Jefferson, who entered upon the presidency in 1801. Madison was
Secretary of State during Jefferson's entire administration, and his
opinions on public affairs closely agreed with those of the President.
He became still more popular with, and acceptable to, his party and
toward the close of Jefferson's second term was generally spoken of as
his successor. A caucus of the majority of the Republican members of
Congress was finally held, and Madison was nominated. This met with
bitter opposition from a wing of the party, headed by John Randolph, who
were friendly to the nomination of Monroe. They published a caustic
'Protest' against the action of the caucus and denounced Madison for his
'want of energy,' his connection with the 'Federalist,' and his report
upon the Yazoo claims.
His friends defended him against all charges and retorted so strongly
upon the authors of the "Protest" that they were silenced. The action of
the caucus was generally approved by the party, and Madison was elected
by a vote of 123 out of 175, and took his seat as president, March 4,
1809.
President Madison entered upon his duties at a crisis in public affairs
which required the utmost foresight, resolution and prudence. Great
Britain and the United States were on the verge of war. In 1807 the long
series of wrongs inflicted by England upon the commerce of America, and
the rights of her seaman, had been consummated by the affair of the
Leopard and Chesapeake. This wanton insult had thrown the country into
violent commotion, and occasioned the embargo act, which had been
succeeded by the non-intercourse act, prohibiting all commerce with
France and England, until the decrees of the French emperor and the
British orders in council in relation to the seizure of neutrals and
the impressment of seamen were repealed.
The first of the British cabinet did not encourage peace. Mr. Erskine,
the English minister, in promising reparation for the affair of the
Chesapeake, and a repeal of the obnoxious orders in council, on
condition of a renewal of intercourse on the part of the United States,
was declared to have exceeded his authority, and was recalled. He was
succeeded by Mr. Jackson who was authorized to enter into a commercial
treaty, but speedily became embroiled with the Secretary of State. The
president directed the secretary to have no further communication with
him, and soon afterward requested his recall. This was complied with,
but no censure was visited upon the envoy, and no other was sent in his
place.
In May, 1810, congress approved the course of the executive, declared
the official communications of Mr. Jackson highly indecorous and
insolent, and passed a new act of non-intercourse. This provided that if
either France or England repealed her hostile decree, and the other did
not within three months do likewise, then intercourse should be resumed
with the one, while with the other non-intercourse should be persisted
in.
In August the French minister for Foreign Affairs gave notice to the
American minister that the Berlin and Milan decrees had been revoked by
the Emperor; and in November Madison issued a proclamation declaring the
fact, and announcing that the act of non-intercourse would be revived as
to Great Britain unless her orders in council should be revoked within
three months from the date of the proclamation.
The British government resisted this demand, on the ground that there
was no official evidence of the repeal of the French decrees, and the
act of non-intercourse was accordingly declared in full force against
Great Britain. In March, 1811, the Emperor Napoleon disavowed the
statement of the Duke of Cadore, and declared that "the decrees of
Berlin and Milan were the fundamental laws of the empire." American
vessels had been seized and held by France even after the president's
proclamation, and every overture on the part of the American minister at
Paris toward the re-establishment of friendly relations between the two
countries was viewed with indifference and utterly failed. The country
was slowly but surely drifting toward a war, which no exertions on the
part of the administration seemed adequate to prevent.
Madison pushed his pacific views to an extent that proved displeasing to
many of the most prominent men of the Republican party. Bills were
passed for augmenting the army, repairing and equipping ships of war,
organizing and arming the militia, and placing the country in an
attitude to resist an enemy; for all which congress appropriated
$1,000,000.
Madison acquiesced in this policy with extreme reluctance, but on June 1,
1812, transmitted a special message to congress in which he reviewed
the whole controversy, and spoke in strong terms of the aggressions of
Great Britain upon commercial rights. The act declaring war between
Great Britain and America speedily followed. The president gave it his
approval on June 18, and promptly issued his proclamation calling upon
the people to prepare for the struggle, and to support the government.
A short delay would probably have defeated the policy of the war party,
and re-opened the old negotiations. A decree of the French emperor had
been exhibited to the United States minister to France, dated April 28,
1811, which declared the definite revocation of the Berlin and Milan
decrees, from and after November 1, 1810. In consequence of this, Great
Britain, on June 23, within five days after the declaration of war,
repealed the obnoxious orders in council in relation to the rights of
neutrals, and thus removed one of the main grounds of complaint on the
part of the American government.
On June 26, before the course of the British Cabinet was known in
America, Mr. Monroe, Secretary of State, wrote to Mr. Russell proposing
the terms of armistice. These were a repeal of the orders in council,
with no illegal blockades substituted, and a discontinuance of the
impressment of seamen. In the latter part of August, Mr. Russell, our
representative at London, received from the English Government a
definite refusal to accede to these propositions, as 'on various grounds
absolutely inadmissible,' he therefore returned to the United States.
In September Admiral Warren arrived at Halifax. In addition to his naval
command, he was invested with powers to negotiate a provisional
accommodation with the United States. A correspondence on the subject
ensued between himself and Mr. Monroe, as the representatives of the two
countries. The admiral proposed an immediate cessation of hostilities,
with a view to the peaceful arrangement of the points at issue.
Monroe replied that his government was willing to accede to this
proposition, provided Warren was authorized and disposed to negotiate
terms for suspending in the future the impressment of American seamen.
The British Government refused to relinquish the claim to this right and
nothing remained but war.
On March 4, 1813, Madison entered upon his second term of service. He
had received 128 electoral votes; his opponent DeWitt Clinton, 89 votes.
The congressional elections had resulted in a large majority in favor of
the administration, and the war policy seemed to be acceptable to a
large majority of the people, though a strong party was opposed to it,
and endeavored to obstruct the measures necessary to the vigorous
prosecution of hostilities. The war commenced in earnest with the
appearance, in 1813, of a British fleet in Chesapeake Bay, and in March
the whole coast of the United States, with the exception of Rhode
Island, New Hampshire and Massachusetts, was declared in a state of
blockade. The long series of engagements on land and water during the
war which followed, find their proper place in the general history of
our country.
In March, 1813, soon after the commencement of hostilities, the Russian
minister to the United States communicated to the American government a
proposal from the Emperor Alexander to mediate between the belligerents.
The proposition was accepted, and the president appointed commissioners
to go to St. Petersburg to negotiate under the mediation of the emperor.
Great Britain declined the Russian mediation in September; but in
November the American government was informed that that power was
prepared to negotiate the terms of a treaty of peace.
Steps were at once taken to meet this proposal. Mr. Clay and Mr. Russell
were added to the commission previously appointed, and in January, 1814,
joined their associates in Europe. In August of the same year the
country was deeply aroused by the attack on the capitol. A British force
of 5,000 men ascended the Chesapeake, landed on the shores of the
Patuxent, and marched on Washington. The few troops hastily collected
were wholly unable to offer any effective resistance and retired before
the enemy, who proceeded to the city, burned the capitol, the
president's house, and other public buildings, and returned without loss
to their ships. The president and several members of his cabinet were in
the American camp, but were compelled to abandon the city in order to
avoid capture.
The enemy gained little by their movement, and the wanton outrage only
increased the bitterness of the people. Among the public occurrences of
the year 1814, the meeting of the Hartford convention, in opposition to
the continuance of the war, occupies a prominent place. The victory at
New Orleans, however, and the intelligence of the conclusion of the
treaty of peace, terminated the popular indignation. A treaty of peace
had been signed by the United States commissioners at Ghent, on December
4, 1814, and being communicated by the president to the senate, was
ratified by that body in February, 1815.
It was silent on the paramount question of impressment, and left the
commercial regulations between the two countries for subsequent
negotiation. But the country was tired of the war, and the treaty was
hailed with acclamation. In this general joy no one person joined more
heartily than did Madison. He had acquiesced reluctantly to the
commencement of hostilities, and had longed for peace since the
beginning. The country came out of a war, which cost her 30,000 lives
and $1,000,000, stronger and more honored than before; thoroughly
convinced of her own power and resources, and regarded with increased
respect by all the nations of the world.
In 1815 a commercial treaty was concluded with Great Britain based upon
a policy of perfect reciprocity. The subjects of impressment and
blockades were not embraced in it. The return of peace disbanded the
organized opposition to the administration, and the remainder of
Madison's term was undisturbed by exciting events.
In April, 1816, congress incorporated a national bank with a capital of
$35,000,000, to continue for twenty years. The president had vetoed a
similar bill in January of the preceding year, but now approved of it,
from a conviction that the derangement of the currency made it
necessary. It encountered strong opposition, but was supported by Henry
Clay and other friends of the president, and passed both houses.
In December, 1816, Madison sent in his last annual message to congress.
Its recommendations were considered judicious and liberal, and secured
the general approbation of the country.
On March 4, 1817, his long official relations with the country
terminated, and he retired to his farm at Montpelier, Virginia. In this
pleasant retreat he passed the remainder of his days in agricultural
pursuits. Like most of our famous men, his matrimonial connection was a
source of great advantage to him. During his later years, in spite of
his ill-health, Madison still busied himself in service to his
neighbors.
While at school, for MONTHS TOGETHER, he had slept but three hours out
of the twenty-four. He was not an orator naturally; many others of his
schoolmates, it is stated, were far superior to him in natural
abilities. Why, then, did he succeed, while so many others failed? The
strong feature whereby he won success was, like that of many others, his
capacity for HARD WORK.
As to Madison's principles, it will be remembered that he was defeated
in 1777, because he refused to treat the people to liquor. In 1829 he
sat in the Virginia Convention to reform the old constitution. When he
rose to utter a few words the members left their seats and crowded
around the venerable figure dressed in black, with his thin gray hair
powdered as in former times, to catch the low whisper of his voice. This
was his last appearance in public.
If not endowed with the very first order of ability, Madison had trained
his mind until it was symmetrical and vigorous. An unfailing accuracy
and precision marked the operation of his faculties. He was naturally
deficient in powers of oratory, and yet made himself one of the most
effective speakers of his time, although the epoch was illustrated by
such men in his own State as Patrick Henry, Richard Henry Lee, George
Mason and Edmund Pendleton, to say nothing of Jefferson and Monroe.
Jefferson's testimony on this point is strong: He says: "Mr. Madison
came into the house in 1776, a new member, and young; which
circumstances, concurring with his extreme modesty, prevented his
venturing himself in debate before his removal to the council of state
in November, 1777. Thence he went to Congress, then consisting of but
few members. Trained in these successive schools, he acquired a habit of
self-possession which placed at ready command the rich resources of his
luminous mind, and of his extensive information, acquired by INTENSE
application, which rendered him eventually the first of every assembly
of which he afterward became a member."
"Never wandering from his subject into vain declamation, but pursuing it
closely, in language pure, classical, and copious, always soothing the
feelings of his adversaries by civilities and softness of expression. He
steadily rose to the high station which he held in the great national
convention of 1787. In that of Virginia which followed, he sustained the
new constitution in all its parts, bearing off the palm against the
logic of George Mason, and the burning eloquence of Mr. Henry. With
these consummate powers was united a pure and spotless virtue which no
calumny has ever attempted to sully."
From his earliest years he was an intense scholar. His memory was
singularly tenacious, and what he clearly understood was ever afterward
retained. He thus laid up that great store of learning which, in the
conventions of 1787-8 especially proved so effective, and later made him
president. After Washington, no public man of his time was more widely
known or more highly loved and respected.
The public confidence in, and respect for his honesty and singleness of
aim toward the good of the country ripened into an affectionate
attachment. His bearing and address were characterized by simplicity and
modesty. He resembled a quiet student, rather than the head of a great
nation. He was a perfect gentleman.
At another time Jefferson said of him: "From three and thirty years'
trial I can say conscientiously that I do not know IN THE WHOLE WORLD a
man of purer integrity, more dispassionate, disinterested, and devoted
to true republicanism; nor could I in the whole scope of America and
Europe point out an abler head." What more could be said? O that we
could have such a monument left to mark our memory.